[Sidenote: 1739-1763.]
I have followed with little interruption the long tale of
hostilities which opened with the declaration of war with Spain
and closed with the Peace of Fontainebleau; for despite the brief
truce made by the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the armies of England
and France were eternally in collision either in the far east or
the far west, so that to all intent the struggle resolved itself
into one long war. Little though she knew it, England, when she
entered wantonly and with a light heart upon the attack on the
Spanish Main, had really set herself to wrestle with the French for
the empire of the world. For nearly seventeen years she waited for
the man who would carry her victorious through the contest; and at
last he appeared. The instant change which came over the spirit of
the nation when he assumed command has already been shown in the
narrative of the operations. It remains only to study more closely
the conduct of the war in the departments at home, and to trace the
progress, not only in the organisation and training of the various
branches of the Army, but also in the general administration.
The war with Spain opened, as will be remembered, while the nation
had not yet ceased to rail at the iniquity of a standing Army,
when the ascendency of the civilian element at the War Office was
overpowering, and when the attitude of the ordinary citizen towards
the soldier was unfriendly even to aggression. These evils, as may
be guessed, did not pass away at once, even though the obnoxious
red-coats were embarked or embarking for foreign service. In
1741 there was a general refusal of innkeepers to supply soldiers
with food and forage, owing to the dearth caused by a winter of
extraordinary severity. Such refusal was not unreasonable; and it
was proposed to meet the difficulty by a new clause in the Mutiny
Act. It will hardly be believed that one member of the House of
Commons made this suggestion a pretext for urging that the Mutiny
Act should be dispensed with altogether, his argument being that
if the system of billets should break down it would be necessary
to build barracks, which would result in the subjection of the
country to military government.[402] Two years later again[403]
advantage was taken of an address to the King respecting his hired
Hessian troops, to insert words, designed evidently for purposes
of insult only, referring to, the burthensome and useless army at
home. Nor did such amenities end even after the warning of 1745,
for the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, which left the air still electric
with war, was no sooner signed than the old foolish arguments
against a standing Army reappeared in the House of Lords, propped
by such stable epigrams as "To a free state an army is like drams
to a constitution." Yet the full measure of the intoxicant which
was distilled for the ruin of the nation was a niggardly draught
of nineteen thousand men. These childish outbursts continued
until 1754, when they ceased, at any rate until the close of the
war, having served their mischievous purpose in keeping alive
old animosities which common patriotism and common sense would
have buried without ceremony. The ill-will of publicans and of
municipalities continued likewise unabated for a few years,[404]
but rapidly dwindled away before more generous feelings; and
unreasonable complaints from this quarter almost disappear from the
correspondence of the War Office after Dettingen.
The War Office itself was slower to mend its ways. The
Secretary-at-War was quite equal to such petty jobbery as procuring
the promotion of sergeants and corporals; but for all other
purposes the Office showed itself at first to be utterly and
hopelessly inefficient. Glimpses of maladministration have already
been seen in the account of the expedition to Carthagena; but the
blindness and ignorance of the officials became still more patent
when Lord Stair's force was despatched to the Netherlands. The
Office had not been at the pains to keep even its records in order.
Not a soul seems to have known what were the rules as to allowances
for forage, baggage, and the like, for troops embarking on active
service; and the officials were obliged to apply to old officers
who had served with Marlborough to gather precedents on such purely
departmental matters as these.[405] From such beginnings it is not
difficult to judge of that which must have come after.
The Office of Ordnance also was at the outset as badly disorganised
as the War Office. Its shortcomings have already been shown in the
matter of the train sent out to Carthagena; but even a year after
the departure of Cathcart it seems to have made no improvement.
Transports destined for the West Indies in 1741 were obliged to put
in at Cork because the water shipped at Spithead was undrinkable,
and the provisions supplied for the men unfit to eat.[406] Stair,
again, was despatched to the Netherlands without artillery or
engineers, a deficiency which brought his force into immense
contempt with the French; and when he asked for siege-guns he
found that all England could afford him was but twenty twenty-four
pounders.[407] Small arms again were so scarce that, when the king
rearmed the infantry, it was necessary to purchase ten thousand
muskets and bayonets abroad.[408] In Scotland again the inquiries
of Hawley and Handasyde revealed not less flagrant neglect.[409]
But this was by no means all. The general condition of the national
defences both at home and abroad was most alarming; and the
result was that at the opening of 1743 there was a regular panic
among all the seaports, great and small, on the coast of England.
Frantic applications poured into the Office of Ordnance for guns,
carriages, and ammunition. It seems to have been the custom for the
minor ports to erect batteries at their own expense, and to apply
to the Government for their armament; so that the blame for these
shortcomings must rest in part upon local authorities. But there is
no such excuse for carelessness in respect of regular strongholds,
such as Pendennis Castle, where forty-six guns were found to be in
charge of a master-gunner ninety years of age, aided by a single
assistant. It was not until 1756, when ministers should have been
looking after Minorca, that the Government suddenly took the alarm
and threw up lines of defence at Chatham, Portsea, and Plymouth
Dock.[410]
Colonial stations, for which the British Government was
responsible, were in little better order. Newfoundland was in a
deplorable condition,[411] and Gibraltar even worse; nor could all
the representations of officers procure attention for them. As late
as in May 1757, even after the actual fall of Minorca, Governor
Lord Tyrawley wrote furiously of the state of affairs at the Rock.
There had been total stagnation for many years; letters had not
been answered; requests often repeated had remained unheeded. The
guns mounted on the fortress were too short, the spare carriages
were too few, the palisades better fitted for hen-coops than for
fortifications; in fact the defences were reduced to dangerous
weakness by years of systematic neglect.[412] At St. Kitts, again,
the Thirty-eighth Foot, which for years had formed the standing
garrison, was in a miserable condition; not forty per cent of the
men were fit for service; their clothing was in rags; they had
neither hats nor shoes nor cartridge-boxes nor swords.[413] Nor
were the self-governing colonies more careful than the mother
country. Wealthy West Indian Islands, notwithstanding the incessant
warnings of their governors, found themselves at the outbreak of
the war in dangerous want of arms and ammunition; and there was a
rush of all the colonies both in the West Indies and in America
for guns and stores, which ought to have been ready in their own
magazines.[414] British carelessness, aggravated by the evil
example of factious politicians in the mother country, and by
the spectacle of such a creature as Newcastle in high place, had
well-nigh stripped the empire of its defences.
As to the Army itself, enough has been said in the account of
the operations to show how unstable, despite the abundance of
individual heroism, were the foundations upon which it rested.
The interference of civilian administrators and of irresponsible
politicians with military discipline had wrought mischief untold.
Officers could not be brought to do duty with their regiments.
Stair found the difficulty insuperable; so also did Hawley; so
even did Cumberland in Scotland; while in the garrison of Minorca
the evil transcended all bounds. Thus both the _personnel_ and
_matériel_ of the Army were nearly ruined, the former by persistent
jobbery and meddling on the part of civil officials, the latter by
the equally persistent carping of factious critics in the House of
Commons, which forbade the presentation of estimates for necessary
works. The military system was in fact a chaos; and it was only by
the strenuous efforts of two men, who strangely enough abominated
each other, that this chaos was reduced to order.
The first of these two was Cumberland. Though in many respects a
martinet of a narrow type, and no great commander in the field,
Cumberland was an able man, a strong man, and an administrator. He
it was who first took the Army seriously in hand and set himself
to reduce it to discipline. He began during his first campaign
by teaching the officers that they must obey. Hitherto it seems
that they had taken the field as if they were going to a picnic,
after the fashion of the French, travelling comfortably if not
luxuriously, and neglecting all duties except that of displaying
gallantry in action. Cumberland quickly put a stop to this. The
number of wheeled carriages, even for general officers, was
strictly limited, and two only, one for the colonel and one for
the sutler, were allowed in each regiment; while in order to
reduce baggage still further, it was ordered that no officer under
the rank of brigadier-general should appear either in camp or in
quarters, on or off duty, except in his regimental coat, old or
new.[415] Such orders may appear ludicrous at the present day, but
they point to a tightening of the reins of discipline that was very
sorely needed. Cumberland, too, was impatient of useless officers.
He disliked the system of purchase[416] and chafed at the retention
of old colonels, some so unfit for duty as to be confined in a
mad-house, whose permanent presence on the active list prevented
the advancement of deserving officers.[417] His own selections
were not always fortunate, as witness Hawley and Braddock, but he
was fully alive to the merit of such men as Ligonier, Wolfe, and
Conway, to whom, though not of his school, he gladly gave promotion.
But it is after the close of the first war, when the Duke had
returned to be Commander-in-Chief in time of peace, that his work
is seen to greatest advantage. The whole tone of the War Office is
changed. The Secretary-at-War almost reverts to his old position of
clerk to the Commander-in-Chief. Military authority is predominant
in military matters, and "Secretary-at-War's leave of absence"
becomes a thing of the past. The functionary, who not many years
before was ready to perpetrate a job for any officer with vote or
interest, suddenly develops virtuous scruples and objects to the
once familiar phrase, as he never grants leave without the King's
signature.[418] But it is less by isolated examples, such as
this, than by a general alteration in the methods of transacting
business, that the Duke's hand may be traced. There is no longer
the indiscriminate correspondence with every rank of officer;
but due regard is paid to the rights of superior officers as
channels of communication and discipline, and to the authority of
the Commander-in-Chief as the supreme motive power. In fact, a
work of great and beneficial reform is seen to accomplish itself
imperceptibly through the will and influence of a single strong
man; and Cumberland's services herein have never received the
recognition that they deserve. The Duke, indeed, with all his
foibles and prejudices was no ordinary man; and it is no surprise
to one who has followed his administrative work to find that Horace
Walpole ranked him with his father, Sir Robert Walpole, with
Granville, Mansfield, and Pitt as one of the five great men that he
had known. It is no disparagement of other members of the Royal
Family to say that he was the ablest man which it has produced
during the two centuries of its reign in England.
The other man who raised the tone of the Army beyond estimation
was of course Pitt. His share in the work, however, was very
different in its nature from Cumberland's; though, without the
preliminary reforms of Cumberland, his influence could hardly have
been so successful as it was. Pitt's instincts respecting military
administration, as distinct from the statesman's choice of a
theatre of war, were thoroughly sound. He was for allowing officers
to do their work, and for backing them loyally as they did it.
Thus when in 1750 George Townsend, afterwards Wolfe's brigadier,
proposed a clause in the Mutiny Bill to prevent non-commissioned
officers or privates from being punished except by sentence of
court-martial, Pitt crushed him with words which deserve to be
remembered. "We," he said, "have no business with the conduct
of the Army, nor with their complaints one against another. If
we give ear to any such complaint we shall either destroy all
discipline, or the House will be despised of officers and detested
of soldiers." Cumberland himself would have asked for no severer
criticism than this; and yet Pitt, though perhaps unconsciously,
was probably more obnoxious in his military even than in his
political views to Cumberland. The Duke, as has been repeatedly
illustrated, was a soldier of the rigidest German type. "He was as
angry," to use Walpole's happy phrase, "at an officer's infringing
the minutest precept of the military rubric as at his deserting his
post, and was as intent on establishing the form of spatterdashes
and cockades as on taking a town or securing an advantageous
situation." In other words, he lacked that sense of proportion
in matters of discipline which distinguishes the disciplinarian
from the martinet. Now, despite the influence of Cumberland, there
was growing up in the Army a school of officers quite as strict
as he was in needful matters of discipline, but less rigid, less
narrow, and more humane--officers who looked upon their men not
as marionettes to be dressed and undressed, used up and thrown
away, but as human flesh and blood, with good feelings that could
be played on, good understandings that could be instructed,
self-respect that needed only to be cultivated, and high instincts
that waited only to be evoked. Such an officer, as his regimental
orders can prove, was Wolfe, who contrived to turn even the work
of road-making in Scotland to excellent disciplinary account; and
indeed I am disposed to think that this same road-making, first
begun under the direction of the mild and gentle Wade, had much
to do with the foundation of the new school. The officers were
brought very much more into contact with their men off parade,
being obliged to supervise them while at work and to enjoin on them
conciliatory bearing and behaviour towards the inhabitants; and the
men, on their side, were happy and well-conducted, for they were
kept constantly employed and received a welcome addition to their
pay. It must be remembered that the gulf fixed between officer
and man at that time was much wider than at present. Nowadays it
is nothing for the subalterns of the smartest regiment of cavalry
to pull off their coats and work with their men at the unshipping
of horses from a transport; then it was almost painful to men
to see their officers lay their hand to any but officer's work.
A sergeant of Murray's garrison at Quebec describes the labours
of his officers when hauling up the guns almost with tears. Such
things were not seemly for gentlemen to do. But beyond all doubt
the new school introduced a healthier feeling between officers and
men, having the courage to utter its sentiments in print. "Never
beat your men," says an officer's manual of the year 1760; "it is
unmanly. I have too often seen a brave, honest old soldier banged
and battered at the caprice of an arrogant officer." And then
follows a protest against picketting, tying neck and heels, the
wooden horse and other punishments of torture, which were never
inflicted by court-martial, but by the authority of officers
only.[419] Such teaching was not in accordance with the system of
Cumberland as expounded by himself or by his favourites Braddock
and Hawley.
Yet it was to officers of this new school that Pitt, when he
could have his way, preferred to entrust his work, partly perhaps
on account of their youth and vigour, but more probably owing
to their freedom from the fetters of pipeclay. Amherst, though
he maintained an excellent tone among his troops, was hardly a
perfect representative of the school, but Howe and Wolfe were
pre-eminently of it, as were likewise such of Wolfe's pupils as
Monckton and Murray. India seems spontaneously to have produced men
who commanded in virtue of personal ascendency, though the only
training of Lawrence, Forde, and Coote had been that of regimental
officers. Still these men, though appointed by sheer force of
circumstances and by no nomination of Pitt's, served to confirm the
correctness of his judgment.
By giving scope to this new stamp of officer Pitt rendered the Army
signal service, apart from the spirit which he infused into it, as
into every body of Englishmen, of energy and adventure. He was too
good a master for men to be willing to return to him, unless they
had fulfilled their mission or exhausted every effort to fulfil
it. It is possible even that the raids on the French coast, which
are a blot on his fame as a minister of war, might have been more
successful (though they could never have been profitable) could
he have appointed commanders of his own choice. But in truth the
work of Pitt as a designer of campaigns and operations of war was
by no means flawless. He had skill in thinking out how a body of
men could be passed rapidly on from enterprise to enterprise,
as from Guadeloupe to Canada, from Canada back to Martinique,
from Martinique to Havanna, and from Havanna, as he hoped, to
Louisiana. But he never made sufficient allowance for the waste of
men in the process, nor, apparently, for the loss of life entailed
by maintaining large garrisons in tropical territory. In some
respects, too, the military administration was little better in his
day than in Newcastle's. Notwithstanding the warning given by the
terrible losses of the troops during the occupation of Louisburg,
no proper care was taken to provide them with special clothing
in subsequent winters in Canada; while the arrangements for the
hospitals in Germany were so deficient that few of the invalids of
the campaign of 1760 ever rejoined their regiments.[420] Hodgson,
again, before starting for Belleisle, complained bitterly of his
want of officers and of the inadequacy of the preparations made
by the Office of Ordnance. These abuses were, it is true, due to
the shortcomings of departments only, and therefore must not be
charged against a minister who bore the burden, not only of the
direction of the war, but of foreign affairs also on his shoulders;
but it is, I think, a reproach to Pitt's military administration
that he did not appreciate the importance of husbanding the lives
of his troops. The British soldier, to put the matter in its least
sentimental and most brutally practical light, has always been a
most expensive article; no prodigality can be more ruinous than
the careless squandering of his life, no economy so false as the
grudging of his comfort. But this failing in Pitt, serious though
it be, is far outweighed by the profound policy which converted
the militia into an efficient force for defence against invasion,
thus liberating the regular army for purposes of conquest; and by
the military insight which kept King Frederick subsidised, and
Prince Ferdinand's army afoot as auxiliary to Frederick, thus
turning the whole war in Europe into a diversion in England's
favour. Nor was this policy wholly selfish, for loudly though the
Prussians still complain of the withdrawal of Pitt's subsidies by
Bute, Pitt remained in office long enough to tide Frederick over
the deadliest of his peril, and so to establish the corner-stone
of the present German Empire. Yet even these achievements pale
before the mighty genius and the lofty enthusiasm which called the
English-speaking people to arms on both sides the Atlantic to wrest
from France the possession of the world. The minister of war is
swallowed up in the statesman of the Empire.
The next subject of inquiry is the manner of raising that Army,
large beyond precedent in English history, which was accumulated
by the end of the war. It will be remembered that the regiments
of cavalry rose to thirty-two, and that in the infantry of the
Line the numbered regiments were one hundred and twenty-four,
besides two corps of Highlanders (which for some reason were
known by titles of a different kind) and the brigade of Guards,
making altogether a total little short of one hundred and fifty
battalions. To provide recruits for such a force on the ordinary
terms was impossible; and the struggle with France had hardly
begun before recourse was made to the system of short service.
