Ieyasu was not only a general of eminent abilities, who had from his youth
been accustomed to the responsibility and management of great campaigns,
but he was a statesman who knew how to secure the advantage to be obtained
from victories and conquests. After the decisive battle of Sekigahara,
when the control of the empire became fixed in his hands, we hear little
more of him as a general, excepting in the battle at Ōsaka, when the
fortunes of Hideyori were finally and definitely settled. The common
conception of Ieyasu is not that of a great commander like Hideyoshi, but
rather of an organizer and law-maker, who out of confused and dismembered
provinces and principalities of the empire constructed a firm and abiding
state.(226) After his settlement of the dissensions at home, and his
admirable adjustment of the outstanding difficulties with Korea and China,
which we have already traced, we shall find Ieyasu principally engaged in
framing a government which should be suited to the peculiar wants and
founded on the historical antecedents of the country.
[Illustration]
Ieyasu.
There was one characteristic of Ieyasu which has not received sufficient
attention. Although not a great scholar in any sense, even in the age in
which he lived, he was more familiar than most men of affairs of his day
with the Chinese classical writings, and was in the more leisurely periods
of his life a noted patron of learned men. The Chinese classics were said
to have been brought to Japan at an early period, even before the first
introduction of Buddhism. But the period was too early and the condition
of the country too rude to make the reading and study of the philosophical
and political writings of Confucius and Mencius an essential part of the
education of the people. The culture which Buddhism brought with it,
accompanied with a knowledge of the writing and reading of the Chinese
letters, was all that obtained any currency during the disturbed and
warlike ages of Japanese history. But when peace was at last established
by the supremacy of Ieyasu, and the active Japanese intellect had some
other employment than fighting, then learning took a great start. And as
the only idea which the Japanese possessed of learning was that which
prevailed in China and was imbedded in the Chinese writings, they
naturally turned to them for thought and systematic training.
Fortunately Ieyasu was a man who appreciated at its full value the effect
of learning on the character of his people. He caused the Confucian
classics(227) to be printed at a press which he patronized in Fushimi, and
this was said to be the first time these works had ever been printed in
Japan. He gathered scholars about him at Fushimi, at Yedo, and after his
retirement at Shizuoka (Sumpu). He favored education and encouraged the
daimyōs to establish schools where the children of their retainers could
be taught not only military accomplishments but the elements of a good
education. The Chinese classics were made the essentials of such an
education, and the chief duty of a school was to teach the pupils to read
and write and understand the works which their venerable and learned
neighbor had furnished them.
[Illustration]
Mixing Ink For Writing.
Unfortunately this movement in behalf of learning was hampered by the
impracticable nature of the Chinese written language. Instead of a few
characters representing sounds, like European alphabets, it consists of
thousands of symbols, each representing an idea. The pupil must therefore
spend years in learning to make, and know and read the mere signs of
language. And in the modern necessities of printing,(228) the compositor
must handle not less than 4,000 or 5,000 Chinese characters, besides the
Japanese _kana_ and other needful marks. The _kana_ here mentioned were
the result of a promising effort which was made to simplify the Chinese
written language by expressing it in symbols representing sounds.
Forty-seven _kana_ letters—by repetition extended to fifty—each
representing a syllable, are used to express Japanese words.
[Illustration]
Styles Of Letters: (Chinese Proverb: Hiroku koriwo aisuruwo jintoyu. To
love universally is true humility.) 1. Kaisho (book letters). 2. Ditto. 3.
Gyosho (script letters). 4. Ditto. 5. Hirasaua (Japanese script).
[Illustration]
Japanese Syllabary.
The castle of Yedo was reconstructed and enlarged after the battle of
Sekigahara, while Ieyasu continued to reside at Fushimi. The Jesuit
fathers, who accompanied the Father Provincial on his visit to Ieyasu,
assert that 300,000 men were employed in this work. Very much of the
ground where the present city of Tōkyō now stands, was then, according to
old maps, covered with water. In excavating the moat which surrounds the
castle, and the canals connecting this moat with the Sumida-gawa, immense
quantities of earth were obtained, which were used to fill up lagoons and
to reclaim from the shallow bay portions which have now become solid land.
This work of building the castle and fitting the city for the residence of
a great population, was carried on by many of the successors of Ieyasu.
