WALLACE GUARDIAN OF SCOTLAND
'Be caus I am a natyff Scottis man,
It is my dett to do all that I can
To fend our kynrik out off dangeryng.'
HARRY, viii. 545-7.
'The grettast lordis of oure land,
Til him he gert them be bowand.'
WYNTOUN, viii. 13, 119-20.
'Sa afald wes ay for the commoun weill.'
BOECE, _Cron._ xlvii. 802.
The immediate outcome of the victory of Stirling Bridge was the
clearance of the English out of the realm of Scotland. At the same
time, the success gave no measure of the relative strength of the two
countries, now fully transformed from friendly neighbours into bitter
enemies. It in no way diminishes the glory of Wallace to recognise the
accidental weakness of the English at Stirling--the illness of Warenne,
the headstrong folly of Cressingham, and the absence of Edward in
Flanders. Wallace, on the other hand, had also his own disadvantages in
men and means, owing especially to the fatal operation of the feudal
machinery of society. He was grievously weakened by the absence of
adherents of hereditary name and territorial importance; and yet the
presence of such adherents was soon destined to paralyse his efforts.
Whatever the difficulties of Edward--foreign expeditions, vexatious
claims of intractable barons, or lack of ready money--he could always
in the last resort raise a large army of veteran troops, against which
the raw levies of Wallace could not possibly hold a plain field. But
then Wallace had the courage never to submit or yield. The military
determination of such a conflict could not lie in a single decisive
battle; it could be reached only through long years of desultory and
embittered warfare. Yet the victory of Stirling was all-important to
the Scots, in demonstrating that even the mighty armies of England
might be disastrously overthrown, and that Scotland might, after all,
succeed in throwing off the intolerable yoke of foreign domination. It
was a star of hope.
There can be little doubt as to the course taken by the Scots
leaders after the expulsion of the English. They summoned a council
or convention at St. Johnston. At this council they elected William
Wallace and Andrew de Moray 'generals of the army of Scotland,' with
full civil powers as well, in the name of King John. By the victory
of Stirling, Wallace stood forth the foremost man in Scotland. He had
held the leadership, and he had proved himself worthy. But while his
deserts were beyond cavil, there was a natural reluctance on the part
of the barons to serve under such a 'new man'; and, to obviate this
difficulty, it was necessary, or at least desirable, to join with him
in command a representative of the baronage. The choice of Andrew de
Moray was no doubt suggested by his conspicuous services, especially
his recent action in Moray, and his conduct at the bridge. Baronial
considerations may also explain the official precedence of Moray's
name. Some of the chroniclers say that Sir Andrew de Moray, his father,
fell at Stirling; but Sir Andrew was lying safe in the Tower of London.
The report of an inquisition at Berwick in 1300 incidentally mentions
that it was Andrew de Moray himself that fell at Stirling, but this
must be a blunder. The fallen Moray must have been some other member of
the brave and prolific family of Morays.
For all practical purposes, at any rate, the interests of the country
were in the keeping of Wallace, and he undoubtedly proceeded to
establish order with a firm hand and with unflagging energy. One of
the most powerful of the Scots nobles, Patrick Earl of March, did not
appear to the summons to council. The general feeling, Harry tells
us, ran in favour of proceeding against him without delay. Wallace,
however, deprecated such brusqueness of action, and induced the Council
to despatch a special invitation to the Earl, urging him to come and
take his proper place in the counsels of his countrymen. Patrick,
however, returned an insulting answer, contemptuously pointed at
Wallace, whom he called a 'King of Kyle'; implying thereby much what
Langtoft means when he calls Wallace a 'master of thieves'; for Kyle
signifies 'forest,' as well as designates the district of Wallace's
birth. Thereupon Wallace at once went against him, defeated him in a
hard fight near Dunbar, and took his castle, Patrick himself escaping
into England. Even after the expedition into England, which was no
doubt now resolved upon, had reached Berwick, Wallace, it is said, on
learning that certain recalcitrants as far north as Aberdeen ignored
the summons to render aid, left Moray in charge and proceeded at once
to the spot, where he promptly hanged such as failed to furnish a good
excuse. Wallace appears to have carried out consistently the rule of
driving furth of Scotland every Englishman, layman or ecclesiastic;
unless exception must be made of the garrison of Roxburgh. Scotland
for the Scots! On the death of Fraser, he had William de Lamberton
appointed Bishop of St. Andrews, defeating the opposition of William
Comyn, brother of the Earl of Buchan.
