WALLACE IN FRANCE
'Cheerly to sea!'
SHAKESPEARE, _K. Hen. V._, ii. 2.
'Sanct Androw mot ws speid!'
HARRY, ix. 120.
There is not a little consensus of opinion that Wallace proceeded to
France after the battle of Falkirk, but this part of his career is
vexatiously obscure.
Harry does not scruple to send Wallace to France, not once only, but
twice. The first visit extends from April 21 to the end of August, in
some year when Wallace was Guardian, and shortly before the battle
of Blackearnside. Wallace departs without announcing publicly his
intention; partly because he was aware that stout objections would be
raised to his going, partly because the English would be sure to take
measures to intercept him. Leaving the Steward as his substitute, he
sailed in a fine new barge from Kirkcudbright, with fifty men. Next
morning he met with an adventure. The Red Rover hove in sight; but
the redoubtable pirate was forced to strike his flag to Wallace, who
spared his life. He turned out to be a Frenchman, named Thomas de
Longueville, who had hung out his 'red blazon' because of injustices
he had suffered. He received pardon and knighthood, on Wallace's
suggestion, from the French King; ever afterwards he stood firmly by
Wallace; and eventually he became lord of Kinfauns, near Perth, where
he founded, or continued by marriage with the heiress, the family of
Charteris. Landing at Rochelle, Wallace proceeded to Paris, where he
was cordially received by the French King. He soon tired of inaction,
however, and, getting together some 900 Scots, went to fight the
English at Guienne, his chief exploits being the capture of Schenoun (?
Chinon) and Bordeaux. Meantime, the Scots at home, being hard pressed,
despatched Guthrie to urge him to return. Guthrie sailed from Arbroath
to Sluys, and, having at length reached Wallace, brought him back by
Paris to Sluys, and landed him at Montrose. Wallace had been a little
over four months absent.
The second visit Harry places immediately after Wallace's resignation
of the Guardianship, shortly after Falkirk. Wallace, he says, sailed
from Dundee in a merchant ship with eighteen companions. Again he met
with an adventure. Off the mouth of the Humber he encountered a pirate,
an Englishman this time, John of Lynn. Putting the crew down in the
hold out of his way, he engaged the pirate 18 to 140, boarded him,
and killed him. From Sluys Wallace passed through Flanders to Paris,
where the King offered him the lordship of Guienne, which he declined.
Again he proceeds to Guienne; again he captures Schenoun; and again
he besieges Bordeaux. While staying at Schenoun, he finds that there
is treachery in France as well as in Scotland. Sent for by the King,
he remains in the royal household for two years; and even here he at
length finds traitors at work. He will stay no longer. The King gives
him letters that had come from Scotland urging his return, loads him
with presents, and reluctantly parts with him. Wallace sails from
Sluys, and, passing up the Tay, lands at the mouth of the Earn.
The two visits are so similar in incident, that there is something
to be said for regarding them as variants of a single visit. The
specific date of the first visit must be wrong; nor is it easy to
believe that Wallace would have left the kingdom secretly--unless by
'secretly' Harry means what Sir Robert Hastings means by 'without
leave'--or have deputed the Steward to fill his place. In itself,
there is nothing improbable in the story of the Red Rover, which Sir
Walter Scott incorporated in _The Fair Maid of Perth_ as 'given by an
ancient and uniform tradition, which carries in it great indications
of truth, and is warrant enough for its insertion in graver histories
than' that historical romance. The second visit is perplexed by one of
Harry's specific appeals to his 'auctor'; he rests his narrative of
Blair's exploits in the sea-fight on the account inserted by Gray (who
represents himself as an eye-witness) in the book that Harry professes
to follow. In any case, Wallace could hardly have spent two years at
the French court. In the existing lack of adequate criticism of Harry,
one can only reproduce the substance of the stories.
If the author of the _Muses' Threnodie_ might be supposed to be
independent of Harry's influence, some interest might attach to the
following verses:--
'I marvell our recòrds nothìng at all
Do mention Wallace going into France.
How that can be forgote I greatlie scance;
For well I know all Gasconie and Guien
Do hold that Wallace was a mightie Gian
Even to this day; in Rochel likewise found
A towre from Wallace' name greatly renown'd.'
The French Trouvères are said to have exercised their poetic skill on
the exploits of Wallace. But no aid appears to be now derivable from
that quarter: M. Michel states that the search for such compositions
has hitherto proved unavailing.