The third shōgun, Iemitsu, the grandson of Ieyasu, made great improvements
both to the castle and the city, so that the population and position of
Yedo in no long time placed it as the chief city of the empire.(229)
The task to which Ieyasu devoted himself during the years of his residence
at Yedo was that of consolidating and settling the feudal system of the
empire. The daimyōs had for centuries been so accustomed to conduct
themselves independently, and to govern each his own province in his own
way, that they might be expected to resent any efforts to restrict their
action. Fortunately Ieyasu was a mild and temperate man, who, while he
could act with firmness, was most considerate of the feelings and motives
of others. After the decisive victory of Sekigahara he readily and
cordially made terms with his enemies, and did not show himself rapacious
in exacting from them undue penalties for their hostility. To the daimyō
of Satsuma, as we have already seen, he restored the entire territory
which Taikō Sama had given him. The daimyō of Chōshū was allowed to keep
two of the provinces out of the ten which he had acquired by conquest, yet
these two made him still one of the richest and most powerful princes in
the empire. With others he dealt in the same liberal spirit, so that out
of the old proud daimyōs whom he spared and permitted to continue in their
holdings, he created for himself a body of fast friends.
But it must be remembered that the end Ieyasu had in view was to establish
a system which should continue loyal to his successors, and to a line of
successors who should be of his own family. Hence out of the confiscated
territories, and out of those which were in part vacated as a fine on the
former holders, and out of those which had become vacant by natural
causes, he carved many fiefs with which he endowed members of his own
family and those retainers who were closely affiliated with him. He had
twelve children,(230) nine sons and three daughters. The daughters were
married to three daimyōs. The oldest of his sons, Nobuyasu, had died at an
early age. His second son, Hideyasu, had been adopted by Taikō Sama, and
to him Ieyasu gave the province of Echizen as his fief. The third son,
Hidetada, who shared with his father the command of the forces at the
battle Sekigahara, had married a daughter of Taikō Sama, and succeeded his
father as shōgun. On his youngest three sons he bestowed the rich
provinces of Owari, Kii, and Mito, and constituted the families to which
they gave rise as the _Go-san-ké_, or the three honorable families. In
case of a failure in the direct line, the heir to the shōgunate was to be
chosen from one of these families.
Without undertaking to give a detailed account of the feudal system as
modified and established by Ieyasu, it will be sufficient to give the
classes of daimyōs as they continued to exist under the Tokugawa
shōgunate.(231) It must be understood that feudalism existed in Japan
before the time of Ieyasu. It can be traced to the period when Yoritomo
obtained from the emperor permission to send into each province a _shiugo_
who should be a military man, and should act as protector of the _kokushū_
or governor, who was always a civilian appointed by the emperor. These
military protectors were provided with troops, for the pay of whom
Yoritomo got permission from the emperor to levy a tax. Being active men,
and having troops under their command, they gradually absorbed the entire
authority, and probably in most cases displaced the _kokushū_, who only
represented the powerless government at Kyōto. Under the disturbed times
which followed the fall of the house of Yoritomo these _shiugo_ became the
hereditary military governors of the provinces, and usurped not only the
functions but the name of _kokushū_. They became a class of feudal barons
who, during the interval when no central authority controlled them,
governed each one his own province on his own responsibility. Even after
the establishment of a central authority, and continuously down to the
abolition of feudalism, the government of the people was in the hands of
the daimyō of each province. The assessment of taxes, the construction of
roads and bridges, the maintenance of education, the punishment of crime,
the collection of debts, the enforcement of contracts, and indeed the
whole circle of what was denominated law were in the hands of the local
government. In truth, in Japan as in other feudal countries there was
scarcely such a thing as law in existence. The customs that prevailed, the
common-sense decisions of a magistrate, the final determinations of the
daimyō, were authoritative in every community. And in all these each
province was in a great degree a law unto itself.
The classes of daimyōs as arranged and established by Ieyasu were not
altered by his successors, although the number included under each class
was liable to minor changes. Before Ieyasu’s time there were three classes
of daimyōs, viz.: eighteen _kokushū_, who may be termed lords of
provinces, thirty-two _ryōshu_ or lords of smaller districts, and two
hundred and twelve _jōshu_ or lords of castles, that is two hundred and
sixty-two in all. The distinction between the first two was one of rank,
but the third differed from the others in the fact that the assessment in
each case was less than 100,000 _kōku_ of rice. The number of _kokushū_
daimiates was increased by the addition of Kii and Owari, to which Ieyasu
appointed two of his sons as daimyōs. A third son he appointed daimyō of
Mito, which was already of the _kokushū_ rank. He vacated this place by
compelling the previous holder to accept in place of it another daimiate
of equivalent value.