In the session of 1743-44 was passed the first of a series of
Recruiting Acts on the model of those which had been passed under
Queen Anne. The bounty offered to volunteers was four pounds, while
parish-officers were empowered to impress unemployed men, for
each of which they received a reward of one pound and the parish
of three pounds. The standard for recruits was fixed at five feet
five inches; and it was enacted that every volunteer or enlisted
man should be entitled to his discharge at the end of three years.
In the following session the Act was somewhat altered. The bounty
to volunteers was abolished; the gift to the parish was reduced to
two pounds; the standard was lowered by one inch, and the term of
service was extended to five years. But as yet of course the real
drain on the supply of Englishmen was not begun.
After the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle an effort was made in the House
of Commons to establish the principle of short service in time of
peace. In February 1750 Mr. Thomas Pitt, a kinsman of the Great
Commoner, brought forward a bill to enact that soldiers should
henceforward be enlisted for ten years, and that the price of
discharge should be fixed at three pounds. The scheme was opposed
on the ground that men would always claim discharge after receiving
their new clothing, and so defraud the colonel; that the country
would be filled with idle vagabonds; and that the Pretender's
adherents would take advantage of the measure to obtain military
training, which would later be turned against England herself.
One speaker, who supported the bill, thought ten years too long a
term; and Colonel Henry Conway, an officer of much promise, while
approving the principle contended that the bill as it stood would
be useless, since no man would enlist for service in Ireland or the
Colonies without a bounty, nor accept smaller bounty than the cost
of his discharge. More than one member who took part in the debate
deplored the system of enlisting men for life, which by depriving
them of hope made them idle and disorderly; but all agreed that the
limitation of the term of service must inevitably lead to increased
expense, since it would entail the need of a larger number of
recruits. The expense of recruiting fell at that time of course
on the officers, pay being allowed for a few fictitious men on
the muster-rolls, and the proceeds turned into a recruiting fund.
While this practice lasted, it was futile to speak of enlisting
more recruits, for the officers simply could not afford it. It was
useless to urge, as Conway and Oglethorpe did, that the expense of
recruiting at ordinary times should be borne not by the regiment
but by the public; for this would have meant an augmentation in the
military estimates which was not to be thought of for a moment.
So after a useful debate the bill was defeated by one hundred and
fifty-four to ninety-two.[421]
On the renewal of the war a Recruiting Act identical with that of
1744-45 was passed; but in the following year (1756-57) a bounty
of three pounds was again offered to volunteers, who were also
allowed to take service for three years only. With this latter
Act the measures sanctioned by Parliament came to an end, and
though this particular enactment was passed, as usual, for one
year only, I conceive that it must have been renewed annually
to the close of the war.[422] There were of course the usual
abuses in the enforcement of these Acts, abuses which rose to a
grave height towards the end of the war. The country was so much
exhausted in 1762 that the standard was reduced to five feet two
inches,[423] by which time men made a regular living by hanging
about the recruiting officers, ready to accompany them before a
justice and to swear that some hapless creature had taken the
King's bounty.[424] Practically there was impressment for the army
as for the navy; and indeed as early as in 1744 the newspapers
speak openly of a general press made in Southwark for the Army
and marines, with the satisfactory result of a haul of two
hundred men.[425] Nor was impressment without its usual romantic
consequences. On one of the ships of Admiral Boscawen's squadron
in 1748 was a marine named James Gray, who was duly landed with
the rest for the siege of Pondicherry. In the course of the siege
Gray had the misfortune to be wounded, apparently by splinters,
receiving six wounds in one leg, five in the other and a bullet
in the groin. This last hurt the injured marine did not submit to
the doctors, contriving to extract the bullet without assistance,
and so to make a good recovery. In due time Gray returned to
England; and then there came a petition to the Duke of Cumberland
setting forth that James Gray was in a reality a woman named Hannah
Snell. Her sweetheart had been impressed, so she had enlisted
and followed him to India, braving all the misery of the voyage
and the hardships of the siege to be with him; but all had been
to no purpose, for the sweetheart had died, leaving her alone,
maimed, friendless and penniless. It is satisfactory to learn that
Cumberland at once obtained for her a pension of thirty pounds a
year from the King's own bounty.[426]
It should be remembered, meanwhile, that since the Highlands had
been thrown open, the old recruiting grounds had been considerably
enlarged, and that the prospect of bearing arms had attracted great
numbers of Highlanders to the ranks. Exclusive of the Forty-second
there were at least a dozen Highland battalions on the list in
1762. Irish Catholics again were admitted to the Army, at any
rate in America, and distinguished themselves particularly in the
Twenty-eighth Regiment at Quebec, where Wolfe himself charged
at their head.[427] But to what other shifts the Government may
have resorted I have unfortunately been unable to discover. It is
more than probable that several corps were formed under peculiar
conditions of service. At least one whole regiment of Highlanders,
the Duke of Sutherland's, was raised explicitly for three years
only or till the close of the war;[428] and the same principle was
doubtless extended to other cases. Private enterprise also came to
the help of the country. Very early in the war a society was formed
in London to promote the enlistment of marines; and after Minden
the Common Council of London opened subscriptions to encourage
recruiting, and promised to admit men so enlisted to trade within
the city forthwith, if discharged with a good character on the
close of the war.[429] Then again there were regiments like Hale's
and Granby's Light Dragoons which were raised by patriotic
officers without cost to the country; and it is probable that
these were not solitary examples. Similar advantages of economy
seem to have dictated the creation in 1760 and the following years
of innumerable independent companies, which after a few months
of isolated existence were sorted together into regiments. The
history of this system is exceedingly obscure, but it appears to
have amounted practically to the offer of a commission to every man
who could or would raise a hundred recruits. It was adopted amid
considerable difference of opinion, and was not a success, the men
so enlisted being generally unfit to carry a musket.[430] Speaking
broadly, it may be asserted that during this war the ranks were
filled by compulsion far more than by attraction, and by compulsion
so ruthless that recruits would resort to self-mutilation to escape
service.
An interesting experiment in the inner organisation of the
recruiting service was instituted by advice of Lord Stair, namely
the formation of two extra companies of infantry and one extra
troop of cavalry for all regiments on active service. The object
was to maintain a depot at home to refill all vacancies in the
ranks abroad, and so to obviate the necessity of sending back
recruiting officers from abroad to England. The plan did not at
first commend itself to the King, and Stair was obliged to urge
it repeatedly before he could obtain for it a trial; but the
suggestion seems to have been approved by Cumberland, and to have
been put into practice for a time, though the additional companies
were presently amalgamated into distinct regiments.[431] Therewith
the whole system of the feeding of regiments abroad fell back
on the old plan of drafting; and during the Seven Years' War
regiments at home, particularly the dragoons,[432] were raised to
a considerable strength to serve simply as recruiting depots for
regiments abroad. From a regimental standpoint the story of the
war is one of drafting, drafting, drafting, with of course all
the vices that had been condemned by Marlborough attendant on the
practice. The garrisons of captured places suffered terribly from
this evil, particularly in the West Indies, where service was still
abominated by the men. There was no such reluctance to go to the
East Indies, where there was some prospect of spoil; and men and
officers gladly took advantage of the opportunity afforded to them
not only to go to India, but to stay there in the Company's service
after their regiments had been recalled.[433] But the West Indies
were held in horror and loathing. It became more and more the
practice to pardon deserters and bad characters on their accepting
service in that unpopular quarter, though even so there were men
who preferred to take a thousand lashes.[434] As the operations in
the West Indies grew wider of extent, resort was made as usual to
drafting; whereupon the colonels, to whom it fell to supply the
drafts, of course seized the opportunity to rid themselves of their
worst men, heedless of the unhappy corps to which they consigned
them.[435] The government of a captured island in the Antilles on
such terms was no very enviable post.
But the British Isles were by no means the only recruiting ground
of the Army during this long struggle. Braddock as early as in 1755
was ordered to fill up his regiments with recruits from America;
and the system, as has already been seen, was carried farther and
farther as the war progressed. There were at first considerable
difficulties, which the British Government attempted to meet by
proclaiming that two hundred acres of land should be granted free
of rent for ten years to all recruits, after the close of the
war.[436] It should seem, however, that this temptation was of
small effect, for the Americans enjoyed all the British prejudice
against a red-coat, and at first drew little distinction between
a soldier and a negro. The Sixtieth in particular found great
obstruction to recruiting in Pennsylvania; the lawyers, justices,
and people at large being violently opposed to enlistment[437] even
for short terms of three or four years. Violent controversies raged
over the recruiting of indented servants, the "white servants"
or white slaves to which I have already referred; their owners
pleading not without reason that, having paid for the passage
of these men, they were entitled to consider them as their own
property, or, to use their own phrase, as "bought servants." This
difficulty was settled by providing for compensation to the owners
for loss of such men; but even so the most serious obstacles
remained unremoved. In New Jersey, for instance, the justices would
persuade recruits not to be attested, or would grant warrants
against them for fictitious debts and throw them into gaol until
the regiment that sought them had marched away. Finally in 1760
Amherst wrote that, though his battalions were seven thousand men
below the proper strength, he could obtain no recruits owing to
the vast bounty offered by the provincial authorities to their
own troops. These facts should not be forgotten in view of the
far greater contest between mother country and colonies which
lies close ahead of us. The colonists boasted constantly, and
not without just cause, of the sacrifices which they had made
throughout the war; but they overlooked the incessant difficulties
which they threw in the way of the King's commanders.[438]
Intimately connected with the subject of recruiting is the
general condition of the private soldier. There was little or no
alteration in his pay or allowances during the period under review;
and such changes as there were tended if anything rather to his
disadvantage. It appears that the War Office had not yet learned
that the rigid rules applicable to service at home were impossible
of enforcement abroad, and either through blindness or ignorance
insisted that all additional burdens, imposed by differences of
climate and remoteness from civilisation, must be borne by the
soldier. The mutiny roused at Louisburg by excessive stoppages from
the pay of the men has already been related; but so dangerous a
warning even as this produced no result, for the grievance remained
unredressed and led to a second mutiny of the troops in Canada
in 1763.[439] The meanness of the Government in respect of such
matters was indescribable. It would not even supply extra blankets
for the garrison of Quebec, but decided that the price must be
deducted from each soldier's pay, and this although recruits
were already hardly obtainable for garrisons abroad.[440] Not an
official, notwithstanding the repeated representations of military
officers, seems to have been capable of devising a new system to
cover new conditions. The old formulæ were stretched and stretched
again till they became a mere confusion of rents and patches,
barely sufficient to cover the nakedness of maladministration.
It is true that the Government was not wholly to blame; it was
rather that spirit of carping and meddlesome criticism in the
Commons which in these days has led to what is called legislation
by reference, with the result that few Acts of Parliament are
intelligible without a complete body of the Statutes of the
past century to elucidate them. In mortal dread of distasteful
discussion of the military estimates, the civil authorities clothed
every possible grant of money in the garment of pay for so many
men, and made it over to regimental officers to do their best or
worst with it. Hence arose a chaos of strange terms which are the
bewilderment and despair of every student. The mysteries of the
"recruiting-fund" have already been laid bare, and the veil which
shrouds the "widow's man" has likewise been lifted; but the list
is unfortunately far longer than this. As though widow's men were
not sufficient, there were also "contingent men," fictitious men
kept on the rolls of every company that their pay might discharge
the contingent expenses of the captain.[441] Then there was an
item known as "grass-money," an allowance of similar nature, but
of so complicated a description that it can be shown only in
tabulated form.[442] There were also curious devices whereby
the foot-soldier likewise was provided with certain necessary
portions of his equipment. Then there was yet another source of
regimental income called the stock-purse, which applied originally
to dragoons only, and was made up partly from the recruiting fund,
partly from the vacant pay of men when the troop was below its
established strength, and partly from the value of cast horses.
The fund so collected was placed in the hands of the agent, to
defray contingent expenses and current cost of recruiting. As all
horses were cast at the age of fourteen, and as four horses, at
a price not exceeding twenty guineas apiece, were replaced every
year irrespective of those lost by death or accident, it may be
imagined that a stroke of bad luck might reduce a troop to ruin.
All this, however, was part of the system which made the Army pay
for itself, and was therefore preserved in defiance of the trouble
and confusion to which it inevitably led. It may now be understood
why officers who loved their regiments frequently bequeathed large
sums of money to the regimental funds, to enable their successors
to secure good recruits and to uphold the fair name of the corps.
Thus it is sufficiently evident that the Army, notwithstanding
the wild ravings in Parliament, did far more for itself than the
country did for it; though there are signs that as an institution
it was gradually finding acceptance with the nation. In 1740 the
nickname of "lobster" for a soldier, which thirty or forty years
ago was common enough, first made its appearance, curiously enough
with the Christian name of Thomas prefixed to it.[443] Then in
the same year Parliament called for and printed a return of the
officers of the Army, which was continued yearly and ripened
into the annual Army List.[444] Another change also helped to
give regiments a surer identity in the popular mind, namely the
substitution of a number for the colonel's name for the distinction
of corps from corps. This reform crept in during July 1753;[445]
but it was many years before the colonel's name was altogether
discarded, while the numbers did not find a place on the buttons
until 1767. Then, to pass to minuter matters, sufficient deference
was paid to the popular love of military music to relieve the
colonels in part of the burden of hiring bandsmen, who, in some
regiments at any rate, were after 1749 enlisted as soldiers and
placed under military discipline.[446] In the cavalry, where the
trumpeters supplied six or eight men more or less skilled in the
playing of a wind-instrument, the issue of horns and bassoons to
these sufficed more cheaply to form a band of music;[447] but the
main burden of supporting a band has always lain, as it still lies,
upon the officers. Private enterprise, which thus forced military
musicians upon the country, strove also to impose another modern
fashion, but without success. After his march to Fort Duquêsne
General Forbes caused a medal to be struck, of extremely florid
design, and authorised such of his officers as might desire it
to wear the same in gold suspended from their necks by a blue
ribbon.[448] The hint, however, was not taken at home,--possibly
the fame of it never reached official ears,--and though a medal
might have increased the flow of recruits and reconciled men to
service beyond sea, not one was issued. Ferdinand of Brunswick
received the Garter, and Amherst the red ribbon of the Bath, but
nothing was done to commemorate for lesser men the share that they
had taken in the conquest of an empire.
I turn now to consideration of the military progress in the three
combatant branches of the Army. In the Cavalry an early change,
which has been perpetuated by certain regimental titles to the
present day, was the conversion of the three senior regiments of
Horse into Dragoons, with the names which they still retain of the
First, Second, and Third Dragoon Guards. This was done in December
1746 and was apparently part of a general scheme of economy; for
at precisely the same time the Third and Fourth troops of the Life
Guards were disbanded, and two troops only reserved, together with
two troops of Horse Grenadier Guards.[449] But there seems also
to have been somewhat of a craze for dragoons at the moment,[450]
first because their pay was small, and secondly, because Frederick
the Great, in imitation of the Austrians, had made greater mobility
the rule for all cavalry. In truth the old distinctions between
Horse and Dragoons were disappearing fast and becoming very much
a question of names. The French indeed still made it a rule not
to place dragoons in the line of battle; but the horse in their
army was distinguished by being heavily clad in defensive armour.
Ligonier, who loved the cavalry above all arms, boldly advised the
disregard of all fanciful differences, and the issue of defensive
armour to the British dragoons; but his recommendation remained
unnoticed for twelve years, when, in a true spirit of pedantry,
cuirasses and iron skull-caps were given in 1758 to the Blues
and in 1760 to the Third and Fourth Horse, or to give them their
present names, the Sixth and Seventh Dragoon Guards.[451] Another
defect noted by Ligonier in the organisation of the cavalry was
the extreme weakness of the British squadrons as compared with the
French; for remedy of which he purposed to raise the strength of
troops of horse to fifty and of dragoons to seventy-five troopers.
Such a reform would have been valuable as a return to Cromwell's
system of making the units strong enough to provide full employment
for the officers; but the authorities settled the question in a
far more simple fashion by ordaining that three troops, instead
of two as heretofore, should be the strength of a squadron on
service.[452] The country has waited long for Ligonier's suggestion
to be adopted, and it is only within very recent years, if now,
that it has at last grasped the soundness of the principle.