It is difficult to feel on more solid ground with the
annalist--Rishanger or another--when he states that Wallace, with five
knights, went to France after Falkirk, to ask aid of Philip; that
at Amiens he was ordered by Philip to be imprisoned and kept under
observation--an order that the Amiens people cheerfully obeyed, 'for
much they loved the King of England'; that Philip offered to deliver
him to Edward; and that Edward, with effusive thanks, begged Philip to
keep him where he was. There is nothing satisfactory here. Philip might
indeed, in pressing circumstances, have used Wallace as a political
pawn; but we know that in fact he treated him very differently. And
it is extremely improbable that Edward would have missed such an
opportunity of taking his implacable and vexatious foe into his own
surer hands. We know how keen he was to catch Lamberton; and Wallace
would have been a vastly bigger prize.
More assistance is to be derived from Bishop Stapleton's Kalendar of
Treasury documents, compiled about 1323. One interesting entry mentions
'certain letters of safe-conduct granted by Philip King of France,
John King of Scotland, and Haco King of Norway, to William Wallace,
enabling him to go to the realms of those kings, to sojourn there, and
to return; together with certain letters concerning "ordinances and
confederations" written to the said William by certain magnates of
Scotland.' These letters, it is added, were found on Wallace when he
was captured, and were delivered to Edward at Kingston by Sir John de
Segrave. They are now, unhappily, lost. The dates are not preserved in
the Kalendar entry. It is impossible, therefore, to do more than guess
at the circumstances of Wallace's proposed visit; and, so far as the
entry goes, we can only be certain that he seriously entertained the
purpose of visiting France--and possibly Norway--not that he actually
carried out such purpose.
The inference that Wallace positively did visit France may, however, be
safely drawn from an existing letter of recommendation in his favour.
This letter may be translated as follows:--
'Philip, by the grace of God, King of the French, to my beloved
and trusty agents appointed to the court of Rome, greeting and
love. We command you to request the Supreme Pontiff to hold our
beloved William Wallace of Scotland, Knight, recommended to his
favour in those matters of business that he has to despatch
with him. Given at Pierrepont on Monday after the Feast of All
Saints.'
This little document shows that Wallace had intended to proceed to
Rome, no doubt to urge the Pope to stronger action in favour of
Scotland, as against the encroachments of Edward. And it seems beyond
reasonable doubt that he was already at the court of Philip when he
obtained it. The absence of the year date is very tantalising.
Yet, may it not be fixed with fair certainty? On August 20, 1299, Sir
Robert Hastings, the castellan of Roxburgh, reported to Edward an
account of the stormy meeting of the Scots nobles at Peebles on the
preceding day, when, among other excitements, Sir David de Graham
demanded the lands and goods of Sir William Wallace, 'as he was going
abroad without leave.' True, Wallace's 'going abroad' may be nothing
more than a reported intention, the report not being necessarily
trustworthy, though no doubt honestly believed. Yet Sir Malcolm Wallace
was present, and would probably have known; but though he withstood
Sir David, the grounds are not stated. On the whole, however, it seems
extremely probable that Wallace's reported intention was a fact. If so,
Philip's letter of recommendation would readily fall to 1299.
Burton regrets 'that there is nothing to inform us distinctly whether
the scraps of evidence alluded to are or are not connected with eminent
diplomatic services performed by the popular hero.' There can be no
reasonable question that they are connected with a specific effort of
Wallace's at least to attempt to perform diplomatic services. It may be
taken as certain that Wallace did not go to France on private business,
or for mere pleasure, or even in disgust with the nobles. Lamberton had
just returned from a substantially unsuccessful mission to France; and
it seems extremely likely that Wallace had determined to go and see
what he could do in person.
It is historically certain, then, that Wallace visited Philip at least
once; that he intended to visit the Pope, and perhaps the King of
Norway, if he did not actually do so; and that he used every possible
opportunity on such visits to further the interests of Scotland to the
utmost of his power. It is apparently beyond doubt that his mission was
not official; but, in any case, his fame would give him a hardly less
influential standing. The Pope's spurt of valorous policy about the
time Wallace would have been in Rome may entitle us to reckon him among
the 'enemies of peace' Edward then complained of so bitterly. Scanty
and dim as the facts are, such inferences appear to be historically
reasonable, if not inevitable.