Ieyasu divided all daimyōs into two distinct classes, the _fudai_ and the
_tozama_. The term _fudai_ was used to designate those who were considered
the vassals of the Tokugawa family. The _tozama_ daimyōs were those who
were considered as equal to the vassals of the Tokugawa family, but who
were not in fact vassals. Of the former there were originally one hundred
and seventy-seven, and of the latter eighty-six.(232) Twenty-one of the
_fudai_ daimyōs were relatives of the shōgun’s family, of whom three, as
has been stated, were the “honorable families.” All the others, numbering
eighteen, bore the name of Matsudaira, one of the family names of Ieyasu,
derived from a small village in the province of Mikawa, where Ieyasu was
born. This was allowed to them as a special honor.
We give here the classification of the daimyōs as enumerated by M.
Appert(233) in his list for the epoch about 1850:
1. Go-san-ké (three honorable families) 3
2. Fudai daimyōs (vassals of Tokugawa family) 137
3. Tozama daimyōs (equal to vassals) 99
4. Kamon (all the other branches of Tokugawa family) 18
5. Daimyōs, not classified 6
Total 263
The five leading _tozama_ daimyōs were Kaga, Sendai, Aizu, Chōshū, and
Satsuma, and although they ranked after the _go-san-ké_, they had some
superior advantages. They were classed as _kyakubun_, or guests, and
whenever they paid a visit to the capital of the shōgun, they were met by
envoys and conducted to their residences.
Besides these daimyōs of different classes, Ieyasu established an inferior
kind of feudal nobility, which was termed _hatamoto_. This means literally
_under the flag_. They had small holdings assigned to them, and their
income varied very greatly. Mr. Gubbins, in his paper, puts the number at
about 2,000. It was the custom to employ the members of this minor class
of aristocracy very largely in filling the official positions in the
shōgun’s government. Indeed, it was held as a common maxim, that the
offices should be filled by poor men rather than by rich.(234) The
_gokenin_, numbering about 5,000, were still another class who were
inferior to the _hatamoto_. They had small incomes, and were mostly
employed in subordinate positions. Beneath these again stood the ordinary
fighting men, or common _samurai_, who were the retainers of the daimyōs
and of the shōgun. They were the descendants of the soldiers of the time
of Yoritomo, who appointed _shiugo_ to reside with a company of troops in
each province, for the purpose of keeping the peace. They had already
grown to claim a great superiority over the common people, and Ieyasu
encouraged them in this feeling of superciliousness. The people were
divided into four classes, arranged in the following order: _samurai_,
farmers, artisans, and merchants. And in his _Legacy_ Ieyasu thus
expresses himself(235): “The _samurai_ are masters of the four classes.
Farmers, artisans, and merchants may not behave in a rude manner towards
_samurai_ ... and a _samurai_ is not to be interfered with in cutting down
a fellow who has behaved to him in a manner other than is expected.” Again
he says(236): “A girded sword is the living soul of a _samurai_.”
The authority coming from so high and so revered a source did not grow
less during the centuries of feudalism which followed. The _samurai_ did
not fail to use all the privileges which were allowed them by Ieyasu’s
testamentary law. Especially in the large cities where great numbers of
them were gathered, and where idleness led them into endless evil
practices, the arrogance and overbearing pride of the _samurai_ made them
an intolerable nuisance. Nevertheless it must be allowed that nearly all
that was good, and high-minded, and scholarly in Japan was to be found
among the ranks of the feudal retainers. It is to them that the credit
must be given of the great changes and improvements which have been
initiated since Japan was opened up to foreigners. They were the students
who went out into the world to learn what western science had to teach
them. They have been pioneers in a return to a central authority and to
the experiment of a representative government, and to the principles of
freedom and toleration to which the country is committed. To them Japan
owes its ancient as well as its modern system of education. Its old stores
of literature, it is true, are not due to them, but surely all its modern
development in newspapers, magazines, history, political science, and
legal and commercial codes, is to be traced to the adaptability and energy
of the old _samurai_ class.
[Illustration]
Sword-Maker.
The _samurai_ had the privilege of carrying two swords; the principal one
(_katana_) was about four feet long, nearly straight, but slightly curved
toward the point, the blade thick and ground to a keen though blunt edge.
It was carried in a scabbard thrust through the _obi_ or belt on the left
side, with the edge uppermost. Besides the _katana_ the _samurai_ carried
also a short sword about nine and a half inches long, called _wakizashi_.
