with a note informing us, that Sale was close at hand with a brigade. I
had had fever hanging about me for some days; and, being scarce able to
sit on my horse, had taken my place in a kujava; the horrid motion of
which had made me feel ten times worse than before I entered it. But
this news renovated my strength. I shook off fever and all ills; and
anxiously awaited his arrival, of which a cloud of dust was the
forerunner. Gen. Nott was near Urghundee, and consequently close to us;
and Gen. Pollock requested he would send a brigade to our assistance.
This he refused, much to the disgust of his officers, alleging that his
troops were fatigued. On this, Gen. Pollock sent Sale with a brigade, at
a few hours' notice. He left Siah Sung two miles east of Cabul; and made
a forced march on the 19th (his sixtieth birthday) to Urghundee: he
halted there that night; and on the following morning left his camp
standing, and marched to meet us. At the pass near Kote Ashruffee he
left his infantry to hold the position, and proceeded at the head of the
3rd dragoons. A party of Sultan Jan's men were in this neighbourhood;
and some Kokhes in the immediate vicinity were driven off by the
Juzailchees. Had we not received assistance, our recapture was certain:
but as it was, they dared not attack the force they saw. It is
impossible to express our feelings on Sale's approach. To my daughter
and myself happiness so long delayed, as to be almost unexpected, was
actually painful, and accompanied by a choking sensation, which could
not obtain the relief of tears. When we arrived where the infantry were
posted, they cheered all the captives as they passed them; and the men
of the 13th pressed forward to welcome us individually. Most of the men
had a little word of hearty congratulation to offer, each in his own
style, on the restoration of his colonel's wife and daughter: and then
my highly-wrought feelings found the desired relief; and I could
scarcely speak to thank the soldiers for their sympathy, whilst the long
withheld tears now found their course. On arriving at the camp, Capt.
Backhouse fired a royal salute from his mountain train guns: and not
only our old friends, but all the officers in the party, came to offer
congratulations, and welcome our return from captivity.
_21st._--We marched to Killa Kazee; and great was the contrast of our
present happiness and comfort, compared with what our state had been,
when we last bivouacked under the trees at this place. The obnoxious
fort was deserted; but the troops obtained forage there; and the place
was destroyed by fire: as also a fort of Sultan Jan's. But guards were
sent to the Kuzzilbash forts near us, to protect the property of our
friends. A reward has been offered for Capt. Bygrave, and it is supposed
he will be brought in to us shortly. At three o'clock we resumed our
march to Cabul; and passed through the great bazaar; where the shops
were shut, and all looked very desolate, and unlike the busy city it was
when we were here last year, and the inhabitants found their trade
prosper under our rule. We were greeted, on our arrival at the camp at
Siah Sung, with a salute of twenty-one guns.
And now my Notes may end. Any further journals of mine can only be
interesting to those nearly connected to me.
ADDENDA.
On the 20th of October, the Envoy wrote to Sir Alexander Burnes, in
consequence of information he had received from Capt. Trevor, which
indicated an unquiet state of feeling among the people of Cabul. But Sir
A. Burnes, on whom the intelligence department devolved, assured him
that Trevor must be mistaken; as _he_ knew nothing of any meditated
rising of the people: and that all was as it ought to be.
Notwithstanding this, Trevor assured the Envoy that a number of Ghilzye
chiefs had left Cabul for hostile purposes.
On the 1st of November, Sir A. Burnes congratulated Sir William on the
prospect of soon leaving Cabul in a perfect state of tranquillity. We
might attribute his anxiety to calm the Envoy's mind, by assurances of
the peaceful feelings of the people of the country, to anxiety on his
part to succeed to the situation to be vacated by Sir William: but it
appeared questionable whether he would permanently have done so; as Col.
Sutherland had, it was said, been nominated for the appointment.
There can be no doubt, from what we have since heard from the Affghans,
that Sir A. Burnes wrote to Sir William Macnaghten for a regiment: and
that no aid was given, either to him or Trevor, Anquetil or Mackenzie,
is well known. Where the blame rests, it is not for _me_ to determine.
Not only did Taj Mahommed Khan, but also the Naïb Shureef, warn Sir
Alexander. The latter was very intimate with him; and they were both
well known to most of those officers who at all associated with the
Affghan gentlemen.