The military situation was but a temporary respite, and required
instant preparation for both attack and defence. The condition of the
country was lamentable. The land south of Forth had been denuded of
everything likely to afford subsistence to the invaders; and what the
Scots had not drawn off had been eaten up or destroyed by the English
troops. Throughout Scotland there was severe scarcity, if not actual
famine, with pestilence in its track. In view of relieving the pressure
at home, and of adding to the supplies from the plenty of the northern
counties of England, as well as of heartening his men and people by
striking a counterblow to the enemy in their own territory, Wallace--or
the Council--projected a strong foray across the border. For that
enterprise, however, it was necessary to make adequate preparations.
Wallace appears to have not rested content with marshalling afresh his
Stirling forces, with the later recruits that flocked to his standard.
He is stated to have now made a deliberate attack upon the feudal
vassalage, which hampered him so menacingly. He is said to have divided
the country into military districts, establishing district muster-rolls
of all persons between sixteen and sixty, capable of bearing arms. Over
every four men he appointed a fifth; over every nine, a tenth; over
every nineteen, a twentieth; and so on upwards. A gibbet frowning over
every parish enforced respect to the conscription; examples were not
wanting. The barons were threatened with imprisonment or confiscation
in case they offered any obstacle to the incorporation of their vassals
in the army of liberation. The particular process outlined by the later
historian Bower may be no more than his own interpretation of facts he
little understood; but there need be no hesitation in believing that
Wallace at this time made some strenuous effort of reorganisation,
directed to blunting the force of feudal influences, as well as to
rendering his army both more flexible and more efficient.
At the same time it is certain that his mind was much occupied in
devising means of alleviation of the internal distress occasioned by
the prolonged inflictions of foreign invasion and foreign occupation.
The trading activity of the seaports, animated by settlers from the
Continent, notably by enterprising Flemings, had permeated and vivified
the whole country; but the wars had seriously checked the streams
of business across the North Sea, as well as the inland trade and
industry. That Wallace took energetic measures of amelioration has been
happily placed beyond question by Lappenberg's discovery (1829) of a
most significant letter still extant in the archives of the city of
Lübeck. This letter, which is in Latin, may be rendered thus:
'Andrew de Moray and William Wallace, the Generals of the army
of the realm of Scotland, and the Community of the same realm,
to the prudent and discreet men and well-beloved friends,
the Mayors and Commons of Lübeck and Hamburg, greeting, and
increase ever of sincere friendship.
'We have learned from trustworthy merchants of the said realm
of Scotland that you, of your own goodwill, lend your counsel,
aid, and favour in all matters and transactions touching us and
the said merchants, although we on our part have previously
done nothing to deserve such good offices; and all the more on
that account are we bound to tender you our thanks and to make
a worthy return. To do so we willingly engage ourselves to you,
requesting that you will make it known among your merchants
that they can have safe access to all the ports of the realm
of Scotland with their merchandise; for the realm of Scotland,
thank God, has been recovered by war from the power of the
English. Farewell.
'Given at Hadsington (Haddington), in Scotland on October 11,
in the year of Grace 1297.
'We further request you to have the goodness to forward the
business of John Burnet and John Frere, merchants of ours,
as you would wish us to forward the business of merchants of
yours. Farewell. Given as above.'
Moray and Wallace, it is to be noted, designate themselves 'the
Generals,' and join with themselves 'the Community' of Scotland. They
are Joint-Guardians in effect, though not in official name.
The Scots army mustered on Roslin Moor. As it approached the border,
the English settlers in Roxburgh and Berwick mostly fled into
Northumberland, whence the Northumbrians themselves were fleeing to
the protection of Newcastle. Towards the end of October, the Scots
streamed into England, and ravaged Northumberland at will, molested
only in its fringes by occasional and trifling sallies from strongholds
like Alnwick Castle. Here they derived effective assistance from the
local knowledge and strong arm of Sir Robert de Ros of Wark; and they
apparently made Rothbury Forest a rallying ground. They next directed
their march to Carlisle; but Carlisle, like Alnwick, was too strongly
fortified to yield to besiegers unprovided with 'engines.' We have the
Bishop's word for it, however, that they wasted the country for some
thirty leagues around; and the chroniclers tell us how they traversed
Englewood Forest and Allerdale with fire and sword, penetrating as
far as to the Derwent at Cockermouth. Crossing country again from
Cumberland, with designs on the bishopric of Durham, they were repelled
by a timely storm--hail, snow, and hard frost--invoked by St. Cuthbert.