The blade of the sword was fastened to the hilt by a pin of wood and could
be readily detached. On the part of the blade inserted in the hilt, the
maker’s name was always inscribed, and it was a special matter of pride
when he was one of the famous sword-smiths of Japan. The most noted makers
were Munechika, Masamune, Yoshimitsu, and Muramasa, who ranged from the
tenth down through the fourteenth century. The quality of the Japanese
sword has been a matter of national pride, and the feats which have been
accomplished by it seem almost beyond belief. To cleave at one blow three
human bodies laid one upon another; to cut through a pile of copper coins
without nicking the edge, were common tests which were often tried.(237)
[Illustration]
Sword, Spears, And Matchlock.
It was an essential part of the education of a young _samurai_ that he
should be trained thoroughly in martial exercises. The latter part of
every school day was given up to this kind of physical training. He was
taught to ride a horse, to shoot with the bow, to handle the spear, and
especially to be skilled in the etiquette and use of the sword.(238) They
went through again and again the tragic details of the commission of
_hara-kiri_, and had it impressed on their youthful imaginations with such
force and vividness, that when the time for its actual enactment came they
were able to meet the bloody reality without a tremor and with perfect
composure.(239)
The foundation of the relations between the feudal chiefs and their
retainers lay in the doctrine of Confucius. The principles which he lays
down fitted in admirably to the ideas which the historical system of
Japanese feudalism had made familiar. They inculcated absolute submission
of the son to the father, of the wife to her husband, and of the servant
to his master, and in these respects Japanese feudalism was a willing and
zealous disciple. On these lines Ieyasu constructed his plans of
government, and his successors enthusiastically followed in his footsteps.
[Illustration]
Daibutsu At Kamakura.
In religious belief the nation by the time of Ieyasu was largely
Buddhistic. Through ten centuries and a half the active propagation of
this faith had been going on, until now by far the greater number of the
population were Buddhists. In his _Legacy_ Ieyasu expresses a desire to
tolerate all religious sects except the Christian. He says: “High and low
alike may follow their own inclinations with respect to religious tenets
which have obtained down to the present time, except as regards the false
and corrupt school (Christianity). Religious disputes have ever proved the
bane and misfortune of the empire, and should determinedly be put a stop
to.”(240)
While he was therefore tolerant towards all the different sects of
Buddhism and towards the old Shintō faith of the country, he particularly
patronized the Jōdo sect to which his ancestors had been attached, and to
which he charges his posterity to remain faithful.(241) In the archives of
the Buddhist temple Zōjōji at Shiba in Tōkyō was preserved an account
written by the head priest of the time, how Ieyasu, in 1590, visited the
temple and took it under his patronage, saying,(242) “For a general to be
without an ancestral temple of his own is as though he were forgetful of
the fact that he must die.... I have now come to beg of you to let me make
this my ancestral temple here.” So that from the time of Ieyasu the Jōdo
was the authorized sect to which the court of the shōguns was especially
attached, and to this is to be attributed the fact that its temples and
monasteries in Tōkyō have always been of the most majestic and gorgeous
character.(243)
Ieyasu did not long hold the office of shōgun, which the emperor had
conferred upon him in 1603. It is not easy to understand why a man, who
was only sixty-three years of age and who was still in vigorous health,
should wish to throw off the responsibilities of office and retire to
private life. We must remember, however, that it was the custom of his
country, consecrated by the usage of the imperial house and of the shōguns
and regents who had preceded him. Morever, though he surrendered to his
son the title of shōgun, he retained in his own hands a large part of the
power which he had hitherto exercised.
It may be supposed that he was anxious to establish the succession of the
shōgunate unquestionably in his own family. For this purpose he deemed it
wise to initiate a successor while he still had the influence and the
power to compel the acquiescence of the feudal lords of the empire. Acting
upon these considerations Ieyasu, in 1605, retired in favor of his third
son Hidetada. He received from the emperor the title of
_sei-i-tai-shōgun_, which his father had held. Ieyasu took up his
residence at Sumpu(244) (now Shizuoka), which was situated on Suruga bay,
one hundred and fourteen miles from the shōgun’s capital. Here he
maintained a court and practically in all important matters governed the
country. He was free, however, from the petty details of the
administration, and devoted himself as an amateur to a literary life, to
the collection and printing of books, and to the encouragement and
patronage of literary men, in which he delighted.