Mention is made of the Naïb in one of the Bombay papers; in which he is
represented as a very respectable person,--a Naïb in Capt. Johnson's
office. Khan Shireen Khan is the head of the Kuzzilbashes; and Mahommed
Shureef was his Naïb, or the governor under him;--a man of large
estates; who, from his adherence to our cause, has had to fly his
country, with what little he could save; but leaving landed property,
worth above two lakhs of rupees, to the mercy of his enemies, the
Barukzyes. Naïb Shureef paid a large sum for the interment of the bodies
of Burnes and his brother. It was asserted that he was deceived, but his
intention was equally good. After the return of the British force to
Cabul, the bodies were reinterred.
Taj Mahommed Khan and Naïb Shureef have both paid every attention in
their power to the hostages, left in Cabul: and, as far as regards Mrs.
Sturt and myself, they sent us, whenever they could obtain a secret
conveyance, various little comforts. Tea, sugar, stockings, gloves, and
money we received: and much, which they sent, never reached us.
Taj Mahommed Khan is the son of Gholam Mahommed Khan; who formerly
assisted Shah Shoojah in his fruitless attempt to gain the throne. His
family were long the hereditary Wuzeers of the country. That family are
so influential, that they can hold their ground with all parties. We
leave him in the Wuzeerat. Jan Fishan Khan is now, as he says, only the
poor Syud Mahommed. Two of his brothers have fallen in battle: one son
was burnt alive, when a child: another has had his throat cut; though he
begged hard for life, stating that he was a little child, and never
could have harmed any one. The wretched father, with the remnant of his
family, accompanies us to India. He never was rich. He possessed lands
in the Pughman valley; a fertile vale, with magnificent vineyards and
orchards. Despoiled of them, he is all but a beggar; but looks for the
favourable consideration of the Government of India.
A trifling subscription was raised by Sale and some officers, to enable
him to purchase camels, &c., that he and his family might travel with us.
In the absence of actual returns, I believe that the force, which left
Cabul, was nearly as follows:--
4 Horse Artillery guns.
3 Mountain Train do.
Bengal Sappers & Miners 20
Shah Shoojah's do. 250
Queen's 44th 600
1 Troop H. A. 80
5th Cavalry 260
1st Local Horse 70
4th Local Horse 70
Envoy's Escort 70
2nd Shah's Cavalry 500
Half Mountain Train 30
5th N. I. 700
37th Do. 600
54th Do. 650
6th Shah's 600
At the last stand, on the hill at Gundamuk, there remained--
20 Officers.
50 men of the 54th.
6 of the Horse Artillery.
4 or 5 Sipahees.
300 Camp followers.
Amongst them all about twenty muskets.
In reading over these Notes, I believe I have not done justice to some
of the men who were our fellow-captives. The day after that on which
Saleh Mahommed Khan offered them the arms, a few men of the artillery,
and perhaps, in all, half a dozen others, asked for and obtained them.
Swords were difficult to procure for the officers: Lieut. Eyre, not
being able to get one, took a musket; which was very troublesome and
heavy; as, from the wound he received at Cabul, he has lost the use of
one hand.
It is now said, that though we all at the time believed Saleh Mahommed's
assertion, that Akbar ordered the death of those who could not march, it
is probable that this was a fiction. No one actually _read_ the letter,
that I can discover: and he probably wished to enhance the value of his
releasing us. The order for our being sent to Khoolloom was read by
several of the officers.
Here follow copies of a few notes that have been recovered. The first is
not dated; but, if I mistake not, I have made allusion to the order for
cutting away the weeds that grew on the ramparts; lest they should
facilitate the enemy's entrance into the cantonments. The Affghans had
first to cross the ditch, twenty feet wide.
No. I.
TO LIEUT. STURT.
Has the breastwork on the Musjid been improved? This Lieut. Sturt was
to have done yesterday. It must be, and as effectually as circumstances
will admit, done to-day.
The bridge at the rear gate does not seem to be understood. The planks
must be always kept ready to lay down. The breach of the captured fort
ought to be strengthened. (The officer must be told, on the appearance
of any people near it, to warn them off, and immediately let a party
fall in near it); this latter does not apply to Lieut. Sturt.