More important as a step forward was the institution of Light
Dragoons, begun, as has been told, by the establishment first of
light troops and later of complete light regiments. The example in
this case came from a corps formed during the Scottish rebellion
of 1745, the Duke of Kingston's Light Dragoons, which did so good
service that, though disbanded after Culloden, it was at once
reformed as the Duke of Cumberland's own. As such it distinguished
itself greatly at Lauffeld, and Cumberland pleaded hard that it
might be spared after the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle; but with
the usual blindness it was disbanded, and thus a regiment of
quite unusual value and promise was sacrificed.[453] Happily the
Fifteenth Light Dragoons made a most brilliant beginning for the
new branch of the cavalry, and assured its success. The light
dragoons were distinguished by wearing a helmet of lacquered copper
or leather, and were armed with carbine, bayonet, pistol, and
sword, carrying also entrenching tools in their holsters. Their
horses are described as of the nag or hunter kind, standing from
fourteen hands three inches to fifteen hands one inch; and their
saddlery was lighter than that of the ordinary dragoon. Being
intended for employment as irregular troops they were known from
the first in England as hussars;[454] but though they received
special training in horsemanship and in firing, even at a gallop,
from the saddle, they had little or no instruction in the duties
of reconnaissance, which were the peculiar function of the hussar.
Nothing could be more characteristic of the difference between
the true and the false light cavalry than the behaviour of the
Fifteenth at Emsdorff, who charged through and through the French
infantry without hesitation, while the Prussian hussars, never
coming to close quarters, lost not a man nor a horse. Fortunately
it was not the true hussar that was most sorely needed on that day.
For the rest, before the opening of the war the old system of
manœuvre by turning every horse in his own ground had given
place to that by wheeling of small divisions, although the ranks
were still formed three deep. It does not appear that the drill
introduced by Frederick the Great for field-movements was adopted
either in whole or in part, though possibly it may have been
practised by individual colonels. Shock-action our cavalry did
not need to learn from Frederick, having learned it already of
Marlborough; but our squadrons seem as usual to have been prone to
their besetting sin of unwillingness to rally after a successful
charge. It was this wild galloping forward that wrecked Ligonier's
heroic regiments at Lauffeld. On the other hand, Granby's
squadrons, for all their leader's impetuosity, seem to have been
well in hand at Warburg, and to have done their work with spirit
and yet subject to control. But a trot of two hours before coming
into action had probably rubbed the keen edge off both horses and
men.
Passing next to the Artillery we approach the most remarkable
development observable during this period in the whole Army.
Notwithstanding the early disgraces at Carthagena and the
shortcomings of the Office of Ordnance, the gunners after 1741
are found to raise the reputation of their corps steadily in all
parts of the world. Their place as yet was still on the left of
the line, yielding precedence to the whole of the rest of the
Army, but they were entitling themselves to a higher station. This
sudden change is doubtless in great measure attributable to the
foundation of the Academy at Woolwich, with an allowance at first
of two hundred pounds, which after a few months was increased to a
thousand pounds, a year.[455] In 1744 the forty gentlemen cadets
were formed into a single company, and their pay was raised from
one shilling to sixteenpence a day; their number also was increased
to forty-eight, and from thenceforth the cadet-company stood as
the senior company of the corps.[456] The growth of the Royal
Regiment in numbers in itself is remarkable. In 1741 it possessed
but three marching companies, but from that year onwards it was
constantly increased by one, two, or four companies, until in 1757
it consisted of twenty-four companies in two battalions and in 1761
of thirty-one companies in three battalions, or close on thirty-two
hundred of all ranks. Finally, in 1760, a warrant was issued for
the formation of a distinct regiment of Royal Irish Artillery.
At first the gunners are seen at work principally with the
battalion guns, light three-pounders or six-pounders, which though
attached to the infantry were served by artillerymen;[457] but
they are always distinguished, whether at Fontenoy or before
Trichinopoly, by the rapidity and accuracy of their fire. In
Germany, however, we find the guns before Minden scientifically
concentrated and handled in large masses by the skill of the
Count of Lippe-Bückeburg; and there the British batteries win the
admiration of the most critical artillerists in Europe, and their
officers the special praise of Ferdinand of Brunswick himself. The
influence of the Academy had told early; but it is a still more
significant fact that British Artillery officers, not obtaining
their commissions by purchase, did not rise to command without
knowledge of their work. The variety of guns issued for the field
was very great, and though three-pounders seem to have given place
in the Seven Years' War to light six-pounders as the lightest
ordnance employed,[458] yet there were also heavy six-pounders,
light and heavy twelve-pounders, howitzers and twenty-four
pounders. It was probably the light six-pounders that amazed the
whole army at Warburg by advancing at the gallop, a feat which was
the more remarkable since drivers and horses were still hired,
and not part and parcel of the corps as at present.[459] Finally,
Mauvillon bears witness that the British guns were kept far the
cleanest and in the most perfect order of any in the whole Allied
army.
Of the Engineers it is impossible to speak as favourably; indeed
it is almost an extreme assumption to assert their existence
except in name. A school of engineering was founded in 1741; and
the small establishment of engineers as fixed in 1717 having been
largely increased in 1756 was finally reorganised with a strength
of sixty-one officers in 1759.[460] There seem to have been no
men, except a strong company of miners, which, however, was borne
on the strength of the Royal Artillery.[461] The results of the
school were singularly small compared with those of the Academy at
Woolwich. Wentworth possessed one efficient engineer at Carthagena,
but Stair had not even one in the Low Countries, and was obliged
to engage Dutch and Austrian officers;[462] while the engineers
employed with Boscawen at Pondicherry, Abercromby at Ticonderoga,
and Hodgson at Belleisle were all alike inefficient. The fact is
less remarkable when it is remembered that the sea obviates the
necessity for the fortification of inland towns in England. In
truth the French engineers, in respect both of the skill of the
officers and the organisation of the men, seem to have stood far
above the rest of Europe,[463] while the British probably stood
lowest of all.
Lastly we come to the Infantry. Attention has already been called
to the reforms initiated by Howe, Washington, Forbes, Bouquet, and
Amherst, which, though still too much advanced to receive welcome
at home, were to be realised by Sir John Moore forty years later.
The great characteristic of the British infantry throughout the war
is the excellence of their fire-discipline and the deadly accuracy
of their fire. It is curious, therefore, to read in the most
popular military handbook of the time[464] that it was precisely
in the matter of fire-discipline that the British were reckoned
defective, so defective that they were accounted inferior to the
Dutch and were obliged to comfort themselves with the reflection
that the Dutch were naturally more phlegmatic of temperament.
The author is careful to point out that Dutch superiority lay in
discipline only, so it is reasonable to infer that the British
improved rapidly in this respect during the war. And such indeed is
the conclusion to be drawn from the study of the various actions.
At Dettingen the fire though deadly was unsteady; at Fontenoy it
was nearly perfect; at Minden, where the British stood motionless
until the French cavalry was within ten paces, it was quite
admirable; at Quebec it was simply superlative. It is commonly
supposed that this improvement was due to the adoption of Prussian
methods, but I can find no ground for the assumption. The Prussian
manual and firing exercise did indeed find its way to the First
Guards in 1756;[465] and there still exists record of a petition
from some aged pensioners against the cruelty of an ensign who
drilled them every day through the winter in the Prussian exercise,
though they had hardly clothes to cover their nakedness;[466] but
this has no bearing on the action of Fontenoy in 1745. The truth is
that in the matter of attack the British had nothing to learn from
the Prussians, either in the cavalry or the infantry. Marlborough
had taught them the superiority of shock-action and platoon-fire
long before Frederick the Great was born; and all that the Prussian
school had to teach, apart from this and from the discipline
which went to its perfect execution, was the precision of march
learned from pendulum and pace-stick, and certain undeniable
improvements in the manœuvre of a regiment or battalion. It has
been suggested, indeed,[467] that a Prussian column at Fontenoy
might have manœuvred its way to victory by sheer perfection of
drill and discipline; but this begs the question whether they would
have preserved their order as admirably as the British during the
advance. Certainly it is hardly conceivable that even Prussian
regiments could have behaved more perfectly under very heavy fire
and in the presence of an overwhelming force of cavalry than the
six British battalions at Minden.
But the most important changes in the infantry were akin to
those in the cavalry. The first was the practice of massing the
grenadiers of the army into battalions, which though forbidden
by the King as an Austrian innovation when first proposed by
Stair,[468] was ultimately adopted both in America and in Germany.
The next was the introduction of light troops for the work of
skirmishing and for such rapid movements and special duties as were
committed in the cavalry to hussars. In the British Army the first
representatives of this class of infantry were the Highlanders, who
for this reason were armed with short muskets or carbines and were
drawn up outside the line in the formal order of battle. Stair[469]
had begged for Highlanders in their native dress as early as in
1742, and to his influence probably was due their presence at
Fontenoy. During the Seven Years' War, as has been seen, they were
employed in every quarter of the globe and did excellent service.
Amherst, however, and Wolfe after him, were not content with
Highlanders only, but formed those bodies of marksmen, often armed
with rifles, which prepared the way for the Light Companies and the
complete corps of Light Infantry and Riflemen that were to follow
at a later day. Indeed, there was actually a regiment (which during
its short life took precedence as ninetieth of the Line) that was
called Morgan's Light Infantry. This was probably an imitation from
some continental model; but the British had found a far better
model for their own purposes in America.
In truth, though there were lessons which the British might learn
with profit from foreign nations, both as to what they should
imitate and what they should avoid, the best of their instruction
was that which they gained from their own hard experience in lands
remote from Europe. The influence of King Frederick the Great
was perverted in great measure for ill to the Army. The King and
Cumberland had both of them a passion for minute details of dress,
facings, lace, buttons, cockades, and the like, and were dear
lovers of the tight clothing and inelasticity of movement which
characterised the Prussian school. There can be no doubt, on the
other hand, that strict insistence on cleanliness and smartness
is indispensable, and that correctness and uniformity of dress
are valuable aids to discipline and to _esprit de corps_. Such
little distinctions as that the coats of Horse should be lapelled
to the skirt and of Dragoons to the waist, while those of Light
Dragoons should be without lapels of any kind, are harmless in
themselves, and give men a pride and an interest in their branch
of the service; but the powdering of hair, the docking of the
old-fashioned serviceable coats, and the straitening of every
article of raiment were no gain to efficiency, no improvement to
health, and in the eyes of Englishmen, at first, no embellishment
as to appearance.[470] Had the King turned his thoughts to
diminishing the weight on a soldier's back,[471] or devising
suitable equipment for tropical climates, he might have saved
lives untold; but many years were still to elapse before such
simple matters as these were to receive due notice. The beautiful
accuracy of drill enjoined by Frederick was turned to good account
by the British on many fields in Europe and in India; but his
excellent discipline on active service both on and off duty was
by no means so faithfully copied, as Ferdinand of Brunswick found
out to his cost.[472] Yet at any rate the British had an example
of the worst that they must eschew in the armies of the French.
Therein "there was no discipline, no subordination, no order on the
march, in the camp or even in the battlefield. The very subalterns
had their mistresses with them, and officers often left their men
to accompany them on the march in their carriages. Everything
that could contribute to the luxury of the officers was found
in the French camp.... At one time there were twelve thousand
waggons accompanying Soubise's army which belonged to sutlers and
shopkeepers, though the army was not fifty thousand strong....
Balls were given in camp and officers often left their posts to
dance a minuet. They laughed at the orders of their leaders and
only obeyed when it suited them."[473] From such folly and disgrace
as this Cumberland's attachment to the stricter models of Germany
delivered the Army; but its best lessons came not from Germany
but from America, not from Frederick the Great but from Howe,
Washington, Wolfe, Bouquet, and Amherst.
APPENDIX A
TABLE OF THE EXISTING REGIMENTS OF THE ARMY, SHOWING THEIR FORMER
NUMBERS AND PRESENT TERRITORIAL TITLES.
CAVALRY
{consisted first of four troops of Life Guards,
{to which two troops of Horse Grenadier Guards
1st Life Guards {were added. In 1746 the two troops of Life
2nd Life Guards {Guards were disbanded, and the remainder
{organised into the present regiments in 1788.
Royal Horse Guards (The Blues). For some time ranked as the
1st Horse.
1st Dragoon Guards (King's). Originally the 2nd Horse; made
1st Dragoon Guards 1746.
2nd Dragoon Guards (Queen's Bays). Originally the 3rd Horse;
made 2nd Dragoon Guards 1746.
3rd Dragoon Guards. Originally the 4th Horse; made 3rd
Dragoon Guards 1746.
4th Dragoon Guards. Originally the 5th Horse; 1746 became
1st Irish Horse; 1788 became 4th Dragoon Guards.
5th Dragoon Guards. Originally the 6th Horse; 1746 became
2nd Irish Horse; 1788 5th Dragoon Guards.
6th Dragoon Guards (Carbiniers). Originally the 7th Horse;
1746 became 3rd Irish Horse; 1788 6th Dragoon Guards.
7th Dragoon Guards. Originally the 8th Horse; 1746 became
4th Irish Horse; 1788 7th Dragoon Guards.
1st (Royal) Dragoons. Still known as the "Royals."
2nd Dragoons (Royal Scots Greys). Long the Royal North British
Dragoons.
3rd Hussars. Long the 3rd (King's Own) Dragoons.
4th " Long the 4th Dragoons.
5th Lancers. Long the 5th (Royal Irish) Dragoons.
6th (Inniskilling) Dragoons.
7th Hussars. Long the 7th (Queen's Own) Dragoons.
8th " Originally the 8th Dragoons.
9th Lancers. " " 9th "
10th Hussars. " " 10th "
11th " " " 11th "
12th Lancers. " " 12th "
13th Hussars. " " 13th "
14th " " " 14th "
15th " " " 15th Light Dragoons.
16th Lancers. " " 16th " "
17th " " " 17th " "
The remaining regiments of cavalry that survive were raised at a
period subsequent to the date at which these volumes close.
INFANTRY
Grenadier Guards Known as the 1st Guards till 1815.
Coldstream Guards.
Scots Guards Known as the 3rd Guards from 1713.
REGIMENTS OF THE LINE
NUMBERS TERRITORIAL TITLES
1st Foot. Royal Scots. Long known as the "Royals."
2nd " Royal West Surrey Regiment.
3rd " (Buffs). East Kent Regiment.
4th " Royal Lancashire Regiment.
5th " Northumberland Fusiliers.
6th " Royal Warwickshire Regiment.
7th " Royal Fusiliers.
8th " Liverpool Regiment.
9th " Norfolk Regiment.
10th " Lincolnshire Regiment.
11th " Devonshire Regiment.
12th " Suffolk Regiment.
13th " Somersetshire Light Infantry.
14th " West Yorkshire Regiment.
15th " East Yorkshire Regiment.
16th " Bedfordshire Regiment.
17th " Leicestershire Regiment.
18th " Royal Irish Regiment.
19th " Yorkshire Regiment.
20th " Lancashire Fusiliers.
21st " Royal Scots Fusiliers.
22nd " Cheshire Regiment.
23rd " Royal Welsh Fusiliers.
24th " South Wales Borderers.
25th " King's Own Scottish Borderers.
26th " 1st Batt. Scottish Rifles (Cameronians).
27th " 1st Batt. Inniskilling Fusiliers.
28th " 1st Batt. Gloucestershire Regiment.
29th " 1st Batt. Worcestershire Regiment.
30th " 1st Batt. East Lancashire Regiment.
31st " 1st Batt. East Surrey Regiment.
32nd " 1st Batt. Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry.
33rd " 1st Batt. West Riding Regiment.
34th " 1st Batt. Border Regiment.
35th " 1st Batt. Royal Sussex Regiment.
36th " 2nd Batt. Worcestershire Regiment.
37th " 1st Batt. Hampshire Regiment.
38th " 1st Batt. South Staffordshire Regiment.
39th " 1st Batt. Dorsetshire Regiment.
40th Foot. 1st Batt. South Lancashire Regiment.
41st " 1st Batt. Welsh Regiment.
42nd " 1st Batt. Royal Highlanders (The Black Watch).
43rd " 1st Batt. Oxfordshire Light Infantry.
44th " 1st Batt. Essex Regiment.
45th " 1st Batt. Derbyshire Regiment.
46th " 2nd Batt. Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry.
47th " 1st Batt. North Lancashire Regiment.
48th " 1st Batt. Northamptonshire Regiment.
49th " 1st Batt. Royal Berkshire Regiment.
50th " 1st Batt. Royal West Kent Regiment.
51st " 1st Batt. Yorkshire Light Infantry.
52nd " 2nd Batt. Oxfordshire Light Infantry.
53rd " 1st Batt. Shropshire Light Infantry.
54th " 2nd Batt. Dorsetshire Regiment.
55th " 2nd Batt. Border Regiment.
56th " 2nd Batt. Essex Regiment.
57th " 1st Batt. Middlesex Regiment.
58th " 2nd Batt. Northamptonshire Regiment.
59th " 2nd Batt. East Lancashire Regiment.
60th " King's Royal Rifle Corps.
61st " 2nd Batt. Gloucestershire Regiment.
62nd " 1st Batt. Wiltshire Regiment.
63rd " 1st Batt. Manchester Regiment.
64th " 1st Batt. North Staffordshire Regiment.
65th " 1st Batt. York and Lancaster Regiment.
66th " 2nd Batt. Royal Berkshire Regiment.
67th " 2nd Batt. Hampshire Regiment.
68th " 1st Batt. Durham Light Infantry.
69th " 2nd Batt. Welsh Regiment.