In the meantime important events had been taking place which had great
influence on the history of Japan. The contest between the Spanish on the
one hand, and the Dutch and English on the other, was not confined to the
Atlantic, but broke out in the Pacific, where the Portuguese and Spaniards
had so long been predominant. A preliminary to the opening of trade with
the Dutch were the arrival of William Adams and his extraordinary
experiences in Japan. As we learn from his own letters,(245) he was born
near Rochester in England, 1574, and when twelve years old was apprenticed
to Nicholas Diggins as a pilot. With him he served for twelve years, then
took service as pilot major of a fleet of five sail, which was about to be
despatched by the “Indish Companie” to take part in the trade of the East
Indies. This fleet had a rough time, and with fevers and scurvy and want
of food a great part of the crews of the five vessels died. They sailed by
the way of the straits of Magellan, then northward past Chili, and
westward across the broad Pacific. Two of the ships turned back at the
straits and returned to Holland. A third vessel was captured by the
Spaniards, and the pinnace of a fourth was seized by eight men, and run
into some island on their way, supposed to be one of the Sandwich Islands,
and there wrecked, and the eight men probably eaten. The two vessels still
remaining were the _Hope_ and the _Charity_. The former of these was never
more heard of. The sole remaining vessel was the _Charity_, of which
Jaques Maihore was the master, and William Adams was the pilot. Sickness,
especially the scurvy, which was the frightful scourge on board the
vessels of that day, had reduced the crew, so that only four were able to
walk, of whom Adams was one, and four more could creep on their knees.
In this condition they reached, on the eleventh of April, 1600, the
northeastern coast of the island of Kyūshū, landing in the province of
Bungo, whose prince in earlier days had been the friend and patron of the
Portuguese Jesuits. They were kindly received, the governor of the
district furnishing a guard to protect their property—too late however for
the preservation of much of it—and a house in which the sick could be
cared for. In a few days a Portuguese Jesuit and other Portuguese arrived
from Nagasaki, through whom the Dutch could communicate with the natives.
The national and religious animosity between the strangers and their
interpreters could not fail, however, to manifest itself. The Portuguese
tried to create the impression that the refugees were pirates and unworthy
of protection and help.
In accordance with the usual custom, word was immediately sent to Ieyasu
(whom Adams calls the emperor), who at this time was at the castle of
Ōsaka. He sent boats to Bungo, by which Adams and one of the crew were
conveyed to his castle. Adams gives an interesting account of his
reception, of the questions asked concerning his country, and its
relations to the Spanish and Portuguese. He took occasion to explain, that
the object of the Dutch in entering the East was purely that of trade,
that they had in their own country many commodities which they would be
glad to exchange for the products of the eastern nations.
After this interview Adams was kept thirty-nine days in prison, expecting
to suffer the punishment of crucifixion, which he understood was the
common mode of disposing of such characters. He found afterwards that the
Portuguese had been using means to poison the mind of Ieyasu by
representing them as dangerous characters, and recommending that all the
refugees should be put to death as a warning to others. But he tells
us(246) that Ieyasu answered them, that “we as yet had done to him nor to
none of his lands any harm or dammage [and it was] against Reason and
Justice to put us to death. If our countreys had warres the one with the
other, that was no cause that he should put us to death.”
While Adams was thus kept in prison, the _Charity_ had been brought to
Sakai, near to Ōsaka. Finally he was set at liberty, and suffered to
revisit his ship, where he found the captain and remnant of the crew. The
goods and clothing on board had been stolen by the natives, which Ieyasu
tried to recover for them. But everything had been so scattered that it
was impossible to regain it, “savinge 50,000 Rs in reddy money was
commanded to be geven us” [as compensation]. After this settlement they
were ordered to sail with their ship to the “land of Quanto and neere to
the citie Eddo,” whither Ieyasu was about to proceed by land. Here they
had a mutiny among their men, which ended in the entire disbanding of the
crew, and the dividing up among them the money which they had received for
their goods. Each man was left to shift for himself. The captain got
permission to sail in a Japanese junk to Patan, where he hoped to meet
Dutch vessels.
Adams himself was kept about the shōgun’s court, and was made useful in
various ways. His first achievement was to build a vessel of about
eighteen tons burthen, which gained him great favor, in which he made
several short voyages. Then in 1609, by command of the shōgun, he built
another ship of one hundred and twenty tons burthen, which also was a
successful venture. For it so happened that the governor of Manila was on
his way to Nova Spania(247) in a large ship of one thousand tons burthen,
and was wrecked on the east coast of Japan, in the province of Shimosa.
The governor and those of his comrades who were saved from the shipwreck
were sent on to Acapulco in the ship which Adams had just built. In the
year following, the governor, in recognition of their kindness to him,
sent back to the Japanese government a much larger vessel as a present,
the original being sent to and retained at Manila.