Can any thing be done to the magazine or other forts during this quiet
day?
Weeds on ramparts to be cut.
My dear Sturt,
I send you the above for your attention and consideration, to do what
you can.
Your's,
(Signed) W. K. E.
No. II.
LIEUT. STURT. _Immediate._
_3d Dec._
My dear Sturt,
On my return from the Envoy's I heard you had taken out a gun at the
Bazar fort. I hope there is no risk, although I feel rather uneasy
about its having been done before the work for its protection was
completed; but as it has been done, you must look to the work, and
carry it on without the least delay. See that this is carried on.
Your's,
(Signed) W. K. E.
I was not aware you intended to take it out, and I hear the Brigadier
was opposed to it. I hope, however, for to-night the gun is safe: to
lose it would be disastrous.
No. III.
My dear Sturt,
It is deemed too bad that we should suffer ourselves to be bullied in
the way we have been to-day outside the Siah Sung gate, to say nothing
of people being fired at every night coming to us with supplies;
therefore it is determined that you throw up some sort of flêche, or
other work, to hold a dozen men or so, which would keep these fellows
at a more respectable distance, protect our animals and camp followers,
save our bridge, and do away with the necessity of a cavalry piquet. If
we have a quiet night, the General wishes you would plan out such a
work on paper, and have it marked out on the ground, ready for the 200
Sappers and Miners to commence on the first thing in the morning, and
as many other workpeople as can be got. The Brigadier has spoken to you
about a trench across the road from our ditch to the Captured fort.
[No. 1.] The enemy set us a good example last night. You must have
thought it necessary when you went to it and returned this evening.
Your's truly,
WM. THAIN.
_4th Dec._ 8 P.M.
Another line for the last-named trench is mentioned, which would be
shorter than from our ditch, viz., from a barricadoed door in the old
bazar near the S.W. angle.
W. T.
No. IV.
My dear Sturt,
In rear of the old commissariat godown the rebels have prepared a
platform to-day, about twelve feet by four. Hay says they were looking
at them all day from the Bala Hissar; that they began it at about one
P.M., and seemed to have finished it before dark, and left it then; and
that they seemed to be trying it, by walking on it, before they went
away; it seemed to be a contrivance for crossing our ditch. The enemy
appeared more numerous to-day than for some days past.
Your's truly,
(Signed) WM. THAIN.
_10th Dec._ 8½ P.M.
No. V.
My dear Sturt,
Have we the means, by taking the beams of some building, of making a
bridge over the canal? and how long would it take?
The guns, I fear, cannot cross otherwise, or the carriages for the
bridge over the river.
The scarping the bank of the canal would render it practicable for the
cavalry and baggage, and save some time. How long will it take to
complete the opening for the egress of the troops? Pray attend to all
this. I have told Pottinger to ask for a guard to protect our party;
but the bridge might be prepared directly, ready to lay down the
morning we go. Send for the Sappers, and see what you can do as to
this. How many bullocks will be required to draw the carriages to the
river? This we must get assistance to do just before we march.
Your's,
(Signed) W. K. E.
[No date, but, from the context, a few days previous to our leaving the
cantonments, and Sturt making the bridge of gun-carriages, which was
effected the day we started (the 6th of January).]
No. VI.
My dear Sturt,
The General wishes to know what you have done about cutting a passage
through the rampart for our exit; if the Sappers are unable to do the
job, you might have an European working party, if you will let me know
the number you require; and the work should be done to-night, if
possible.
Your's sincerely,
(Signed) W. GRANT.
_30th Dec._
No. VII.
My dear Grant,
A party of forty Europeans with the regular Sappers will do the job in
about three hours: all inside is cleared away.
I cannot help giving the warning before doing this to-night. If we do
not march to-morrow, we shall want a gun and a very strong guard, to
prevent the Ghazeeas entering.
Perhaps the General is not aware that about 500 men were on the point
of forcing the gate to-day, and, being prevented, tore up the remaining
portion of the canal bridge, which now no longer exists. While giving
this warning, I have ordered the work to be begun now; therefore, if it
is desired to be stopped, send to me; if not, send the Europeans. I am
not answerable if accident happens, as I now wish you to tell the
General that, in my opinion, no other than concealed measures should be
used for moving out, until a few hours before that event takes place.