Many of them, Hemingburgh affirms, perished from hunger and cold.
Thereupon they fell back on Hexham.
At Hexham Priory, which Comyn's expedition had left in ruins some
eighteen months before, the Scots found only three canons, who had
valorously ventured to return. These now took refuge in their oratory,
which they had newly erected in the midst of the desolation, there to
die, should such be the will of God, in the odour of holiness. 'Show us
the treasury of your church,' roared the marauders, brandishing their
spears, 'or you shall instantly die.' 'It is no long time,' stoutly
replied one of the canons, 'since you and your people carried off
pretty well everything we possessed, and what you have done with it
you know best yourselves. Since then, we have got together but a few
things, as you now see.' At this moment, Wallace himself opportunely
entered, and, ordering his men to fall back, requested that one of the
canons would celebrate mass. On the elevation of the Host, Wallace
went out to lay aside his arms, and, when the celebrant was about to
receive the sacred elements, the Scots crowded up to him, with the
intention of snatching away the chalice. He retired into the sacristy
to wash his hands. Then the rapacity of the soldiers broke loose. They
seized the chalice from the altar, where the canon had left it in
unsuspecting confidence, the napkins, the altar ornaments, and the very
mass book the canon had been using. Wallace, on his return, found the
canon in bewildered consternation, and instantly ordered the culprits
to be sought for and beheaded. They were not found, says the historian
ruefully, for the seeking was without intention of finding. Wallace,
however, took the canons under his immediate protection, warning them
to keep close to his person, for his men were full of mischief, and
little amenable either to law or to punishment. This story, Canon Raine
thinks, 'was probably told to the historian by his brother canon,
William de Hexham, who migrated from the north to Leicester in 1321.'
Knighton of Leicester, however, copied or adapted the story from
Hemingburgh; but Hemingburgh himself may have got it at Guisborough in
Yorkshire in some such direct way. It forms a very striking episode,
and it fits in perfectly with Wallace's grant of two charters--one of
protection and one of safe-conduct--to the Prior and convent.
The violence of the soldiery of the time, Scots or English, is a fact,
demanding such blame or palliation as may be fairly evoked by the
circumstances of each case. The specific protections now issued by
Wallace, as certified by Hemingburgh, himself an English chronicler,
constitute a conspicuous and irrefragable testimony to the hero's
humanity. Did Wallace's conduct touch the old chronicler himself? At
this story he drops his usual epithet for Wallace--'that notorious
bandit' (_ille latro_). We refrain from pressing the obvious contrasts
to Wallace's considerate action. The charter of protection to the Prior
and convent of Hexham may be rendered thus:
'Andrew de Moray and William Wallace, Generals of the army of
Scotland, in the name of the renowned Prince Lord John, by
the grace of God, the illustrious King of Scotland, with the
consent of the Community of the same realm, to all men of the
said realm to whom the present writing shall come, greeting,--
'Know that we, in the name of the said King, have duly taken
the Prior and convent of Hexham in Northumberland, their lands,
their men, and the whole of their possessions, including all
their goods, movable and immovable, under the firm peace and
protection of the said Lord King and of ourselves. Wherefore
we strictly forbid that any one presume to do them any evil,
annoyance, injury, or offence in their persons, lands, or
goods, under penalty of forfeiture of all the offender's
property to the said Lord King, or to put them, or any one of
them, to death, under penalty of loss of life and limbs. These
presents to remain in force for one year and no longer.
'Given at Hexham, November 7.'
A letter of safe-conduct was at the same time granted in the following
terms:--
'Andrew de Moray and William Wallace ... (_as before_).