Adams was a straightforward, honest fellow, and commended himself to
Ieyasu by usefulness not only in such matters as building ships, but in
furnishing information concerning foreign affairs, which at this time were
pressing on the government. In order to render him more content, Ieyasu
gave him a small holding at Hemi, near the present town of Yokosuka, a few
hours’ sail from Yedo. He himself speaks of this property as “a living
like unto a lordship in England, with eighty or ninety husbandmen, that be
as my slaves or servants.”(248) He probably also had a residence in Yedo,
for there is to this day a street called _An-jin-chō_, or Pilot Street,
near Nihonbashi, which is popularly believed to have been the street in
which Adams lived. He himself says that he was known among the Japanese as
“An-gin Sama,” or Mr. Pilot. To console himself for the loss of his wife
and children left in England, he married a Japanese wife, who, with
several children, is mentioned by Captain Cocks in the visit above
referred to. Notwithstanding his frequent endeavors to get back to
England, he was never able to return, but after much important service
both to the Dutch and English, to which we shall refer below, he died May
6, 1620.(249)
The first appearance of the Dutch after Adams’ shipwreck, as above
described, was in 1609, when the _Red Lion_ and the yacht _Griffon_
arrived at Hirado. They were well received by the daimyō, and a deputation
was sent to Yedo to visit the shōgun. Adams, in his second letter, speaks
of their being “received in great friendship, making conditions with the
emperor (shōgun) yearly to send a ship or two.” They were given a letter
addressed to the “King of Holland,” with which they went back, arriving
home July, 1610. This letter, among other things, promises, “that they
(your subjects), in all places, countries, and islands under mine
obedience, may traffic and build homes serviceable and needful for their
trade and merchandises, where they may trade without any hindrance at
their pleasure, as well in time to come as for the present, so that no man
shall do them any wrong. And I will maintain and defend them as mine own
subjects.”(250)
In accordance with this agreement the first vessel to arrive was a small
yacht in July, 1611. A deputation from this vessel also went to visit the
shōgun and the retired shōgun. It so chanced that a Portuguese party had
preceded them by a few days. These deputations met at the court of Ieyasu.
By the assistance of Adams, who was ready to do a favor to his old
friends, the Dutch were kindly welcomed by the ex-shōgun’s court, and in
spite of the hostility, or perhaps aided by the hostility, of the
Portuguese, they received from him a patent for continued trade. As given
in Kaempfer in translation it is as follows:
“All Dutch ships that come into my empire of Japan, whatever place or port
they may put into, we do hereby expressly command all and every one of our
subjects not to molest the same in any way, nor to be a hindrance to them;
but, on the contrary, to show them all manner of help, favor and
assistance. Every one shall beware to maintain the friendship, in
assurance of which we have been pleased to give our imperial word to these
people; and every one shall take care that our commands and promises be
inviolably kept.
“Dated (in Japanese equivalent to) August 30, 1611.”(251)
This was the authority on which the Dutch trade in Japan began, and under
which, with many changes and vicissitudes, it continued to the time when
the country was opened by treaty to foreign nations.
The effort made by English merchants to open a trade with the Japanese was
made only a little after this time. Indeed, it is said that the report
brought back by the Dutch in the _Red Lion_ concerning Adams’ presence and
influence in Japan, gave the impulse which started an expedition under
Captain John Saris in January, 1611. Saris was an old adventurer in the
East, and therefore fitted to encounter the varied experiences of his
proposed trip. He carried a letter from James I., then king of England, to
Ieyasu the retired shōgun. At Bantam on his way he found that Adams’ first
letter,(252) contained in the collection of his letters, and dated October
22, 1611, had just been received by the English merchants. It encouraged
Saris to push on in his expedition. He arrived at Hirado, June, 1613,
where the daimyō welcomed him and immediately sent off a special messenger
to the shōgun’s court to summon Adams to their aid. He came at once, and
by his advice Captain Saris with a party set out to pay his respects to
the retired shōgun. He gives an interesting account(253) of this journey
and visit, which resulted in a charter of privileges(254) for the London
East India Company to trade in any port of the empire. Having arranged to
his great satisfaction this important matter he returned to Hirado, where
he established a factory to serve as the basis for future English trade.