If we march to-morrow, it should be done or commenced now; if not, it
is my deliberate advice--do not execute it, or you endanger cantonments.
Yours ever,
(Signed) J. L. D. STURT.
_Thursday, 30th Dec. 1841._
The dhooley bearers just returned are specimens of what can be, is, and
will again, be done by these men, if we place even the smallest
unguarded confidence in them.
When Istalif was taken, the book of Gen. Elphinstone's Orders was found
there.
To show how inaccurately it was kept, I am told, by those who saw it,
that the orders of the 11th and 12th were inserted before those of the
10th of December. The book was made over to General Pollock; and does
not agree with General Elphinstone's last memoranda regarding Brigadier
Shelton; as he is there thanked for the assistance always given by him
to General Elphinstone.
APPENDIX.
TREATY.
ARTICLES of the Treaty entered into between Sir William Macnaghten,
Envoy and Minister, on the part of the British Government, at Cabul, and
the Sirdar Mahommed Akbar Khan, Mahommed Osman Khan, Sultan Mahommed
(half-brother of Mahommed Akbar), Mahommed Shureef, Kuzzilbash, Mahommed
Shah Khan and Khoda Buksh Khan, Ghilzye Sirdars, and the principal
Chiefs of the Tribes:--
1. Immediate supplies to be furnished to the troops, to any extent
required, as also carriage cattle.
2. The British troops to evacuate Affghanistan.
3. An offensive and defensive alliance to be formed.
4. The Ameer Dost Mahommed Khan and all his family to be released.
5. His Majesty Shah Shoojah Ool Moolk to have the option of remaining in
the country as a private individual, to be treated with all honour and
respect, and have a guaranteed stipend of a lakh of rupees annually, or,
if he so wishes it, to be allowed to accompany the British troops to
Hindoostan, taking all his property and family with him, only giving up
such effects as had formerly belonged to the Ameer Dost Mahommed.
In the event of carriage not being procurable for his family, they are
to remain in the Bala Hissar, and be treated with all honour and
respect; and on the arrival of the Ameer and all other Affghans
imprisoned in India at Peshawer, the former are to be transported with
safety to India.
6. All the sick and wounded to be left under the care of the Sirdars at
Cabul and to be treated as guests.
7. All the ammunition, guns, and small arms, if the means of transport
are not procurable, to be made over to the Sirdars.
8. All surplus property of officers, for which carriage might not at
present be procurable, to be left in charge of Zuman Khan, and be
forwarded to India the first opportunity.
9. No man to be molested on either side for his actions during the war.
Such chiefs as had stood stanch to the King to be allowed either to
accompany his Majesty, taking with them all property, or remaining in
Affghanistan, to be treated with every respect.
10. Any British subject wishing to remain in Affghanistan, for the
purposes of trade, to be in no way molested.
11. The troops at Jellalabad to evacuate that fort, ere the Cabul force
commences its march.
The forces at Ghuznee and Kandahar to quit those places as soon as the
season would admit of their marching.
12. The Sirdars, Mahommed Akbar Khan and Osman Khan, or any other chiefs
wishing to do so, to accompany the troops on their march to Peshawer.
13. Four hostages to be given by us for the full performance of the
above articles, to remain until Dost Mahommed Khan arrives at Peshawer.
[Capt. Trevor accompanied the Sirdars back as one of them.]
_11th December, 1841._
On the 12th, Major Pottinger was informed by the Envoy that he was to be
a hostage.
THE END.
LONDON:
Printed by A. SPOTTISWOODE,
New-Street-Square.
[Illustration: map of the Kabul Pass?
_J & C. Walker, lith. 9. Castle Street._]
[Illustration:
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SANATIVE INFLUENCE of CLIMATE. With an Account of the best Places of
Resort for Invalids in England, the South of Europe, &c. By SIR JAMES
CLARK, Bart., M.D. _Third Edition._ Post 8vo., 10_s._ 6_d._
SIR FRANCIS HEAD.