70th " 2nd Batt. East Surrey Regiment.
71st to 100th Foot were raised at a period subsequent to the date
at which these volumes close.
101st Foot. 1st Batt. Munster Fusiliers.
102nd " 1st Batt. Royal Dublin Fusiliers.
103rd " 2nd Batt. " "
104th to 109th Foot and the Rifle Brigade were raised at a period
subsequent to the date at which these volumes
close.
APPENDIX B
DAILY PAY OF THE ARMY AT DIFFERENT PERIODS
HEADQUARTER STAFF
1346[474]
The Black Prince £1 0 0
Bishop of Durham 0 6 8
13 Earls (each) 0 6 8
44 Barons and Bannerets (each) 0 4 0
1415[475]
Duke of Clarence 0 13 4
Earls 0 6 8
Bannerets 0 4 0
1557[476] (Foreign Service)
Captain-General 5 1 2
Lieut.-General 3 6 8
High Marshal 3 6 8
Master of the Camp 1 0 0
General of the Horsemen 3 6 8
Captain-General of the Foot 3 6 8
His Lieutenant 1 0 0
The Sergeant-Major 0 15 0
Master of the Ordnance 1 6 8
His Lieutenant 0 13 4
Master of the Carriages 0 10 0
The Treasurer 1 6 8
Master of the Musters 0 16 8
The Provost 1 0 0
The Chief Harbinger 0 4 0
Master of the Forage 0 6 0
Master of the Scouts 0 6 0
1588[477] (Home Service)
The Lieutenant-General 6 0 0
Marshal of the Field 2 0 0
Captain-General of the Lances 1 0 0
Lieutenant 0 10 0
Captain-General of the Light Horse 1 0 0
Lieutenant of the Light Horse 0 10 0
Colonel-General of the Footmen 2 0 0
Lieutenant of the Footmen 0 10 0
Sergeant-Major of the Footmen 0 10 0
4 Corporals of the Field (each) 0 4 0
The Treasurer 0 6 8
Master of the Ordnance 0 10 0
Lieutenant of the Ordnance 0 6 8
Muster-Master 0 6 8
Commissary of the Victuals 0 6 8
Trench-Master 0 6 0
Master of the Carriages 0 4 0
Quartermaster 0 10 0
Scout-Master 0 6 8
Judge-General 0 2 8
1598[478] (Service in Ireland)
Lord-Lieutenant General 10 0 0
Lieutenant of the Army 3 0 0
General of the Horse 10 0 0
Marshal of the Camp 1 10 0
Sergeant-Major 1 0 0
Lieut.-General of the Horse 1 0 0
Quartermaster 1 0 0
Judge-Marshal-General 1 0 0
Auditor-General 0 13 4
Controller-General of Victuals 0 10 0
Lieutenant of the Ordnance 0 10 0
Surveyor of the Ordnance 0 6 8
2 Clerks of Munition (each) 0 5 0
4 Corporals of the Field (each) 0 6 8
Commissary of Victuals 0 8 0
3 more at 0 6 0
The Carriage-Master 0 6 8
1639[479] (Service in Scotland)
The Lord-General 10 0 0
Lieut.-General 6 0 0
Sergeant-Major-General 2 0 0
Quartermaster-General 1 0 0
Provost-Marshal-General 0 6 8
Waggon-Master 0 6 8
4 Corporals of the Field (each) 0 6 8
Treasurer 2 0 0
Muster-Master-General 1 0 0
Commissary-General of Victuals 0 10 0
Judge-Marshal 0 10 0
2 Chaplains (each) 0 6 8
2 Physicians (each) 0 6 8
2 Apothecaries (each) 0 3 4
Secretary to Council of War 0 10 0
2 Chirurgeons (each) 0 4 0
General of the Ordnance 4 0 0
Lieutenants of the Ordnance 1 0 0
Controller of the Ordnance 0 10 0
Commissary of Train's Magazines 0 6 0
Commissary of Army's Magazines 0 5 0
One Engineer at 0 8 0
" " 0 6 0
Master-Gunner 0 6 8
PAY OF THE PARLIAMENTARY ARMY[480]
_General Officers of the Field_
The Lord-General 10 0 0
Sergeant-Major-General 2 0 0
President of Council of War 0 15 0
Quartermaster-General 1 0 0
Provost-Marshal-General 0 6 8
and 20 Horses allowed him at 2s. 6d. 2 10 0
Waggon-Master-General 0 10 0
and 2 Horses at 2s. 6d. 0 5 0
_Officers General of the Train_
Treasurer 2 0 0
Muster-Master General 0 15 0
3 Deputies (each) 0 5 0
Judge-Advocate 1 0 0
2 Chaplains (each) 0 8 0
General's Physician 0 6 8
1 Army Physician 0 6 8
1 Apothecary 0 10 0
1 Chirurgeon 0 4 0
2 Mates (each) 0 2 6
Captain of the Guard 1 0 0
Commissary-General
of Victuals for the Foot 0 10 0
_Horse Officers of the Field_
General 5 0 0
Lieut.-General 2 0 0
Sergeant-Major-General 1 10 0
Commissary-General of Provisions 0 16 0
Provost-Marshal 0 5 0
Muster-Master-General 0 15 0
2 Deputies (each) 0 5 0
Preacher 0 8 0
Chirurgeon 0 4 0
2 Mates 0 2 6
PAY OF HEADQUARTER STAFF--EXPEDITION TO FLANDERS, 1657[481]
Commander-in-Chief 5 0 0
Major-General 1 0 0
Judge-Advocate 0 8 0
Apothecary 0 4 4
Provost-Marshal 0 5 0
KING WILLIAM'S ARMY IN FLANDERS, 1691[482]
General of Foot 6 0 0
General of the Horse 6 0 0
6 Lieut.-Generals (each) 4 0 0
5 Major-Generals (each) 2 0 0
13 Brigadier-Generals (each) 1 0 0
2 Adjutant-Generals (each) 1 0 0
1 Quartermaster-General 1 0 0
2 Assistants (each) 0 10 0
Paymaster-General (England) 1 0 0
Commissary-General of Musters and
13 Deputies (together) 7 9 4
Secretary-at-War 3 0 0
Judge-Advocate and Deputies 1 12 6
Physician-General 0 10 0
Surgeon-General 0 10 0
Apothecary-General 0 10 0
Provost-Marshal-General 0 8 0
DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH'S ARMY, 1703[483]
Commander-in-Chief 10 0 0
General of Foot 6 0 0
3 Lieut.-Generals (each) 4 0 0
2 Major-Generals (each) 2 0 0
5 Brigadier-Generals (each) 1 10 0
Quartermaster-General 1 0 0
His Deputy 0 5 0
Deputy Paymaster 0 12 6
Secretary to Commander-in-Chief 0 10 0
Chaplain 0 6 8
Physician 0 10 0
Deputy Judge-Advocate 0 10 0
Waggon-Master and Assistants 0 7 1½
Provost-Marshal 0 6 0
The pay of the staff for Spain in 1707 is at the same rate;
but the General is allowed 3 aides-de-camp, and Lieutenant and
Major-Generals each 2 aides-de-camp, with pay of 10s. a day each.
HOME ESTABLISHMENT, 1704
Commander-in-Chief 10 0 0
3 Aides-de-Camp (each) 0 10 0
Paymaster-General 1 0 0
Secretary-at-War 1 0 0
Adjutant-General 0 10 0
Quartermaster-General 0 10 0
Commissary-General of Musters 1 5 0
6 Deputies (each) 0 10 0
2 Controllers of the Army (per annum) 750 0 0
Secretary to Forces (per annum) 665 0 0
HOME ESTABLISHMENT, 1717[484]
Captain-General and Commander-in-Chief (not specified)
2 Aides-de-Camp (each) 0 10 0
Secretary to the Captain-General 1 0 0
2 Generals (each, per annum) 1200 0 0
5 Lieut.-Generals (per annum) 970 0 0
6 Major-Generals (per annum) 485 0 0
11 Brigadier-Generals (per annum) 365 0 0
Paymaster-General (per annum) 365 0 0
Secretary to the Forces (per annum) 365 0 0
Commissary-General of Musters (per day) 1 5 8¾
2 Controllers of Accounts (per annum) 750 0 0
Their Secretary (per annum) 365 0 0
Adjutant-General (per day) 1 0 0
Quartermaster-General (per day) 1 0 0
Deputy Quartermaster-General 0 10 0
Chaplain-General 0 15 0
Judge-Advocate-General 0 15 0
Physician-General 0 10 0
Surgeon-General 0 10 0
Apothecary-General 0 10 0
EXPEDITION TO CARTHAGENA, 1741[485]
General and Commander-in-Chief 10 0 0
2 Aides-de-Camp (each) 0 10 0
1 Major-General 2 0 0
1 Aide-de-Camp 0 10 0
3 Brigadier-Generals (each) 1 10 0
3 Majors of Brigade (each) 0 10 0
Quartermaster-General 0 10 0
Adjutant-General 1 0 0
Judge-Advocate 1 0 0
Secretary to Commander-in-Chief 0 10 0
Chaplain 0 6 8
Physician-General 0 10 0
Surgeon-General 0 10 0
2 Surgeon's Mates (each) 0 8 0
Commissary of Musters 0 10 0
Commissary of Stores 1 10 0
Provost-Marshal and two men 0 10 0
CAVALRY
1346 and 1414
Knights 0 2 0
Esquires and Constables 0 1 0
Archers on horseback 0 0 6
1557 (Foreign Service)
Captain of Armed Horsemen 0 10 0
Lieutenant of Armed Horsemen 0 5 0
Standard-bearer of Armed Horsemen 0 3 4
Surgeon 0 2 0
Trumpeter and Private 0 1 6
Captain of Light Horsemen 0 6 0
Lieutenant 0 3 0
Standard-bearer 0 2 0
Surgeon 0 2 0
Trumpeter 0 1 6
Light Horseman 0 1 0
1598 (Service in Ireland)
Colonel 0 10 0
Captain of Horse 0 4 0
Lieutenant of Horse 0 2 6
Cornet of Horse 0 2 0
Horseman 0 1 3
1639[486] (Service in Scotland)
Captain (less allowance) 0 8 0
Lieutenant 0 5 0
Cornet 0 4 0
Corporal 0 2 0
Trumpeters, Quartermaster, Surgeon, and
Horseman 0 2 6
1647[487]
Colonel of Horse 1 10 0
Major of Horse 1 1 0
Captain of Horse 0 14 0
Lieutenant of Horse 0 9 0
Cornet of Horse 0 8 0
Quartermaster 0 6 0
Corporals and Trumpeters 0 2 6
Troopers (not given, but in 1659) 0 2 3
Cromwell's Life Guards, 1656[488]
1 Captain 1 8 0
1 Lieutenant 1 0 0
1 Cornet 0 15 0
1 Quartermaster 0 10 0
6 Lieutenants of the Squadrons (each) 0 7 6
4 Trumpeters (each) 0 3 6
160 Men (each) 0 4 0
The "County Troops of Horse," 1655 (_see_ vol. i. p. 257)[489]
Captains (per annum) 100 0 0
Lieutenants " 50 0 0
Cornets " 25 0 0
Corporals " 10 0 0
Troopers " 8 0 0
Trumpeters " 5 6 4
HORSE (1689)
+-------------------------------------------------------+------------+
| | _Irish_ |
| _English Establishment_ | _Establ-_ |
| | _ishment_ |
+---------------+--------+---------+--------+-----------+------------+
| | |Servants'| Forage | | |
| Rank. | Pay. | Allow- | Allow- | Total. | Total. |
| | | ance. | ance. | | |
+---------------+--------+---------+--------+-----------+------------+
| |_s. d._|_s. d._ |_s. d._| £ _s. d._| £ _s. d._ |
|Colonel | 22 0 | 15 0 | 4 0 | 2 1 0 | 1 18 0 |
|Lieut.-Colonel | 18 0 | 7 6 | 4 0 | 1 9 6 | 1 5 0 |
|Major | 20 0 | 7 6 | ... | 1 7 6 | 1 2 6 |
|Captain | 10 0 | 7 6 | 4 0 | 1 1 6 | 0 17 0 |
|Lieutenant | 6 0 | 5 0 | 4 0 | 0 15 0 | 0 10 6 |
|Cornet | 5 0 | 5 0 | 4 0 | 0 14 0 | 0 8 6 |
|Corporal | ... | ... | ... | 0 3 0 | 0 2 6 |
|Trumpeter | ... | ... | ... | 0 2 8 | 0 2 6 |
|Private | ... | ... | ... | 0 2 6 | 0 1 10 |
+---------------+--------+---------+--------+-----------+------------+
These rates remained unaltered till after 1763.
LIFE GUARDS (1689)
+-----------------+---------+----------+----------+------------+
| | | Servants'| Forage | |
| Rank. | Pay. |Allowance.|Allowance.| Total. |
+-----------------+---------+----------+----------+------------+
| |_s. d._|_s. d._ |_s. d._ | £ _s. d._|
|Captain | 30 0 | 7 6 | 4 0 | 2 11 6 |
|Lieutenant | 15 0 | 7 6 | 4 0 | 1 6 6 |
|Cornet | 14 0 | 7 6 | 4 0 | 1 5 6 |
|Guidon | 12 0 | 7 6 | 4 0 | 1 3 6 |
|Quartermaster | 9 0 | ... | ... | 0 9 0 |
|Chaplain | 6 8 | ... | ... | 0 6 8 |
|Surgeon | 6 0 | ... | 2 0 | 0 8 0 |
|Brigadier | 11 0 | ... | ... | 0 11 0 |
|Sub-Brigadier | 5 0 | ... | ... | 0 5 0 |
|Trumpeter | 5 0 | ... | ... | 0 5 0 |
|Kettledrum | 5 0 | ... | ... | 0 5 0 |
|Private Gentleman| 4 0 | ... | ... | 0 4 0 |
+-----------------+---------+----------+----------+------------+
HORSE GRENADIERS (1689)
Lieutenant (with allowances) £0 19 6
Sergeant 0 4 0
Corporal 0 3 0
Drummer 0 2 6
Hautboy 0 2 6
Grenadier 0 2 6
DRAGOONS (1689)
+---------------+---------+----------+----------+------------+
| | | Servants'| Forage | |
| Rank. | Pay. |Allowance.|Allowance.| Total. |
+---------------+---------+----------+----------+------------+
| |_s. d._|_s. d._ |_s. d._ | £ _s. d._|
|Colonel | 23 0 | 9 0 | 3 0 | 1 15 0 |
|Lieut.-Colonel | 17 0 | 4 6 | 3 0 | 1 4 6 |
|Major | 20 0 | 4 6 | ... | 1 4 6 |
|Captain | 8 0 | 4 6 | 3 0 | 0 15 6 |
|Lieutenant | 4 0 | 3 0 | 2 0 | 0 9 0 |
|Cornet | 3 0 | 3 0 | 2 0 | 0 8 0 |
|Quartermaster | 3 0 | 1 6 | 1 0 | 0 5 6 |
|Sergeant | 1 6 | ... | 1 0 | 0 2 6 |
|Corporal | 1 0 | ... | 1 0 | 0 2 0 |
|Drummer | 1 0 | ... | 1 0 | 0 2 0 |
|Private | 1 6 | ... | ... | 0 1 6 |
+---------------+---------+----------+----------+------------+
DRAGOONS (1721)
_English Establishment_ | _Irish Establishment_
|
Colonel £1 15 0 | £1 11 4
Lieut.-Colonel 1 4 6 | 0 19 4
Major 1 0 6 | 0 17 4
Captain 0 15 6 | 0 12 4
Lieutenant 0 9 0 | 0 6 2
Cornet 0 8 0 | 0 5 2
Quartermaster 0 5 6 | 0 3 0
Sergeant 0 2 9 | 0 2 6
Corporal 0 2 3 | 0 1 8
Drummer 0 2 3 | 0 1 6
Private 0 1 9 | 0 1 4
FOOT
1346
Foot-Archers £0 0 3
Welsh Spearmen 0 0 2
1415
Foot-Archers 0 0 6
1557
Captain of Foot 0 4 0
Lieutenant 0 2 0
Ensign 0 1 0
Surgeon 0 1 0
Sergeant 0 1 0
Drummer and Piper 0 1 0
Private 0 0 8
1598 (Service in Ireland)
Captain of Foot 0 4 0
Lieutenant 0 2 0
Ensign 0 1 6
Surgeon 0 1 0
Drummer 0 1 0
Private 0 0 8
1632 (Service in Scotland)
Captain of Foot 0 8 0
Lieutenant 0 4 0
Ensign 0 2 6
Sergeant 0 1 2
Drummer 0 1 0
Corporal 0 0 10
Private 0 0 8
1647
Captain of Foot 0 8 0
Lieutenant 0 4 0
Ensign 0 2 6
Sergeant, Corporal,
and Drummer 0 1 0
_N.B._--The pay of a private varied much from the opening of the
Civil War to the Restoration, and occasionally that of the higher
ranks also. Thus for the garrison at Windsor Castle in 1654 the pay
was--
Ensign 0 3 0
Sergeant 0 1 8
Corporal and Drummer 0 1 2
Private 0 0 10
but in 1655 a private's pay is set down at 9d. a day in England
and Scotland, and 8d. while in garrison (_Cal. S. P., Dom._). But
on the other hand from October 1653 onwards the men in Ireland
received 9d. a day, or 5s. 3d. a week, of which 3s. 6d. was paid
in cash, and the rest stopped; while on transfer to England they
received 10d. a day, or 5s. 10d. a week, of which 5s. 1d. was paid
in cash, and the rest stopped. (_Thurloe_, iii. 536.)