In this, however, he encountered no little opposition from the Dutch
traders, who had a factory in the same place. For while these enterprising
nations, who had been allies in the days of the Armada, could combine very
readily in opposition to the Spanish and Portuguese, it was not easy for
either of them to look on complacently while the other secured for itself
superior advantages in the matter of trade. Captain Saris tried to come to
some agreement with his rivals, so that the prices of commodities might be
kept up, but he was compelled to see the Dutch factory, in order to crowd
him out of the field, putting the goods which they had for sale at prices
which were ruinous to both. Having established matters, however, on as
satisfactory a footing as he could arrange, and having left his comrade,
Captain Cocks, in charge of the English factory, he sailed for home.
The subsequent events in the history of English trade with Japan may as
well be traced here. The relations of the English and Dutch in the East
grew steadily more inimical. Perhaps this was due to the increasing
rivalry in trade and navigation which prevailed between them at home. In
1617 the London East India Company fitted out an expedition of five large
vessels. This fleet arrived in the East in the summer of the following
year. After much hostile skirmishing in which the Dutch obtained the
permanent advantage, and the English commander was about to retire, word
was brought to them from Europe that a peace had been arranged between the
two countries. The English and Dutch vessels accordingly sailed to Japan,
where they took a hand at trade; because in those days ships always were
sent to the East prepared either to fight or trade as the case required.
But this amicable arrangement did not last many years. The massacre at the
Spice Islands in 1623, for which Cromwell afterward exacted an indemnity,
ended all attempts at co-operation in the East. Soon after this the
English company withdrew entirely from the Japanese trade, having lost in
the effort forty thousand pounds. The Dutch were thus left without a
rival, and we shall see on what conditions and at what sacrifices they
continued to maintain their monopoly.
During the period of Ieyasu’s retirement, which lasted from 1605 until his
death in 1616, he devoted himself, as we have seen, to the consolidation
of his family dynasty and to such literary occupations as his leisure
allowed. He was a patron of the art derived from Korea, which then was
popular in Japan, of printing with movable types.(255) This art fell into
disuse afterwards, but during Ieyasu’s retirement in Sumpu he interested
himself in printing with blocks as well as by the new method. When he died
he was engaged in seeing through the press an edition of an important
Chinese work.
He left behind him a document, called the _Legacy of Ieyasu_, which to
those desirous of studying the character and motives of the founder of the
Tokugawa dynasty possesses a supreme interest. Some doubt has been thrown
by Japanese critics on the authenticity of this composition. It has been
asserted that it was not the work of Ieyasu and therefore not worthy of
the reverence in which it has been held. But whether the _Legacy_(256) was
originally composed by him or approved and sanctioned by him, matters
little for our purpose. It dates from the time of the founding of the
Tokugawa shōgunate, and has been an unimpeachable authority during all its
history. One of the singular features in the disposition of the _Legacy_,
to which Professor Grigsby directs attention, was the secrecy in which it
was kept. The original was preserved in Kyōto and was never seen, while an
authenticated copy was kept at the shōgun’s court in Yedo, and once a year
was open to the inspection of all above a certain rank. To us it seems
unaccountable that a body of so-called laws, by which the conduct of men
was to be guided, should be kept secret from them. But it must be
remembered that in those days there were no such things as laws in the
sense we now understand the term. There were magistrates who heard causes
and complaints, but their decisions were based not on laws which had been
enacted by the government, but upon prevailing custom and upon the innate
sense of justice which was assumed to be present in the mind of every man.
Whatever laws or rules therefore were in existence were not for the
information of the people, but for the guidance of the magistrates.
The _Legacy of Ieyasu_ consists of one hundred chapters, arranged without
any attempt at logical order. Each chapter treats of a single, separate
subject, and is usually of a very moderate length. As Professor Grigsby
has pointed out: “Sixteen chapters consist of moral maxims and
reflections; fifty-five are connected with politics and administrations;
twenty-two refer to legal matters, and in seven Ieyasu relates episodes of
his own personal history.” The moral maxims are quoted chiefly from the
works of the Chinese sages, Confucius and Mencius. While the collection on
the whole has a military aspect, and plainly encourages and promotes the
well-being of a military class, yet we see in it the mild and peaceful
nature of Ieyasu. The fifteenth chapter says: “In my youth my sole aim was
to conquer and subjugate inimical provinces and to take revenge on the
enemies of my ancestors. Yuyō teaches, however, that ‘to assist the people
is to give peace to the empire,’ and since I have come to understand that
the precept is founded on sound principle, I have undeviatingly followed
it. Let my posterity hold fast this principle. Any one turning his back
upon it is no descendant of mine. The people are the foundation of the
empire.”