'Know that we have received one canon of Hexham, with his
squire and two attendants, to the safe and secure conduct
of our King and of ourselves, to enable them to come to
us wherever we may be, whenever it shall be necessary and
expedient for the said house. And therefore, in the name of
the said Lord King, we order and strictly enjoin you, all and
every, that, when any canon of the said house, with the squire
aforesaid and his attendants, shall come to you with the object
of coming to us, bearing the present letter, you conduct them
to us under safe charge, in such manner that no one shall
molest them in their persons or in their belongings in any
respect, under penalty of forfeiture of all the offender's
property to the King, or shall put them or any of them to
death, under penalty of loss of life and limbs. These presents
to remain force during our pleasure.'
Moray and Wallace are still 'the Generals of the army of Scotland,' but
now it is further stated that they are acting in the name of King John.
The deposition of John is defiantly ignored. It has been supposed that,
between October 11 and November 7, John had sent them a commission
authorising them to act under his sanction. This is not impossible;
but the step would have involved extreme risk of personal danger to
himself, however it might have strengthened the official influence
of the Generals. It seems too hazardous to conjecture that the fresh
expression implies a fresh sanction, obtained in such circumstances.
One had rather regard it as simply a fuller statement of the view that
the Generals now, if not all along, held as to the nature of their
position. There seems little reason, however, to doubt that the Council
had from the first resolved that all official acts should be in the
name of King John.
Having spent two days at Hexham, the expedition headed for Newcastle,
burning Ritton on the way. The garrison of Newcastle showed fight, and
the garrison of Durham also; otherwise there was no opposition. The
Scots had no means to enter upon an effective siege, and accordingly
they wasted no efforts upon an attempt. They recrossed the border about
Christmas, having worked their will in the three northern counties for
the best of two months.
The narratives of the inroad are, perhaps unavoidably, somewhat
confused. The movements of the Scots seem to have been exceedingly
rapid; they may, not improbably, have come and gone in relays, keeping
temporary headquarters in Rothbury Forest; and it may be that the
incidents are not all treated in their right order. But the general
account of a comprehensive ravage of the three northern counties from
Tweed to Tyne and Derwent, during November and December, is solid fact.
The effects of the visitation may be partly gathered from Hemingburgh's
narrative. 'During that time,' he says, 'the praise of God ceased
in all the monasteries and churches of the whole province from
Newcastle-upon-Tyne to Carlisle; for all the monks, canons regular,
and other priests, servants of the Lord, had fled, with (one may say)
the whole of the common folk, from the face of the Scots.' We cannot
attend Harry on his rambles to two sieges of York and a descent upon
St. Albans (to say nothing of the Queen's embassy); much less can we go
with Boece as far as Kent--which his editor, however, boldly converts
into 'Tyne.'
About the same time, Sir Robert de Clifford, the Warden of the Western
Marches, had executed a diversion by way of reprisal. He sallied from
Carlisle with 100 men-at-arms and (says Hemingburgh) 20,000 chosen
foot soldiers, crossed the Solway, and ravaged Annandale with fire
and sword, carrying back considerable booty. The raiders returned to
Carlisle on Christmas Eve. Probably Clifford had in fact no great
force at command, even if the levies ordered for him in Lancashire in
the middle of November had by this time joined him. Towards the end
of February he made a like foray, and burnt the town of Annan, but
apparently this was a less forcible effort than the raid of December.
Meantime extensive preparations had been in progress in England for
a fresh expedition against the Scots. Edward was still in Flanders.
After Stirling Bridge, Warenne had gone to consult with Prince Edward
at York. On September 24, the northern barons, who had been summoned to
join the Prince in London, were directed to join Warenne; and Clifford
and Fitz Alan were instructed to act in concert with him. On October
23, Ormsby received orders to raise levies numbering over 35,000 men.
On October 26, it was ordered that provisions and stores should be
forwarded from all the eastern seaboard, by sea and land, to Holy
Island or Newcastle. On December 10, an order was issued for levies to
be raised in Wales, and to be ready at Durham or Newcastle by January
28 at the latest. On the same day Warenne was formally appointed to the
command. The available strength of England was to be hurled against
Scotland.
The main body of the English army was to assemble at York on January
20. On the 14th a parliament was held. The English magnates attended
in great force, and their goodwill was conciliated by a confirmation
of Magna Carta (with certain additional concessions) and of the Forest
Charter, sent by Edward from Flanders. The Scots nobles that had been
summoned 'neither came nor sent.' Warenne proceeded to Newcastle.