1689
_English Establishment_
+---------------+---------+----------+------------+
| Rank. | Pay. | Servants'| Total. |
| | |Allowance.| |
+---------------+---------+----------+------------+
| |_s. d._|_s. d._ | £ _s. d._|
|Colonel | 20 0 | 4 0 | 1 4 0 |
|Lieut.-Colonel | 15 0 | 2 0 | 0 17 0 |
|Major | 13 0 | 2 0 | 0 15 0 |
|Captain | 8 0 | 2 0 | 0 10 0 |
|Lieutenant | 4 0 | 0 8 | 0 4 8 |
|Ensign | 3 0 | 0 8 | 0 3 8 |
|Quartermaster | 4 0 | 0 8 | 0 4 8 |
|Sergeant | ... | ... | 0 1 6 |
|Corporal | ... | ... | 0 1 0 |
|Private | ... | ... | 0 0 8 |
+---------------+---------+----------+------------+
_Irish Establishment_
Colonel £1 4 6
Lieut.-Colonel 0 16 6
Major 0 13 6
Captain 0 9 6
Lieutenant 0 4 6
Ensign 0 3 6
Sergeant 0 1 6
Corporal 0 1 0
Private 0 0 7
FOOT GUARDS (1689)
As in the Line, except that the privates received 10d. a day.
FOOT GUARDS (1695)
Colonel £1 19 0
Lieut.-Colonel 1 8 6
Major 1 4 6
Captain 0 16 6
Lieutenant 0 7 10
Ensign 0 5 10
Quartermaster 0 4 10
Sergeant 0 1 6
Corporal and Drummer 0 1 0
Private 0 0 10
These rates remained unaltered until the period at which these
volumes close.
[Illustration: CANADA, AND THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES.
1680-1760.
_Walker & Boutall del._ MAP I. _End of Vol. II._
]
[Illustration: HINDOSTAN, THE DECCAN AND THE CARNATIC.
_Walker & Boutall del._ MAP II. _End of Vol. II._
]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] _Commons Journals_, 18th April 1713. _Secretary's Common Letter
Book_, 29th July 1712, 23rd July 1715. _H. O. M. E. B._, 26th July
1715. _Miscellaneous Orders_ (_Guards and Garrisons_), 25th October
1715.
[2] But I can give no authority for the restoration of the 6th,
14th, 28th, and 29th Foot, excepting their reappearance on the
active list before the rest.
[3] Newton's, Tyrrell's, Churchill's, Rich's, Molesworth's, and
Stanhope's. Millan gives the names of six more, which, however,
seem to have begun and ended with the appointment of the colonel.
[4] Stanwix's, Dubourgay's, Lucas's, Pocock's, Hotham's. Here again
Millan gives a list of eight more, whose names never appeared on
the estimates.
[5] _Miscellaneous Orders_ (_Guards and Garrisons_), 23rd July
1715. _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 25th July 1715.
[6] _H. O. M. E. B._, 12th March 1719.
[7] Carpenter's force consisted of the 4th Hussars, Molesworth's
and Churchill's dragoons. Wills on the west coast had the 2nd
Dragoon Guards, 9th Lancers, 11th, 13th and 14th Hussars, 23rd,
26th and 27th Foot. Argyll's regiments at Stirling in October were
the Greys, 3rd, 4th and 7th Hussars, and 6th Dragoons, the 11th,
16th, 21st, 25th and Grant's Foot. _Newspapers_, 6th October 1715.
The casualties at Sheriffmuir were 23 officers and 354 men killed,
11 officers and 142 men wounded. _Flying Post_, 3rd December 1715.
[8] The regiments present were the 11th, 14th, and 15th Foot, and
some foreign troops. The casualties of the English were 1 officer
and 14 men killed, 6 officers and 73 men wounded. The total loss of
the force was 21 killed, 119 wounded. _Newspapers._
[9] The Sir Richard Temple of Marlborough's wars.
[10] The troops employed were one battalion from each regiment of
Guards, the 3rd, 19th, 24th, 28th, 33rd, 34th, and 37th Foot.
[11] A rough woodcut of the funeral procession is still preserved
in the print-room at the British Museum.
[12] The famous burial-service was composed for the occasion.
[13] Stanley's _Westminster Abbey_.
[14] Full details of the ceremony are in all the contemporary
newspapers.
[15] _Weekly Journal_, 9th January 1720.
[16] Speech of Sir William Yonge, January 1738, _Parl. Hist._
[17] _Parl. Hist._ 28th November 1739.
[18] See Walpole's Speech, December 1717, _Parl. Hist._
[19] Even so, however, regiments of dragoons did not exceed 332,
nor battalions of infantry 655 men.
[20] _Parl. Hist._
[21] _Parl. Hist._ 1717.
[22] _Gazette_, 11th January 1714-15. _Miscellaneous Orders_
(_Guards and Garrisons_), 30th June 1715. _Secretary's Common
Letter Book_, 17th October 1724, 29th June 1725.
[23] _Commons Journals_, vol. xviii. p. 708, anno 1718. I may
mention that in Article 29 is the first use of the word _reveillé_
that I have encountered in an English official work.
[24] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 5th April 1716.
[25] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 5th November 1725, February
1726.
[26] I am aware that he is popularly supposed to have been in the
Blues, but his first commission was in the 1st or King's Dragoon
Guards, then the Second Horse. Hence the "terrible cornet of Horse."
[27] _Parl. Hist._, vol. xiv. p. 479. The succession of
Secretaries-at-War during this period was as follows: William
Pulteney, 1714; James Craggs, April 1717; Robert Pringle, May 1718;
George Treby, December 1718; Henry Pelham, April 1724; Sir William
Strickland, May 1730; Sir William Yonge, May 1735.
[28] Mountains of such letters, absolutely worthless, are preserved
in the Record Office. _H. O. Mil. Papers._
[29] A flagrant instance of the inconvenience came to light in
1729, when the discipline of the Army was for a time suspended
because the Duke of Newcastle would not take the trouble to
countersign the King's orders for holding courts-martial.
_Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 14th April 1729.
[30] I give as a specimen the quarters of Pembroke's Horse (1st D.
G.): 3 troops Newbury, 2 Farnham, 1 Alton, 1 Henley, 1 Oakingham, 1
Maidenhead. _Miscellaneous Orders_ (_Guards and Garrisons_), vol.
cccxxv. p. 147.
[31] Wade's speech, _Parl. Hist._, 1741. We find, however, that the
town of Berwick was sensible enough to ask for barracks in 1717.
_Warrant Books_, vol. lii. p. 314. Edinburgh also petitioned later
that some might be built in the Canongate. _Ibid._, vol. lv., 24th
April 1729.
[32] _Parl. Hist._, Pulteney's speeches, 1741, 1742.
[33] _Weekly Journal_, 14th April 1722. The sentiments of this
organ are shown by the following quotations: "Military men above
all should be set aside [as candidates for election]. Those who are
bred up in the notion that plunder is lawful must make very hopeful
stewards of your liberties."
[34] See Boswell's _Life of Johnson_. "_Johnson._ Why, sir, if the
lodgings should be yours, you may certainly use them as you think
fit. So, sir, _you may quarter two life-guardsmen upon him_, or you
may send the greatest scoundrel you can find into your apartments,
or you may say that you want to make some experiments in natural
philosophy, and burn a large quantity of assafœtida in his house."
The inclusion of the life-guardsmen in the same category with the
greatest scoundrels and with assafœtida is instructive.
[35] _E.g._ _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 13th December 1716,
10th January, 14th February and 14th June 1717.
[36] _Ibid._, 11th October 1715, 13th August 1717.
[37] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 19th February 1717.
[38] _Ibid._, 24th July 1735.
[39] _Ibid._, 24th December 1715.
[40] _Ibid._, 13th January 1733.
[41] _Ibid._, 16th November 1734. The offenders were two
enterprising officers of the 31st Foot.
[42] _Ibid._, 21st August 1717.
[43] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 21st August 1717.
[44] _Ibid._, 20th July 1720.
[45] _Ibid._, 22nd July 1731.
[46] _Ibid._, 9th May 1727.
[47] _Ibid._, 15th November 1726.
[48] Frequent instances in the _Secretary's Common Letter Book_.
[49] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 14th June 1717.
[50] _Ibid._, 9th December 1718, 2nd January 1719.
[51] _Ibid._, 15th May 1721.
[52] _Ibid._, 29th April 1725, 25th August 1729, and frequently.
[53] _Ibid._, 28th August 1733.
[54] See _e.g._ _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 28th June 1720.
[55] _Ibid._, 6th July 1733.
[56] _Ibid._, 30th April 1730.
[57] _Ibid._, 22nd February 1725.
[58] _Ibid._, 27th April 1725.
[59] _Ibid._, 24th April 1728. George II. quickly put a stop to
this.
[60] See Lord Stair's complaints on this head during the campaign
of 1742, _infra._
[61] _Parl. Hist._
[62] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 14th April 1716.
[63] Thus Lord Barrymore included in the price of his regiment
£3500 as a debt for clothing, and £2362 "lost by an agent."
_Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 15th June 1715. _Miscellaneous
Orders_ (_Guards and Garrisons_), 10th March 1722.
[64] A printed copy of the Regulations will be found in _H. O. War
Office Papers_, vol. i. (R. O.)
[65] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 11th October 1715, 11th
August 1716.
[66] _Ibid._, 8th July, 20th September 1717.
[67] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 27th August 1717.
[68] _Ibid._, 17th July 1717. Most, if not all of them, however,
seem to have been reinstated.
[69] Mahon's _History of England_, vol. ii. p. 291.
[70] The severity with which men meted out punishment to a comrade
varied very greatly. If they really meant to punish him, the
strongest man could hardly stand up to receive the whole of his
sentence. See the account of a man who drew his sword on a woman
and wounded her. _Weekly Journal_, 4th April 1730.
[71] As to flogging round the fleet, see the first chapters of
Marryat's _The King's Own_.
[72] _Secretary's Common Letter_ Book and Newspapers, _passim_. The
_Weekly Journal_ of 21st July 1739 gives an instance of a deserter
who had received five hundred lashes from the 1st Guards, as many
from the Coldstreams, and as many from the 3rd Guards, and had been
whipped in addition out of three marching regiments.
[73] See an account of a deserter shot by three fellow-deserters.
_Weekly Journal_, 7th May 1720.
[74] There was such a rush to see the first infliction of picketing
that several spectators were injured. _Daily Post_, 9th July 1739.
The punishment consisted in hanging up a man by one wrist, with no
rest for his bare feet but a pointed stake.
[75] Secretary Treby instructs officers to remit part of a flogging
lest the prisoner should be too severely handled, "to prevent the
reflections which might be cast upon the Government by malicious
people who would be glad of such occasions." The offence was
cursing the King, and the sentence was to run the gantlope of the
whole regiment sixteen times, the punishment to be divided between
two days. _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 23rd August 1723.
[76] _Postboy_, 17th December 1822.
[77] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 10th October 1726.
[78] _Daily Post_, 13th March 1738. The King instituted "visiting
rounds" every two hours in consequence. _Ibid._, 21st September
1738.
[79] See a letter to the _Craftsman_, 6th March 1731.
[80] To give but one instance. In 1683 a negro in Barbadoes, who
ventured to say to his mistress that some day the blacks would beat
the whites, was burned alive. I remember also to have seen in the
newspapers an account of the repression of a negro insurrection in
Antigua, I think about 1713. The minor offenders were burned alive,
and the ringleaders hung up in cages to starve. The references I
have unfortunately lost, but I am sure of the facts.
[81] _Cal. S. P., Col._, vol. i. pp. 30, 113, 155, 430. As to
trepanning and spiriting, see _Ibid._, 1681-1685, _Index_, White
Servants; and compare the story told by George Primrose in the
_Vicar of Wakefield_.
[82] See the letters of Henry Cromwell in Thurloe's _State Papers_.
[83] In the first Parliament of Richard Cromwell. See Burton's
_Diary_.
[84] The same system still obtains in respect of indentured coolies
imported into the tropical colonies from the East Indies. They are,
however, protected by stringent statutory regulations and under the
care of a highly paid officer, called the Protector of Immigrants.
[85] _E.g._ Barbados, _Cal. S. P., Col._ (1661-1668), p. 530.
[86] See the complaints of Governor Stapleton. _Cal. S. P., Col._,
1678-1680, and 1681-1685.
[87] As, for instance, in the Virginian rebellion of 1682. See
_Cal. S. P., Col._ (1681-1685), Nos. 531, 546.
[88] Afterwards James II.
[89] Collingwood's, afterwards disbanded.
[90] The first of the surviving regiments to go to the West Indies
were the 12th, 22nd, and 27th.
[91] Drafted from the 22nd Foot on its return to England.
[92] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 25th October 1737.
[93] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 5th December 1730.
[94] _Warrant Books_, 18th December 1716. _Secretary's Common
Letter Book_, 30th September 1742.
[95] _Warrant Books_ (1723), vol. viii. p. 339.
[96] Governor Kane, _Miscellaneous Orders_ (_Guards and
Garrisons_), 1729.
[97] _Cal. Treas. Papers_ (1714), p. 12.
[98] Jamaica, by a local Act, granted an allowance of provisions to
all ranks. Antigua, in 1739, offered not only barracks, but light,
fuel, and additional pay to all ranks, with a bounty or a free
passage home, and a Chelsea pension to every man at the close of
ten years' service.
[99] The 38th Foot remained in the West Indies for nearly sixty
years, 1716-1765. The 40th Foot was continuously on foreign
service from 1717-1763. The 13th Foot went to Gibraltar in 1710
and remained there twenty-eight years; the 9th served at Gibraltar
and Minorca from 1718-1746; the 17th from 1723-1748; the 18th from
1718-1742. Instances might be multiplied.
[100] _Parl. Hist._, 27th January 1742.
[101] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 1729.
[102] Inoculation was, of course, already in practice, but as yet
confined only to the wealthier classes.
[103] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 23rd September 1720, 18th
December 1739.
[104] _Ibid._, 8th January 1729, 31st July 1731 (Minorca).
[105] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 4th October 1720, 14th
December 1726.
[106] _Miscellaneous Orders_ (_Guards and Garrisons_), 2nd April
1735 (Minorca).
[107] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 1729.
[108] See _e.g._ _ibid._, 22nd February 1728, 20th September 1742.
[109] _Miscellaneous Orders_ (_Guards and Garrisons_), vol. dxxvii.
pp. 26-41, 18th May 1743.
[110] A great number of Borgard's letters will be found at the
Record Office, _F.O. Mil. Aux. Expeditions_, 1707-1713.
[111] _Miscellaneous Orders_ (_Guards and Garrisons_), 12th May
1725.
[112] Stewart (_Highland Clans_) ignores these earlier companies of
1710-1717, and gives the date of the new companies as 1727 or 1729,
and their number at six. The order, however, is dated as above,
and the number given is four, but the estimates provide for six,
and the _Home Office Military Entry Book_, 1st June 1725, mentions
three Highland and three garrison companies.
[113] _London Daily Post_, 30th November 1739.
[114] One of the two, John Campbell, was killed later at
Ticonderoga, having reached the rank of captain.
[115] Oglethorpe's, at Carolina, ranked until disbandment as the
Forty-second.
[116] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 25th July, 7th August 1716.
[117] _Ibid._, 18th September 1718.
[118] _Ibid._, 1st December 1724.
[119] _Home Office Military Entry Book_, 9th May 1726.
[120] _Weekly Journal_, 26th April 1718.
[121] _Ibid._, 29th April 1718.
[122] _Ibid._, 30th October 1727.
[123] _Weekly Journal_, 6th July 1728.
[124] _Fog's Weekly Journal_, 22nd March 1729.
[125] _Ibid._, 11th November 1747.
[126] Newspapers, February 1732.
[127] Pitt's first commission bears date 9th February 1731, Cornet
in Cobham's Horse (1st Dragoon Guards). As to the veterans, see
_London Daily Post_, 19th January 1740, account of John Holland,
who had served in all Cromwell's wars, also under Charles II.
and James II., through all King William's wars, and through
Marlborough's until 1708, when he was discharged. He, aged one
hundred and five, and his wife, aged eighty-five, were found dead
in their bed, supposed from cold, at Moyard, in Ireland. See also
_London Daily Post_, 19th July 1736, account of an old cavalier,
aged one hundred and twenty-three, still living at Ribchester,
Lancs, who had had two horses shot under him and had been wounded
in the arm at Edgehill. See also in _Secretary's Common Letter
Book_, 15th February 1731, mention of William Hasland, aged one
hundred and eleven, who had fought at Edgehill and with King
William in Flanders, and was now granted a Chelsea pension of a
shilling a day.