His estimate of the social relations is given in the forty-sixth chapter,
in which he says: “The married state is the great relation of mankind. One
should not live alone after sixteen years of age, but should procure a
mediator and perform the ceremony of matrimonial alliance. The same
kindred, however, may not intermarry. A family of good descent should be
chosen to marry into; for when a line of descendants is prolonged, the
foreheads of ancestors expand. All mankind recognize marriage as the first
law of nature.”
The old custom of servants and retainers following their masters to death,
and committing suicide in order to accompany them, is referred to in the
seventy-fifth chapter.(257) It is not improbable that some exhibition of
this custom occasionally was seen in the days of Ieyasu, for he very
sternly condemns it thus: “Although it is undoubtedly an ancient custom
for a vassal to follow his lord to death, there is not the slightest
reason in the practice.... These practices are strictly forbidden, more
especially to primary retainers, and also to secondary retainers even to
the lowest. He is the opposite of a faithful servant who disregards this
prohibition; his posterity shall be impoverished by the confiscation of
his property, as a warning to those who disobey the laws.”(258)
It is not necessary to follow in detail the line of Tokugawa shōguns. Few
of them impressed themselves in any marked manner on the history of their
country. Iemitsu, the third shōgun, who was a grandson of Ieyasu, was a
man of great ability, and left many marks of his talents upon the empire.
Under his administration the capital made great advances. He bound the
daimyōs to his house by requiring them to maintain residences in Yedo
under the surveillance of the government. His mausoleum is placed with
that of his grandfather amid the august glories of Nikkō. Tsunayoshi
(1681-1709) during his incumbency was more than usually interested in the
peaceful prosperity of his country, and is gratefully remembered for his
patronage of education and letters. But on the whole they were content to
fill the office of shōgun in a perfunctory manner, and to leave to
subordinates the duty of governing.
Japan reached the acme of her ancient greatness during the Tokugawa
dynasty. The arts which have given her such a deservedly high rank
attained their greatest perfection. Keramics and lacquer, which are her
most exquisite arts, achieved a degree of excellence to which we can now
only look back with hopeless admiration. Metal-work, as shown in the
manufacture of bronze and in the forging and mounting of swords, was
scarcely less notable. The still higher art of painting, which came to
Japan from China, rose during the Tokugawa period to the rank which it
still holds in the estimation of the artistic world.
The best evidence, however, of the civilization of a people is found in
their social condition. To learn the true culture of a nation it is
necessary to study their education and literature, their laws and system
of government, and their morals and religion. In some of these particulars
it is still difficult to obtain an adequate knowledge of Japan. But
gradually they are being revealed to us. The laws and legal
precedents(259) which prevailed during the Tokugawa period have been
unearthed from the archives of the Department of Justice and are being
published in the _Transactions of the Asiatic Society_.
The medical and scientific advancement of Japan in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries was not co-ordinate with her progress in the arts.
They were hampered with the old Chinese notions about a male principle and
a female principle which were conceived to prevail in nature, and with the
five elements to which the human organs were supposed to correspond.
Fortunately nature has ways of healing diseases in spite of theories and
drugs. To this benign principle must be assigned the fact that the human
race has survived the surgery and medicaments of mediæval Europe as well
as mediæval China and Japan. In one particular the medical art of Japan
seems to have been differently, perhaps better, conducted than in Europe.
It is narrated by the Japanese annalists,(260) that if a physican made a
mistake in his prescription or in his directions for taking the medicine
he was punished by three years’ imprisonment and a heavy fine; and if
there should be any impurity in the medicine prescribed or any mistake in
the preparation, sixty lashes were inflicted besides a heavy fine.
[Illustration]
Oban. Gold Coin, 1727.
Three peculiar modes of medical practice deserve notice. The first was
acupuncture, which consisted in inserting a thin needle through the skin
into the muscles beneath. A second was the cauterization by _moxa_(261)
(Japanese _mogusa_). This was effected by placing over the spot a small
conical wad of the fibrous blossoms of mugwort (_Artemisia vulgaris
latifolia_). The cone was kindled at the top and slowly burned till it was
consumed. A painful blister was produced on the spot, which was believed
to have a wholesome effect in the case of many complaints. A third mode of
treatment is the practice of _massage_ (_amma_), which western nations
have borrowed, and which in Japan it has long been the exclusive privilege
of the blind to apply.
[Illustration]
Cauterizing With Moxa.
Many of the improved notions of western medicine were introduced by the
Dutch, and this accounts for the unprecedentedly rapid advance which this
science has made since the opening of the country.