There, on January 28, Hemingburgh says, he marshalled 2000 armed horse,
over 1200 unarmed horse, and more than 100,000 foot, including the
Welsh contingent; and the army was steadily augmented as it advanced.
Warenne relieved Roxburgh and recovered Berwick, the Scots having
retired before his overwhelming force. There, however, his expedition
was stayed by a despatch from Edward, announcing the conclusion of
peace with France, and directing Warenne to hold Berwick, but not to
undertake any enterprise of importance till he himself should arrive.
Warenne therefore temporarily disbanded his army, retaining with him in
Berwick 1500 armed horse and some 20,000 foot from Wales and from the
remoter parts of England.
The retreat of the English before the Scots at Stanmore is very
differently related by Scots and English historians; and the Scots
writers are undoubtedly wrong in stating that Edward himself was
present. It can be readily explained by the orders to Warenne; and, in
any case, it is of no importance. Plainly the Scots were unable to hold
the open field. How Wallace was engaged immediately after the retreat
from Roxburgh, where he is said to have been personally in command, we
do not know. It seems probable that, amidst all his concern for the
military situation, he was not neglecting the internal reorganisation
of the country. Under date March 29, 1298, he granted to Alexander
Scrymgeour the hereditary Constableship of Dundee 'for his faithful
service and aid in bearing the Royal Banner in the army of Scotland,'
a service he was then actually performing. The charter bears to be
granted by 'Sir William Wallace, Guardian of the realm of Scotland and
leader of the armies of that realm, in the name of the renowned Prince
Lord John, by the Grace of God, the illustrious King of Scotland, with
the consent of the community of the said realm.' In the body of the
document the grant is stated to be made 'by the consent and approbation
of the magnates of the said realm.' 'The common seal of the aforesaid
realm of Scotland' is stated to be impressed on the charter, and the
seal of John is attached. The place of grant is Torphichen.
Andrew de Moray is no more in joint authority--very likely he had
died; and Wallace is officially designated 'Guardian of the realm of
Scotland.' He may, as is usually said, have been elected in the Forest
of Selkirk--a very wide place in those days; and the immediate reason
may possibly have been the expediency of an undivided authority in the
face of an overwhelming army of invasion. Lord Hailes says he 'assumed'
the title; but if this means that Wallace adopted the title without
having it conferred on him, the suggestion is wholly improbable. It is
interesting to know that on December 5, 1303 (? 1300), Bruce, as one of
the Guardians, recognised and enforced this charter.
It is a point of small importance when or by whom, if ever, Wallace
was formally knighted. But since it has been made an occasion for
carping at Wallace, we may cite an English political song in default of
better authority. Philip of France, in a letter quoted on a subsequent
page, styles him _miles_, but the objectors say that may mean simply
'soldier.' The song says--
'Jam redit in Scotiam populus malignus;
Et Willelmo datum est militare pignus;
De prædone fit eques, ut de corvo cignus;
Accipit indignus sedem, cum non prope dignus.'
That is to say:--'Now return to Scotland the malignant people; and
to William is given the knightly pledge--knighthood: from a robber he
becomes a knight, as from a raven a swan; the unworthy takes the seat,
when there is none worthy by.' Thanks to the 'malignant' poet. The
writer of the Cottonian MS., referring to this song, states that it was
one of the foremost Scots earls that girded Wallace with the belt of
knighthood; but he places the date just before, not after, the foray
into England.
Edward landed at Sandwich on March 14, and lost no time in pushing
forward the Scottish expedition. He accommodated his nobles with a
promise of reconfirmation of the charters, the York confirmation not
having been made in England. Fresh orders were issued for provisions,
the Carlisle depôt to be specially supplied from Ireland. A parliament
was held at York on May 25, the place and date originally fixed for
the muster. Again, it is stated, the Scots nobles summoned 'neither
came nor sent.' On May 27, Edward issued orders to the sheriffs to
have their men up at Roxburgh by June 23; and next day he appointed
Earl Patrick Captain of Berwick Castle. Meantime he sought inspiration
at the shrines of St. John of Beverley and of two other less famous
saints. On reaching Roxburgh, he found his army ready to march.