[128] _Parl. Hist._, 14th February 1739.
[129] _Miscellaneous Orders_ (_Guards and Garrisons_), 12th June,
27th August 1739.
[130] _Daily Post_, 18th August 1739.
[131] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 19th June, 9th October 1739.
[132] _Parl. Hist._, 21st and 28th November 1739.
[133] _Miscellaneous Orders_ (_Guards and Garrisons_), 29th
November 1739. Millan gives the dates as the seven consecutive days
from the 17th to the 22nd November.
[134] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 21st December 1739, 13th
January 1740. Nine regiments turned over half of their men, and a
tenth regiment turned over more than one-third.
[135] Cathcart to Newcastle, 1st April 1740.
[136] Cathcart to Newcastle, 17th June 1740. The regiment was the
27th Foot. Cathcart's description of the recruits is pithy: "They
may be useful a year hence, but at present they have not strength
to handle their arms." The fatuity of the proceedings cannot be
appreciated unless it be remembered that the transfer of every man
from one regiment to another entailed also a transfer of cash, and
an adjustment of regimental accounts (on an extremely complicated
system) between regiment and regiment, to say nothing of the
primary evils of drafting.
[137] Cathcart to Newcastle, 25th July 1740.
[138] _Ibid._
[139] The six new regiments of marines, 15th and 24th of the Line.
[140] Cathcart to Newcastle, 14th September, 12th October 1740.
[141] The disease was induced, according to his secretary, by an
overdose of Epsom salts.
[142] Blakeney to Newcastle, 14th December; Gooch to Newcastle, 8th
December 1740.
[143] Wentworth to Newcastle, 9th and 20th January 1741.
[144] _Ibid._, 20th January 1741.
[145] Vernon to the Admiralty, 24th February 1741.
[146] Vernon and Ogle to Wentworth, 11th to 22nd March 1741.
[147] Wentworth to Newcastle, 31st March 1741.
[148] Vernon to Newcastle, 26th April 1741 (enclosures).
[149] A French buccaneer who captured Carthagena in 1697.
[150] Wentworth to Newcastle, 26th April 1741.
[151] Vernon to Newcastle, 30th May 1741.
[152] Wentworth to Newcastle, 26th April 1741.
[153] Return of 30th May 1741.
[154] Wentworth to Newcastle, 20th December 1741.
[155] _Ibid._, 1st March 1742. Return of 20th January to 23rd
February: Dead, of the four old regiments 109, of the three new
regiments 165, of the Americans 99.
[156] Wentworth to Newcastle, 31st March 1742.
[157] Of Wolfe's regiment only ninety-six officers and men returned
to England, these representing the survivors not of that regiment
only, but of another that had been drafted into it.
[158] Carlyle, _Frederick the Great_, vol. iii. p. 396.
[159] Stair to Carteret, May 14/25, 18/29; June 1/12, 4/15, 12/23,
19/30, 1742.
[160] Stair to Carteret, July 23/August 3.
[161] Carteret to Stair, July 30/August 10, August 10/21.
[162] Stair to Carteret, October 20/31; Carteret to Stair, August
7/18, 8/19.
[163] Stair to Carteret, September 6/17, 10/21, 14/25.
[164] _Ibid._, October 1/12.
[165] _Ibid._, November 3/14, 13/24, November 23/December 4.
[166] Stair to Carteret, December 4/15, 9/20.
[167] _Ibid._, December 4/15, 1742; January 5/16, 1743.
[168] _Ibid._, January 19/30, January 22/February 2.
[169] _Ibid._, February 9/20.
[170] _Ibid._, February 16/27. The Guards set the example.
[171] Carteret to Stair, March 11/22.
[172] _Ibid._, March 29/April 9.
[173] Stair to Carteret, May 4/15.
[174] Carteret to Stair, May 18/29, May 23/June 3, May 27/June 7,
May 30/June 10; Stair to Carteret, May 23/June 3, May 27/June 7,
May 31/June 11, June 2/13. I have entered into some detail over
Stair's part in the campaign, since he is charged, even by Lord
Mahon, with the responsibility for the situation of the army just
before Dettingen. "Lord Stair, whose military genius, never very
bright, was rusted with age, appears to have committed blunder on
blunder." Vol. iii. p. 218.
[175] Maison du Roi.
[176] Mémoires de Noailles.
[177] Honeywood to Carteret, Jan. 7/18, Ligonier to Carteret, March
21/April 1, 1744.
[178] Ligonier to Carteret, April 29/May 10.
[179] Wade to Carteret, May 30/June 10, June 25/July 6.
[180] Carteret to Wade, May 25/June 5.
[181] Carteret to Wade, July 13/24, 17/28.
[182] _Ibid._, July 31/Aug. 11, Aug. 14/25, 17/28.
[183] Wade to Carteret, Aug. 26/Sept. 6.
[184] _Ibid._, Aug. 19/Sept. 30, Aug. 25/Sept. 9, Sept. 16/27, Sept.
22/Oct. 3, Oct. 1/12, 10/21.
[185] Ligonier to Carteret, July 31/Aug. 11, 1744.
[186] Ligonier to Harrington, Jan. 29/Feb. 9, Feb. 6/17, 1745.
[187] _Gazette_, Feb. 23/March 6, March 1/12, 1745.
[188] Cumberland to Harrington, April 1/12, 12/23.
[189] The ground immediately before Fontenoy presents for fully
eight hundred yards a gentle and unbroken slope. An officer who
went over the ground with me assured me that Mars la Tour itself
does not offer a more perfect natural glacis for modern rifle-fire.
[190] Every one knows the legend of "Messieurs les Gardes
Françaises, tirez les premiers." "Non, messieurs, nous ne tirons
jamais les premiers." But every English account agrees that the
French fired first, long before the question had been raised, and I
take the authority of Ligonier (who drew up the official account)
as final. He says distinctly, "We received their fire."
[191] _Campagnes des Pays Bas._
[192] Ligonier to Harrington, May 5/16. Cumberland to Harrington,
May 11/22.
[193] Fawkener to Harrington, July 19/30.
[194] General Bligh to Cumberland, June 28/July 9.
[195] Cumberland to Harrington, July 2/13.
[196] _Ibid._, July 14/25.
[197] Ligonier to Harrington, July 14/25.
[198] Harrington to Cumberland, Sept. 4/15; Oct. 1/12, 19/30.
[199] Cope's letters, July 3/13, 9/20; Aug. 3/17 1745.
[200] _Ibid._, Aug. 11/22 1745.
[201] _Ibid._, Aug. 13/24.
[202] Cope to Guise, Aug. 17/Sept. 7 1745.
[203] Cope, Aug. 31/Sept. 11 1745.
[204] The garrison consisted of twelve men under Sergeant Mulloy.
The sergeant's despatch to Cope, dated August 30, is still extant,
and worthy of a place in a military museum, were there such an
institution.
[205] The carelessness in breaking horses to fire-arms at that time
was remarkable. The first charge of the Blues at Dettingen was said
to have failed because the horses were uncontrollable; and both the
King's and the Duke of Cumberland's chargers ran away with them.
[206] _Miscellaneous Orders_, 25th September 1745.
[207] _Ibid._, 6th September 1745.
[208] These words were printed in the margins of the newspapers for
weeks.
[209] _H.O.M.E.B._, 8th November; _Secretary's Common Letter Book_,
28th September, 27th November 1745.
[210] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 9th October 1745.
[211] It consisted of the 13th, 27th, 34th Foot, 2nd and 3rd
Dragoon Guards, 8th Dragoons. _Miscellaneous Orders_, 25th
September 1745.
[212] The whole of the letters written at this time were
intercepted, and lie in a confused bundle in the Record Office.
The most remarkable among them are those of Grant of Glenmoriston
to his wife, bidding her double the rents of all deserters who had
returned home, and to oust them from their holdings. There is also
a love-letter from a sergeant, whom I take to have been a deserter
from the English garrison at Fort Augustus, which I print as a
curiosity:--
"Muslebrogh, Oct. 30 1745. Dr Love I received your letter which I
was vary glad to hear that you was in good health. I sa[w] Janet
my ant and I did not get the letter you sent with Allan Royson.
Alexander McLean your ant['s] son was asking the letter to read
it but I wold not give hime it for fear that if (_sic_) he wold
go soonner home and that he wold be casting it up to you as to a
foole. It is a thing that is impossible to me to get because we
are in oppinion every day to marge [march] on to England and [I]
being a serjant and having the truble of the company--And God know
how soon I can present my love to you, and nevertheless my love is
as constant to you as it was formerly, and being in a bade [bad]
condition every night and day, minding [remembering] you and your
kindness and pleasant company. And I am in very good health since I
wrott the last letter and nothing els [ails] me but the wanting of
you, and I hope in God we shall make all things complete if I shall
ever return. I am your most obedient love Duncan McGillise. Give my
service to your children." _Addressed_, "Margrat McDonell in the
cantain within the baraks of Fortugustus [Fort Augustus]."
I have preserved the spelling of the sergeant, but have perforce
added punctuation, which is absolutely wanting in the original.
[213] Gray's (the poet's) letters, 3rd Feb. 1746.
[214] Hawley's letter, 7th January 1746.
[215] "Everything I have looked into appears more like jobs, than
to be properly disposed." Handasyde's letter, 21st November 1745.
[216] Hawley to Harrington, 10th, 11th, 13th January 1746.
[217] Hawley to Newcastle, 19th January 1746.
[218] I take it that the effect of Prestonpans on the troops was
much the same as that of the disaster of Isandhlwana in 1879, when
most of the reinforcements sent out after the action were very
young troops. Compare the case of Braddock's disaster. _Post._
[219] Hawley to Newcastle, 29th January 1746.
[220] Cumberland to Newcastle, 3rd February. "I thought it best
to let the soldiers a little loose, with proper precautions, that
they might have some sweets after all their fatigue. I have posted
twenty dragoons on lady Perth and threatened to burn down the
Castle unless Perth releases our officers."
[221] Lord Stair to Cumberland, 10th March 1746.
[222] Dunmore to Harrington, Jan. 20/31, Jan. 27/Feb. 7, Feb. 12/23.
[223] Ligonier to Harrington, July 1/12 1746.
[224] Ligonier to Harrington, July 9/20, 13/24, 16/27.
[225] _Ibid._, July 23/Aug. 3, Aug. 2/13.
[226] Ligonier to Harrington, Aug. 9/20, 19/30, Aug. 26/Sept. 6,
Sept. 4/15.
[227] Ligonier to Harrington, Sept. 24/Oct. 5, Sept. 28/Oct. 9.
[228] Ligonier to Harrington, Sept. 28/Oct. 9, Oct. 20/31.
[229] 1st, 15th, 28th, 30th, 39th, and 42nd Foot.
[230] Cumberland to Harrington, Feb. 6/17, March 20/31, March
24/April 4.
[231] Cumberland to Chesterfield, May 1/12, 9/20.
[232] Cumberland blamed the Austrian General, Baroney, and his
irregulars for supine negligence on the march. Cumberland to
Chesterfield, July 6/17 1747.
[233] The regiments present at Lauffeld were the Greys, 4th
Hussars, Inniskillings, 7th Hussars, and Cumberland's dragoons, one
battalion each of the 1st and 3rd Guards, 3rd, 4th, 13th, 19th,
21st, 23rd, 25th, 32nd, 33rd, 36th, 37th, 48th Foot. The two last
had no casualties.
[234] Cumberland to Newcastle, March 18/29, March 22/April 2, March
25/April 6.
[235] Bruce's _Annals of the East India Company_, vol. ii. pp. 125,
129, 152, 153, 156.
[236] Colonel Malleson (_French in India_, p. 306), commenting on
this action, says that Clive "allowed his dislike of the great
French statesman to stifle his more generous instincts." Surely if
Dupleix erected this city (as undoubtedly was the case) as much
for the impression that it would create in the native mind as for
gratification of his personal vanity, Clive would have been wrong
if he had not razed it. If it was French policy to build such
a city, it was undoubtedly English policy to pull it down, and
generosity has no place in the question. It is absurd to treat
Dupleix Futtehabad as though it were a bridge of Jena or a column
of Rossbach.
[237] Acadia is, and always was, a vague geographical term. The
name when first used comprised the territory between latitude 40°
and 46°.
[238] _Cal. S. P., Col._, 1632, p. 139.
[239] Acadia included Nova Scotia and more.
[240] The boundaries of New England were defined by the fortieth
and forty-fifth degrees of latitude.
[241] Massachusetts, New Haven, Plymouth, Connecticut.
[242] The English always laid claim to the country as far north
as the St Croix; the French, on the other hand, claimed it as far
south as the Kennebec. This difference as to the true boundary
of Acadia was one of the many points of friction between the two
nations.
[243] It was recaptured by the Dutch in 1673 but restored to
England by the treaty of 1674.
[244] The reader may also recall the case of Whalley the regicide,
who fled to Massachusetts after the Restoration. See the Note to
Scott's _Peveril of the Peak_, chap. xiv.
[245] Palfrey. _History of New England_, vol. iii. p. 434.
[246] The contingents were Massachusetts, 350 men; Virginia, 250;
Maryland, 160; Connecticut, 120; Rhode Island, 48; Pennsylvania,
80; Virginia and Maryland commuted their obligations for a sum of
money. Parkman. _Frontenac_, p. 408.
[247] Quoted by Parkman. _Half a Century of Conflict_, vol. i. p.
155.
[248] The narrative, told with admirable vividness and humour, may
be found in Parkman, _Half a Century of Conflict_, vol. ii.
[249] Warren's letter, 4th July 1745.
[250] 900 men were buried out of 2500.
[251] Holderness to Dinwiddie, 18th January 1754. Parkman, vol. i.
p. 162.
[252] Holderness to Dinwiddie, 5th July 1754.
[253] Order of 30th September 1754. _Record Office, America and W.
I._, vol. lxxiv.
[254] Horace Walpole's instances of Braddock's rough manners are
well known, but the following, I think, is new. An officer had been
foisted upon Braddock on his appointment to the command, whom (in
order to be rid of him) he placed in command of a small provincial
fort at Cape Fear. Governor Dobbs of Carolina having complained of
this officer, Braddock replied "that the man had been imposed upon
him, that he would not trust him with the building of a hog-sty,
and that the best thing Dobbs could do would be to hang him on
the first tree he could find." The story is told in a letter of
Governor Dobbs to General Amherst of 28th August 1762. _Record
Office, W. O., Original Correspondence_, vol. xiii.
[255] These, while they lasted, ranked as 51st and 52nd of the Line.
[256] Braddock to Robinson, 18th March 1755.
[257] Parkman.
[258] Parkman.
[259] Shirley to Newcastle, 5th Nov. 1755. He assigns this as one
of the causes of the subsequent disaster.
[260] Compare the utter helplessness of the French at Wynendale,
who made no effort to clear the woods on their flanks, and the
confusion of the forest-fighting at Malplaquet.
[261] Washington's own expression, in his letter of 18th July 1755.
[262] Probably of the 40th Foot, but possibly of the 45th.
[263] Not to be confounded with the Wood Creek on Lake Champlain.
[264] Intercepted letter in _Col. Papers_ (America and West
Indies), vol. lxxxi. March 1756.
[265] Walpole.
[266] Twenty battalions of the Line raised to a strength of a
thousand men each; eleven regiments of cavalry augmented; two new
companies added to the Artillery. _Miscellaneous Orders_, 15th
October 1755. _Warrant Books_, 21st October 1755.
[267] Order for raising them. _Miscellaneous Orders_, 7th January
1756.
[268] The 53rd, 54th and 57th. _Secretary's Common Letter Book_,
12th May 1756.
[269] Loudoun to Fox, 19th and 29th August 1756.
[270] _Miscellaneous Orders_, 20th Sept. 1756. The regiments thus
augmented were as follows, the regiments made from their second
battalions being added in brackets. 3rd (61st), 4th (62nd), 8th
(63rd), 11th (64th), 12th (65th), 19th (66th), 20th (67th), 23rd
(68th), 24th (69th), 31st (70th), 32nd, 33rd, 34th, 36th, 37th.
[271] Order for raising them, _Miscellaneous Orders_, 4th Jan. 1757.
[272] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 25th Jan. 1757.
[273] _Ibid._, 22nd Dec. 1756.
[274] _Ibid._, 21st Sept. 1756, 29th Jan. 1757. The regiments were
the 2nd batt. 1st Foot, 17th, 27th, 28th, 43rd, 46th, 55th Foot.
[275] _Warrant Books_, 1st May 1756, 4th March 1757.