According to Hemingburgh, there were 3000 armed horse, 4000 unarmed
horse, and 80,000 foot, consisting largely of Welsh and Irish. At the
head of this immense force, Edward advanced to Kirkliston.
By this time Sir Aymer de Valence and Sir John Siward, who had sailed
direct from Flanders, had landed in Fife. Wallace found them in the
Forest of Blackearnside, and defeated them severely on June 12. He is
said to have lost Sir Duncan Balfour, Sheriff of Fife, and perhaps Sir
Christopher Seton, while Sir John the Graham was badly wounded. This is
one of Blind Harry's great fights. One would much like to have certain
authority for his statement that Wallace, in a respite from actual
fighting in the heat of the day, instead of taking much-needed rest,
carried water in a helmet from a neighbouring brook for the relief of
his wounded men. We should not hesitate to accept it, on a general
impression of the character and temperament of the Guardian. Having
reasserted his authority in Fife, Wallace drew south again to keep the
English army under observation.
The English army lay at Kirkliston. Edward had suffered much annoyance
from parties sallying on the fringes of his army from Dirleton and two
other castles; and he had sent the Bishop of Durham to reduce them.
The Bishop found his task by no means an easy one. He was not well
furnished either with provisions or with engines, and the garrison
of Dirleton fought him manfully. He sent a messenger to Edward, a
truculent soldier, Sir John Fitz Marmaduke. With a sub-humorous reply
to Antony, Edward is said by Hemingburgh to have thus instructed Fitz
Marmaduke: 'You are a relentless soldier, Marmaduke. I have often had
to reprove you for too cruel exultation over the death of your enemies.
But return now whence you came, and be as relentless as you choose--you
will deserve my thanks, not my censure. But look you do not see my face
again till these three castles are razed to the ground.' The three
castles were soon taken and burnt down.
Still Edward waited anxiously for his provision ships from Berwick,
which had been long detained by contrary winds. There was little to
be got from the country around, for the Scots had adopted the usual
tactics and cleared the land before the approach of the enemy. The
army began to feel the sharp pinch of hunger. The Scots, perfectly
aware of the plight of the English, were keeping close in touch with
them, ready to harass the anticipated retreat. At last some provisions
arrived, including 200 casks of wine, which Edward did not hesitate
to distribute freely. Two of the casks, it is stated, went to the
Welsh, who had broken down greatly, many of them having died. Some
of the Welshmen incontinently got drunk, raised a quarrel with some
of the English, and eventually developed an affray, killing eighteen
English ecclesiastics, possibly peacemakers, and wounding many more.
A party of English horse, excited by the disturbance, charged upon
the Welsh, and killed eighty of them, the rest taking to flight. If,
as Hemingburgh says, there were 40,000 Welsh--or even, as another
writer says, 10,000--the two casks look like a niggardly proportion,
monopolised by a few. The whole of the Welsh contingent stood aloof in
deep dudgeon, and it was believed in the English camp that they would
go over to the Scots, unless some steps were taken to mollify their
resentment. Edward, relying no doubt on his mounted troops, treated the
camp rumours with contempt: 'What matter if enemies join with enemies?
Let them go where they please; we will beat the Scots and them too.'
But still the gripe of hunger tightened upon his men, and it must have
been a cruel moment for him when at last he gave the order to prepare
to retire upon Edinburgh.
Suddenly, however, the order was reversed, much to the astonishment of
the uninstructed camp. Early in the morning of July 21, the King had
learned that the Scots army was but a few leagues off, near Falkirk,
in the Forest. He at once put his men under arms, and moved steadily
forward to seek the enemy. That night the English encamped some way
east of Linlithgow, lying on their arms in the fields. The horses had
nothing to eat--'nothing but hard iron,' and were kept in readiness
beside their riders. On this occasion Edward himself met with an
awkward accident, attributed to a page's lack of care. His destrier
trampled on him as he lay asleep, says Hemingburgh; and, as news of
his hurt passed through the army, there arose shouts of treason and
exclamations that the enemy were on them. According to Rishanger,
there broke out a terrible uproar in the camp at daybreak, under
the impression that the enemy were at hand; and the King's steed,
catching the excitement, threw him as he mounted, and kicked him in the
side, breaking two ribs. Both accounts testify to a lively sense of
insecurity in the English camp. Edward, with the stoical firmness of a
veteran, mounted another horse, and advanced with his army.