[276] So I gather from the countless letters on the subject in
_Secretary's Common Letter Book_, Jan. and Feb. 1757.
[277] Loudoun to Fox, 25th Jan.; to Pitt, 25th April 1757.
[278] Pitt's instructions to General Hopson, 19th Feb.; Holderness
to Loudoun, 8th April, 2nd May; Loudoun to Holderness, 5th August
1757.
[279] Loudoun to Pitt, 30th May 1757.
[280] The regiments were the 3rd, 5th, 8th, 15th, 20th, 24th, 25th,
30th, 50th, 51st.
[281] Pitt to Loudoun, 20th Dec. 1757.
[282] Abercromby's instructions, 30th Dec. 1757.
[283] Abercromby's instructions.
[284] The order of Amherst's force in brigades was as follows, the
regiments being enumerated from right to left. _Right Brigade_
(Whitmore), 1 batt. 1st Foot, 40th, 3rd batt. 60th, 48th, 22nd.
_Centre Brigade_ (Wolfe), 17th, 47th, 2nd batt. 60th, 35th. _Left
Brigade_ (Lawrence), 28th, 58th, Fraser's Highlanders, 45th,
15th.--_Enclosure in_ Amherst's letter to Pitt, 11th June 1758.
[285] The 22nd, 28th, 40th and 45th.
[286] The 1st, 17th, 47th, 48th, Fraser's Highlanders.
[287] "I could not prevent the men from being filled with rum by
the inhabitants." Amherst to Pitt, 18th September 1758.
[288] Forbes to Bouquet, 27th June; Washington to Bouquet, 3rd July
1758. _Bouquet Papers_, Add. M.S. 21640, 21641.
[289] _Board of General Officers, Letter Book_, vol. ccclx. p. 24.
[290] Horatio Gates to Bouquet, 8th September 1759. "Lord Howe was
mistaken in cropping the Germans. Some, nay, many of them, would
sooner have parted with their scalps than with their plaited tails
to be trimmed _a la sauvage_." _Bouquet Papers._
[291] Abercromby to Pitt, 8th September 1758.
[292] Stewart's _Highlanders_, vol. i. p. 296.
[293] Turpin's _Essai sur la guerre_. Forbes to Pitt, 17th June,
27th October 1758.
[294] _Add. MS._, 21643. Receipt for the rifles, 6th May; Stanwix
to Bouquet, 25th May 1758.
[295] _Ibid._, 21632. Bouquet to Forbes, 20th August 1758.
[296] The troops were, one battalion from each regiment of Guards,
the 5th, 8th, 20th, 23rd, 24th, 25th, 30th, 33rd, 34th, and 36th
Foot; the light troops of nine dragoon regiments, three companies
of artillery and a large siege-train.
[297] Holderness to Durand, 27th, 30th June.
[298] The troops were, the Blues, 1st and 3rd Dragoon Guards,
Greys, Inniskillings, 10th Dragoons (now Hussars), 12th, 20th,
25th, 37th, 51st Foot, with one battalion of Invalids to garrison
Emden.
[299] Three battalions of Guards, the 5th, 24th, 30th, 33rd, 34th,
36th, 67th, 68th, and the Duke of Richmond's Foot (then numbered
72nd).
[300] Memorials of the African Committee, 13th September 1753, and
of the African Company, 21st February 1755.
[301] Then numbered the 74th.
[302] Then numbered the 76th.
[303] Worge to Pitt, 22nd October. "Sum of the transports are cum
to Kinsale" (_sic_). Keppel to Pitt, 26th October 1758.
[304] The 3rd, 4th, 61st, 63rd, 64th, 65th. _Miscellaneous Orders_,
27th September, 10th October 1758.
[305] Now Fort de France.
[306] Journal in Hopson's letter to Pitt, 30th January 1759.
[307] Though I have searched multitudes of maps of all periods
I have been unable to discover Arnouville in any of them. Its
position, however, may be guessed by its relations to Mahault Bay.
[308] Coote's, which took rank as the 84th, was raised by order of
10th January 1759. Sebright's, raised in Ireland 14th October 1758,
was numbered the 83rd.
[309] Pitt to Amherst, 29th December 1758; 23rd January, 10th March
1759.
[310] See his _Regimental Orders_, 1749-1755, collected in a little
volume. My own copy is the 2nd edition, 1780.
[311] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 2nd October 1758.
[312] Lord Temple, who is the authority for the story, was careful
to mention that Wolfe was perfectly sober.
[313] The distribution was as follows: _Monckton's brigade_, 15th,
43rd, 58th, Fraser's Highlanders. _Townsend's brigade_, 28th, 47th,
2/60th. _Murray's Brigade_, 35th, 48th, 3/60th.
[314] These regiments were the 22nd, 40th, and 45th.
[315] Wolfe to Pitt, 6th June 1759.
[316] The 44th, 46th, 4/60th and 2500 New York Provincials. Amherst
to Pitt, 7th May 1759.
[317] Amherst to Gage, 28th July 1759.
[318] _1st Brigade_, Colonel Forster, 27th, 55th, 1 batt. 1st;
_2nd Brigade_, Colonel Grant, 17th, Montgomery's Highlanders, 42nd
Highlanders.
[319] Amherst to Barrington, 10th August (_Bouquet Papers_, Add.,
MS. 21644, 22nd Feb. 1759). Amherst had also introduced a new
exercise for all regiments (_Bouquet Papers_, 21644, 20th Jan.
1759), but what it was I have been unable to discover; though it
seems (_Haldimand Papers_, Add., MS. 21661, 3rd August 1760) that
he formed the infantry sometimes in two ranks only, the rear-rank
"locking up" to the front.
[320] 28th (300 men), 43rd, Howe's division of Light Infantry,
47th, 58th, 200 Highlanders.
[321] Afterwards Lord St. Vincent.
[322] 300 of the 15th, 240 grenadiers, 250 Highlanders, 200 Light
Infantry, 400 of the 35th, 400 of the 60th. Total 1910.
[323] The grenadier-companies of the 22nd, 40th and 45th.
[324] It should seem that a second gun was brought up in the middle
of the action.
[325] The brigades had been reconstituted on the 7th of September
(see _Wolfe's Orders_), but the new order was not adhered to in the
action.
[326] "There is no necessity for firing very fast: a cool
well-levelled fire is much more destructive and formidable than the
quickest fire in confusion." _Wolfe's Orders_, p. 49.
[327] The 28th.
[328] Killed--10 officers, 48 men; wounded--37 officers, 535 men.
[329] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 8th September 1759. 2150
drafts were sent.
[330] Whitmore (Louisburg) to Pitt, 22nd January 1759.
[331] Murray's Journal, 14th Nov. 1759. "So much drunkenness that I
recalled all licences, and ordered every man found drunk to receive
twenty lashes every morning until he acknowledged where he got the
drink, and to forfeit his allowance of rum for six weeks."
[332] Murray's Journal, 14th, 17th, 24th December 1759.
[333] Murray to Pitt, 25th May 1759.
[334] A wounded Highland officer who had fought under Lord George
Murray at Culloden was heard to ejaculate, "From April battles and
Murray generals, Good Lord deliver us." Murray, who lacked neither
humour nor generosity, came to see him next morning and wished him
better deliverance and a different prayer in his next action.
[335] Pitt to Amherst, 7th January, 9th February 1760.
[336] 1st Royals and Montgomery's Highlanders. Amherst to Pitt, 8th
March 1760.
[337] Amherst to Pitt, 21st June 1760.
[338] Amherst to Haviland, 12th June 1760.
[339] Amherst to Pitt, 18th Oct. 1760.
[340] Amherst to Pitt, 8th Sept. 1760.
[341] The tract is called an island because it is enclosed on the
east by the Jelingeer and on the west by the Bagiruttee.
[342] Draper's, while it lasted, ranked as the 79th. It was
composed chiefly of drafts from the 4th, 8th, and 24th, and was
raised in November 1757.
[343] A battalion of five hundred men would have been in five
divisions, each of one hundred.
[344] I am alive to the peril of a civilian who presumes to differ
from a distinguished officer on so purely technical a matter as
the manœuvres preceding a general action, but it seems to me that
Colonel Malleson has missed this point. Coote, so far as I can
gather, not only forced Lally to fight but also to forego at least
part of the advantages which he had prepared for himself. One would
infer from Malleson's narrative that Lally adhered to the position
which he had chosen from the first. "His left, thrown forward,
resting on a tank and, supported by an entrenchment on the other
side of it, formed an obtuse angle with his line and commanded the
ground over which the enemy must pass." Orme's account, which is
the fullest, is extremely confused; but he says distinctly that
Lally was obliged to wheel round his right, which would necessarily
imply that the left could no longer be thrown forward, and that
the battery at the entrenched tank could no longer rake the whole
of his front. And this I take to have been a principal object of
Coote's manœuvre. Again, the smaller tank, which in Lally's first
position is spoken of as being in his left front, is described in
the action as being in his rear (_Orme_), implying that Lally must
have changed position half if not three-quarters left. Finally,
Lawrence's _Memoirs_, though meagre on this point, speak distinctly
of a first and second disposition of the French.
[345] Lally gives his Europeans as only 1350 infantry, and 150
cavalry.
[346] A regiment raised by Colonel Staates Long Morris, 13th
October 1759. It held precedence, while it lasted, as the 89th.
[347] Warrant dated 10th March 1759.
[348] Holderness to Ferdinand, _undated_ (before February), 1759.
[349] It is hardly necessary to recall to readers the story of the
occupation of Frankfort in Goëthe's _Dichtung und Wahrheit_.
[350] Some British squadrons were present at this action but were
not engaged.
[351] Ferdinand to Holderness, 21st June; Holderness to Ferdinand,
30th June, 3rd July 1759.
[352] Ferdinand to Holderness, 6th July 1759.
[353] "_A n'en bouger plus_" are Ferdinand's own words. His
exasperation against Anhalt was evidently extreme.
[354] 81 officers, 1311 men.
[355] Mauvillon has a curious and striking passage on the subject.
[356] These regiments with their dates of formation are as follows:
85th, Crawfurd's Volunteers, 21st July 1759; 86th, Worge's (for
Goree), 24th August 1759; 87th, Keith's Highlanders, 25th August
1759; 88th, Campbell's Highland Volunteers, 1st January 1760; 89th,
Morris's Highlanders, 13th October 1759; 90th, Morgan's (Irish),
7th December 1759; 91st, Blayney's (Irish), 12th January 1760;
92nd, Gore's (Irish), 17th January 1760; 93rd, Bagshawe's (Irish),
17th January 1760; 94th, Vaughan's (Welsh), 12th January 1760;
Campbell's Argyleshire Fencibles, 21st July 1759; Sutherland's
Highlanders, 11th August 1757. These numbers, of course,
disappeared at the close of the war, when the regiments were
disbanded. The two last named were never numbered.
[357] They were Drogheda's (19th Light Dragoons), November 1759;
Caldwell's (20th Light Dragoons), 12th January 1760; Granby's (21st
Royal Foresters), 5th April 1760.
[358] Holderness to Ferdinand, 22nd January, 15th February, 2nd,
9th May, 6th June 1760. The regiments despatched were the 2nd, 6th
and 7th Dragoon Guards; 1st, 7th, 11th Dragoons, and 15th Light
Dragoons; the 5th, 8th, 11th, 24th, 33rd, 50th Foot. The 15th and
7th were not sent until June.
[359] Ferdinand to Holderness, 17th June 1760.
[360] The First Dragoon Guards went into this charge with ninety
men and returned with twenty-four.
[361] Westphalen IV. 313, 353. The numbers are from official
sources.
[362] Mauvillon. Granby to Holderness, 19th July 1760.
[363] Daulhatt's is set down as British in the official lists;
but other evidence leads me to think that it included Hanoverian
grenadiers also.
[364] These two regiments then ranked as the 87th and 88th.
[365] Tempelhof.
[366] Ferdinand to Holderness, 8th, 14th, 16th, 27th September 1760.
[367] The 11th, 20th, 23rd, 25th, 33rd, 51st Foot; two battalions
of grenadiers, two more of Highlanders; the 1st, 6th, and 10th
Dragoons.
[368] _À moi, Auvergne, voilà les ennemis._
[369] Bourcet.
[370] Mauvillon. Yet I find the British Guards with him on the
Lippe in 1761.
[371] Hereditary Prince to Holderness, 19th October 1760.
[372] The new regiments were:-- Burton's (95th), 10th December
1760; Monson's (96th), 20th January 1761; James Stuart's (97th),
24th January 1761; Grey's (98th), 27th January 1761; Byng's (99th),
16th March 1761; Colin Campbell's (100th), 4th May 1761.
[373] _Miscellaneous Orders_, 3rd October, 14th November 1760.
[374] _Ibid._, 24th January 1761.
[375] The troops were the whole, or detachments, of the 9th, 19th,
30th, 34th, 36th, 67th, 69th, Morgan's (then the 94th), Stuart's
(then the 97th), Grey's (then the 98th); two troops of the 16th
Light Dragoons, and three companies of Royal Artillery. Detachments
of the 3rd, 36th, Crawford's (then 85th) and Boscawen's (then 75th)
also arrived in May and June.
[376] Keppel to Admiralty, 18th April 1761.
[377] For example, eight British battalions were by March reduced
to a joint total of 700 effective men. Ferdinand to Frederick, 23rd
March 1761, Westphalen, v. 220.
[378] Johnston's (101st), Wedderburn's (102nd).
[379] Oswald's (103rd), 10th August 1761; Tonyn's (104th),
10th August 1761; Graeme's (105th), 15th October 1761; Barré's
(106th), 17th October 1761; Beauclerk's (107th), 16th October
1761; Macdougall's (108th), 17th October 1761; Nairn's (109th),
13th October 1761; Deakin's (110th), 14th October 1761; Markham's
(112th), 16th October 1761; Hamilton's (113th), 17th October 1761;
M'Lean's (114th), 18th October 1761; Crawford's (115th), 19th
October 1761. The lists in the Army List and in the _Miscellaneous
Orders_ do not quite correspond. According to the former the 108th
was John Scott's, and the 111th Warkworth's, both bearing date
April 1762. But there was a corps formed under Macdougall as above,
and another under Colonel Ogle in October 1761, which I take to be
the 108th and 111th respectively.
[380] Pitt to Amherst, 7th June 1761.
[381] The force consisted of 300 of the garrison of Guadeloupe, 400
Highlanders, the 22nd, and Vaughan's Foot (then the 94th).
[382] Governor Dalrymple (Guadeloupe) to Sir J. Douglas, 10th
October; to Pitt, 16th November 1761.
[383] Dalrymple to Egremont, 6th December 1761.
[384] The 69th, Rufane's, Morgan's, and Grey's Foot.
[385] 15th, 17th, 27th, 28th, 35th, 40th, 42nd (two battalions),
43rd, 46th, 3/60th.
[386] Now Fort de France.
[387] Letter from H. Gordon to Colonel Bouquet. Add. M.S., 21648.
[388] The regiments employed in Martinique, complete or in
detachments, were the 4th, 15th, 17th, 22nd, 27th, 28th, 35th,
38th, 40th, 42nd, 43rd, 48th, 3/60th, 65th, 69th, Rufane's (two
battalions), Montgomery's Highlanders, Vaughan's, Gray's, Stuart's,
Campbell's, two companies of American Rangers, ten companies of
Barbados Volunteers.
[389] Egremont to Amherst, 13th January 1762.
[390] 22nd, 34th, 56th, Richmond's Foot (then 72nd).
[391] Albemarle to Egremont, 27th May 1762.
[392] Albemarle to Egremont, 21st August 1762.
[393] _Ibid._, 7th October.
[394] 3rd, 67th, Boscawen's, Crawford's.
[395] Armstrong's, Blayney's.
[396] On one occasion a sergeant and six men of this regiment
killed or captured every man of a party of five-and-twenty Spanish
horse under an officer.
[397] Mauvillon.
[398] The Fifth, having captured a large body of French grenadiers,
received the privilege of wearing French grenadiers' caps, which
were modified later into the fusilier-caps, which they still wear.
They also bear the name of Wilhelmsthal on their colours.
[399] No British troops were engaged in this combat.
[400] Three battalions of British Guards, three battalions of
British grenadiers, two of Highlanders, the Blues, and 1st Dragoon
Guards.
[401] _E.g._ Westphalen, vi. 885, 886. He gives other instances
also.
[402] _Parl. History_, Feb. 1741.
[403] _Commons Journals_, 17th Feb. 1743.
[404] E.g. _Miscellaneous Orders_, 21st March 1742.
[405] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 16th Aug., l0th Sept. 1742.
[406] The pease after five hours of boiling were still hard, and
the pieces of beef that should have weighed four pounds and served
as a ration for six men weighed but eighteen ounces. _Secretary's
Common Letter Book_, 7th Oct. 1741.
[407] Stair to Carteret, Oct. 1/12 1742.
[408] _Warrant Books_, 30th July 1741. More muskets were purchased
abroad in 1750. _Ibid._ 26th Sept. 1750.
[409] _Antea_, p. 138.
[410] _Warrant Books_, vol. lvii. Jan.-April 1743. This system
of local effort has a certain interest for the present, since
Newcastle was one of the ports that applied for guns. _Ibid._ vol.
lviii. p. 66. In the island of Jersey there were "parish-guns" kept
in the parish churches, twenty-two of them in all, field-pieces.
_Ibid._ vol. lxiii. p. 91. For the fortification of the dockyards,
see _Warrant Books_, 12th April 1756.
[411] _Warrant Books_, 9th Oct. 1746.
[412] _Warrant Books_, 14th May 1757.
[413] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 20th May 1745.
[414] _Warrant Books_, vol. lvii. _passim_.
[415] Orders issued at Vilvorde, Oct. 10/21, 1745. _Miscellaneous
Orders_, under date.
[416] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 4th Oct. 1754.
[417] Cumberland to Harrington, July 9/20, 1745.
[418] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 10th August 1749.
[419] I have failed to discover this book. The words quoted are
taken from a review of the work in the _London Chronicle_, 17th
July 1760.
[420] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 8th and 10th Jan. 1761.
[421] _Parl. History_, Feb. 1750.
[422] An Order in Council of 11th July 1759 directs that men shall
be enlisted for three years and for service within the kingdom
only, so it is possible that the Government fell back simply on the
latent power of the Crown.
[423] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 7th Jan. 1762.
[424] _Lloyd's Evening Post_, 26th Feb. 1762.
[425] _London Morning Advertiser_, 18th April 1744.
[426] _Morning Advertiser_, 25th June 1750. The woman served in all
for seven years. Her portrait was engraved, and a copy hangs at
this day in the hall of Chelsea Hospital.
[427] _Parl. History_, 12th April 1771.
[428] _Miscellaneous Orders_, 7th August 1759.
[429] _Gazette_, 18th August 1759.
[430] Conway complained much of the drafts from the independent
companies sent to Germany, the men being weakly, young, and
undersized (_Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 2nd June 1761; and
see _Correspondence of George III. with Lord North_, vol. i. p.
265). The King ascribes the system to Charles Townsend, but it was
begun before he became Secretary-at-War.
[431] Stair to Carteret, Nov. 3/14, Dec. 4/15 1742, Jan. 7/18 1743;
Carteret to Stair, Nov. 12/23 1742; Fawkenar to Newcastle, July
9/20 1745; _Miscellaneous Orders_, 28th June 1744; _Secretary's
Common Letter Book_, 5th Sept. 1745.
[432] Thus other Light Dragoons besides the Fifteenth really
partook in the glory of Emsdorff; one of the officers killed being,
though formerly of the Fifteenth, an officer of the Seventeenth,
who probably took a draft of his new regiment with him.
[433] _Read's Weekly Journal_, 9th March 1754; _Secretary's Common
Letter Book_, 18th Jan. 1748, 29th Jan. 1757.
[434] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 26th March 1743, 12th June,
20th August, 2nd Sept. 1755.
[435] See Governor Crump's pathetic appeal to Lord Barrington,
1759. _W. O., Orig. Corres., Guadeloupe_ (Record Office).
[436] Circular to Governors of colonies, 13th March 1756.
[437] _Bouquet Papers, Add. M S._, 21631. _Bouquet's letters_,
25th, 26th August, 10th, 29th September 1757.
[438] Governor Shirley to Secretary Fox, 8th March 1756; Loudoun
to Pitt, 25th April 1757; Bouquet to Loudoun, 25th August 1757;
Amherst to Barrington, 10th August 1759.
[439] Gage to Ellis, 9th Dec. 1763.
[440] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 10th Jan. 1761.
[441] The allowance was three men in every company of seventy,
and four men in every company of one hundred. _Secretary's Common
Letter Book_, 15th May 1758.
[442] Regulations for stoppages of dragoons and foot,
_Miscellaneous Orders_, 28th June 1720, for answering the expenses
formerly borne by the regiments.
DRAGOONS
_IN QUARTERS_
Sergeant--Full pay per week £0 15 9
_Deductions_--Landlord for diet £0 3 6
Do. hay and straw 0 3 6
Corn 0 1 5½
Farrier 0 0 3½
---------
0 8 9
--------
Remains to be paid weekly £0 7 0
========
Corporal and drummer--Full pay per week £0 12 3
_Deductions as above_ 0 8 9
--------
Remains to be paid weekly £0 3 6
========
Dragoon--Full pay per week £0 9 11
_Deductions as above_ 0 8 9
--------
Remains to be paid weekly £0 1 2
========
_AT GRASS_
Sergeant--Full pay per week £0 15 9
_Deductions_--Landlord for diet £0 3 6
Do. grass 0 2 4
Farrier 0 0 3½
Riding master 0 0 7
Grass money 0 1 10½
-------- 0 8 7
--------
Remains to be paid weekly £0 7 2
========
Corporal and drummer--Full pay per week £0 12 3
_Deductions as above_ 0 8 7
--------
Remains to be paid weekly £0 3 8
========
Dragoon--Full pay per week £0 9 11
_Deductions_ (slightly reduced for same items) 0 6 8½
---------
Remains to be paid weekly £0 3 2½
Of which there being paid to him 0 1 4
---------
There remains over £0 1 10½
=========
This 1s. 10½d. was commonly called grass money, out of which the
non-commissioned officer or man might find all such necessaries
as were not supplied according to regulations by the colonel, pay
2s. a year to the surgeon, and make good losses of exchange in the
remittance of pay.
FOOT
Sergeant--Full pay per week £0 7 0
Paid weekly 0 6 0
--------
There remains £0 1 0
========
Corporal--Full pay per week £0 4 6
Paid weekly 0 4 0
--------
There remains £0 0 6
========
Private--Full pay per week £0 3 6
Paid weekly 0 3 0
--------
There remains £0 0 6
========
From which remainders of pay the captain may deduct for shoes,
stockings, gaiters, medicines, shaving, mending of arms, and losses
by exchange; but nothing else except such things as may be lost or
spoiled by the soldier's negligence.
These orders were confirmed again 27th April 1732.
[443] _Craftsman_, 12th April 1740. Conversation between Thomas
Lobster, soldier, and John Tar, mariner.
[444] _Commons Journal_, 16th April 1740.
[445] _Miscellaneous Orders_, 2nd July 1753, _Secretary's Common
Letter Book_, 17th July 1753, are the first instances in the
official records.
[446] The Third Guards apparently were the first. _Morning
Advertiser_, 29th March 1749.
[447] Hinde's _Discipline of the Light Horse_, 1760.
[448] _Obverse_--a forest with a road cut through it.
_Reverse_--the confluence of the Ohio and Monongahela; Fort
Duquêsne in flames; Forbes in his litter and the army in columns.
_Motto_--Ohio Brittanica; consilio manuque. _Bouquet Papers, Add.
MS._, 21644.
[449] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 19th, 23rd December 1746.
7th January 1747.
[450] "Dragoons are now the mode, so I doubt not that Ireland will
follow Great Britain and petition for the demolition of jackboots."
Ligonier to Chesterfield, Dec. 12/23 1740.
[451] Ligonier to Chesterfield, Dec. 12/23 1746. _Secretary's
Common Letter Book_, 5th July 1758, 18th February 1760.
[452] Ligonier to Carteret, Oct. 31/Nov. 11, Nov. 11/22 1743.
[453] Cumberland to Chesterfield, Sept. 16/27 1748. _Miscellaneous
Orders_, 3rd February 1749.
[454] _Read's Weekly Journal_, 26th June 1756.
[455] _H.O.M.E.B._, 13th April, 18th November 1741.
[456] _Ibid._, 30th July 1744; _Warrant Books_, 26th October 1759.
[457] Two guns was the allowance for a battalion, and the
detachment to serve them consisted of an officer, two
non-commissioned officers, and twelve men. _Warrant Books_, 30th
June 1758.
[458] _H.O.M.E.B._, 20th June 1757.
[459] _Ibid._, 4th May 1742, 16th November 1759. The three-pounders
were mounted on two-wheeled "galloping carriages," drawn by three
horses; the six-pounders required four if not five horses. _Ibid._,
12th August 1742.
[460] _Warrant Books_, 16th January 1741, 16th December 1756, 3rd
March 1759.
[461] Two hundred and eight of all ranks.
[462] _Warrant Books_, 1st May 1756.
[463] Mauvillon.
[464] Bland's _Military Discipline_.
[465] _Gentleman's Magazine_, 24th April 1756.
[466] _Secretary's Common Letter Book_, 14th February 1760.
[467] Carlyle.
[468] Stair to Carteret, Jan. 7/18 1743; Carteret to Stair, March
20/31 1743.
[469] Stair to Carteret, May 18/29 1742.
[470] _Daily Post_, 13th August 1737.
[471] Return of the weight carried by a grenadier on the march:--
lb. oz.
Coat 5 2
Firelock with sling, etc. 11 0
Knapsack with contents, viz.: 2 shirts, 2
stocks, 2 pair stockings, 1 pair summer
breeches, 1 pair shoes, brushes, and
blackball 7 10
-------
23 12
Other items, and 6 days' provisions. 39 7
-------
Total 63 3
=======
Drawn up by Lieut. Baillie, 1st Batt. 60th Foot, _28th Aug. 1762_.
[472] Mauvillon.
[473] Archenholtz.
[474] Grose.
[475] Grose, from Rymer.
[476] Grose, from Harl. MS. 6844.
[477] Grose.
[478] Grose.
[479] Grose, from Rushworth.
[480] From Barriffe's _Military Discipline_.
[481] From _Cal. S. P., Dom._, May 1657.
[482] _Commons Journals._
[483] _Commons Journals._
[484] _Commons Journals._
[485] _Commons Journals._
[486] Rushworth himself thinks there is some error in this list.
[487] _Commons Journals._
[488] _Cal. S. P., Dom._
[489] Newspaper (reference lost).
INDEX
Abercromby, General James, ii. 296, 314;
incapacity of, 322, 327;
defeat at Ticonderoga, 322, 359
Abraham, Heights of, ii. 376
Acadia, ii. 241
Act of Union, amalgamation of English and Scotch military
establishments by, i. 580
Ælian, Tactics of, i. 106, 152
Æneas Poliorceticus, military maxims of, i. 106
Aix-la-Chapelle, Peace of, ii. 164, 191, 260, 561
Albany, Duke of, i. 118
Albemarle, George Monk, Duke of. _See_ Monk
Albemarle, Arnold van Keppel, Earl of, i. 390
Albemarle, Earl of, commands expedition against Havana, ii. 541
Alberoni, Cardinal, ii. 8
Albert, Archduke of Austria, i. 160
Alcantara, taken by allies (1706), i. 482
Alexander the Great, i. 106
Alexander of Parma, i. 144, 150
Alexius Commenus, English nobles serve under, i. 8
Alfaraz, Pass of, i. 531
Alfred, King, fyrd under, i. 5
Allaverdy Khan (1733), ii. 409
Alva, Duke of, i. 101, 141
Amherst, Jeffery, Lord, ii. 113, 314, 318;
captures Louisburg, 321, 359, 364, 370;
advance to Crown Point, 371, 383, 395;
French capitulate to, 400;
estimate of his work in Canada, 402-405, 537, 544
Andros, Colonel Sir Edmund, ii. 251
Angus, Lord, i. 364
Anhalt, Prince of, ii. 487
Annapolis, our troops in, ii. 44, 255
Anne, Queen, i. 402;
strength and composition of army under, 555;
hardships of officers under, 573;
death, ii. 4;
colonial policy under, 254
Anson, Lord, ii. 340
Anwarudeen (Nabob of Carnatic, 1744), ii. 79, 181;
his treaty with the French, 185
Archers, i. 10;
established by statute, 16, 17;
at Bannockburn, 18, 28;
the artillery of the old army, 29;
pay of, 30;
at Poitiers, 40, 43;
Genoese cross-bowmen, 35;
French archers, 50;
at Roveray, 67;
at Towton, 74;
at Flodden, 116. _See_ Arms, Bow
Arcot, Clive's attack on, ii. 200
Argyll, Duke of, treachery to Marlborough, i. 530, 552; ii. 28, 53
Ariancopang, ii. 185
Arleux, fort of, i. 542
_Arms, Armour, and Accoutrements_:--
Axe, i. 6, 16, 82
Badges, i. 73
Bandoliers, i. 102
Bayonet, i. 11;
added to dragoon's arms, 323;
increased use of, 327;
alterations in, 341, 586; ii. 586
Bill, i. 16;
foot-soldier armed with, 77, 116, 125, 133
Bombards, i. 53
Bow and arrows, i. 11, 16;
bow and bolts, 16;
long-bow encouraged by Edward I., 17, 28;
its superiority, 29;
used by train-bands, 120, 125;
disappearance of long-bow, 129;
superseded by fire-arms, 133
Buckler, carried by cavalry, i. 115
Caliver, i. 101, 128, 133
Cannon, i. 32, 66, 115;
scarcity of big guns, ii. 564;
the different ones used by artillery, 588
Carbine, i. 155, 322, 325;
cavalry armed with, ii. 586
Cartridges, i. 102
Chain-mail, i. 6, 12;
last appearance of mailed troops, 203
Chaplet, i. 12
Colours, flags of landsknechts and Swiss, i. 87;
under Tudors, 111, 118;
flags first called colours, 136;
Scottish colours, 182;
flags captured at Blenheim, 443;
St. Andrew crossed with St. George after Union, 492
Corselets, i. 119, 125;
worn by pikemen, 154;
die out, 327
Cuirass, reintroduced by Marlborough, i. 587;
worn by eighteenth-century cavalry, ii. 585
Culverin, i. 119
Dagger, i. 24, 137
Dart, i. 6
Dragoons' accoutrements, i. 323
Firelocks, i. 325
Fusil, i. 325
Gorget, last survival of armour, i. 327
Gun, early specimens of, i. 30;
improvements in, 53;
hand gun introduced, 77, 100, 112;
foreign and English makers of, 122
Gunstones, i. 120
Habergeon, i. 12;
worn by cavalry, 27
Halberd, i. 77, 82, 119, 128, 153;
peculiar weapon of sergeants, 326
Hand grenades, ii. 70
Harquebus, i. 53, 101, 112, 125, 136
Hatchet, Grenadiers armed with, i. 325
Hauberk, i. 16
Helmet, i. 6, 12, 28;
worn by pikemen, 154;
and cavalry, 215; ii. 586
Howitzer, i. 82
Iron cap, worn by archers, i. 28;
given to cavalry in 1758, ii. 585
Iron gloves, i. 28
Knife, i. 16
Lance, i. 11, 12, 24, 27, 104, 115, 133, 155
Matches for guns, i. 119
Medals, first issued after Dunbar, i. 245; ii. 583
Musket, i. 11, 101, 120;
English grow expert with, 143, 153;
becomes lighter, 179;
dragoons armed with, 216;
improved in Anne's reign, 585
Partisan, i. 214
Petronel, i. 102
Pike, i. 11, 17, 77;
long pike introduced, 83;
Scottish pikes, 116;
morris-pike, 117;
increased use of, under Henry VIII., 119;
under Mary, 125;
under Elizabeth, 128, 133, 153, 155;
improvements in, 179;
carried by captains, 214;
becomes obsolete, 237, but survives as spontoon, 326;
disappearance of, 584.
_See also_ Drill and Exercises
Pistol, i. 82;
cavalry weapon, 104, 133, 155, 215, 586
Powder, i. 137
Ramrod, ii. 51
Shell, i. 122
Shield, i. 6, 12, 24, 82
Sollerets, i. 26
Spear, i. 82
Sword, i. 16, 24;
the weapon of an ensign, 214;
won by cavalry, 215; ii. 586;
the Highlander's broadsword, 130
Tassets, worn by pikemen, i. 154;
die out, 327
Wambais, i. 12
Arrian, military maxims of, i. 106
Arrows. _See_ Arms and Armour, Bow
Artillery, rarely employed in old army, i. 66;
after the Wars of the Roses, 77;
French improvements in, 93;
Henry VIII. encourages, 112, 118, 119;
Gustavus Adolphus's reforms in, 184;
in New Model, 216, 328;
under William III., 388;
under Anne, 555, 587;
under the Georges, ii. 48;
remarkable efficiency of, at Minden, 496;
increases in numbers and reputation, 587.
_See also_ Regiments
Arundel, Earl of, i. 34
Assize of arms, i. 4, 12, 15
Astley, Sir Jacob, i. 195, 225
Athlone, Lord. _See_ Ginkell
Atterbury, Bishop, ii. 13
Audley, Lord, i. 148
Augsburg, occupied by Marlborough, i. 444
Augustus the Strong, King of Poland, i. 503
Aurungzebe (Mogul Emperor, 1672), ii. 168, 172;
granted Chandernagore to French, 173;
death, 174
Axe. _See_ Arms and Armour
Baber (Mogul Emperor, 1526), ii. 167