As day broke on July 22, Edward passed Linlithgow. With the growing
light, he discovered the Scots posted on an opposite eminence, in
preparation for battle. Wallace now lacked the natural strength of the
slopes of the Abbey Craig, but he again signalised his military ability
by a masterly disposition of his troops--masterly, yet desperately
daring. The real strength of the Scots cannot be even approximately
estimated; but though one English chronicler mentions that prisoners
said there were 300,000 foot, and another English scribe numbers
them at over 200,000, and yet another imaginative English annalist
says 100,000 of them were slain, it is extremely unlikely that they
approached the numbers of the English. Be this as it may, Wallace threw
the whole of his infantry in front, disposing them in four circular
bodies or schiltrons, exactly analogous to the modern square to
receive cavalry, the front rank sitting on their heels, the next ranks
successively rising, and all presenting to the foe an oblique 'wood of
spears.' The intermediate spaces were occupied by the archers, under
the command of Sir John Stewart of Bonkill, the Steward's brother. The
cavalry were placed in the rear: even the English chroniclers do not
number these higher than 1000. The front of the position was protected
by a morass--a peat moss, or turf bog; and it was further strengthened
by a stockade, consisting of long stakes firmly driven into the ground
and connected securely by ropes. On the military theory of the day,
which laid all stress on ironclad horse and relegated footmen to
contemptuous subordination, the Scots were hopelessly inferior. It
may safely be said that no competent living general, except Wallace,
would have dared to meet Edward in the open field on such terms; and
it seems all but certain that even Wallace would not have dared it
otherwise than as a desperate alternative to an impossible retreat. The
dispositions completed, Wallace is said to have addressed his first
line in one of his crisp, gay, and homely speeches: 'I have brought you
to the ring: hop (dance) if you can.' The remark glows with the joy of
battle, and thrills with the general's confidence in the prowess of his
men.
On the English side, there is no record of the dispositions of the
infantry--a comparatively unconsidered quantity. The cavalry was massed
in two main divisions: the first under the Earl Marshal, and the Earls
of Hereford and Lincoln; the second under the warlike Bishop of Durham
and Sir Ralph Basset of Drayton. The rest of the army, horse and foot,
was immediately under the King himself.
Edward opened the attack by ordering the Welsh to advance, no doubt
making a preliminary trial of their temper. The Welsh, however, 'from
the inveterate hatred they bore the King' (says Rishanger), declined
to move; possibly with an idea of joining eventually the side that
should prove victorious. Edward accordingly gave the signal to the
first cavalry division. The Earl Marshal rode straight ahead, ignorant
of the peat bog in front; but, after a little embarrassment, he led
his men round the west side, and dashed upon the Scots right. The
Bishop was before him, however; having known of the bog, and led his
men round the east end, he had already struck the left of the foremost
Scots schiltrons. The hedge of stakes had gone down with a crash. The
Scots cavalry, witnessing the combined shock of the English horsemen,
incontinently fled without striking a blow--all except a few, who
had been specially detailed to head the schiltrons. The bowmen were
the next to fail, though not with dishonour. Their commander, Sir
John Stewart, fell from his horse, while directing the operations
of the Selkirk Forest contingent, and was killed in the thickest of
the onset. His men--fine tall men, says Hemingburgh--bravely, though
vainly, formed around him, and fell by his side. The spearmen of the
schiltrons, however,
'still made good
Their dark impenetrable wood,
Each stepping where his comrade stood,
The instant that he fell.'
The defence was undoubtedly magnificent. The cavalry could neither
break up the circles nor ride them down, and many a saddle was stoutly
emptied. At last a large body of infantry was brought up, armed partly
with arrows, partly with stones, which grievously harassed the Scots,
and eventually disorganised the front line. The moment the edge of
the schiltron showed a gap, the cavalry dashed in, and the battle was
converted into a massacre.
The Scots losses must have been very heavy: one annalist runs them up
to 'about' 100,000--'like snow in winter'--'the living could not bury
the dead'; Hemingburgh is content with 50,000 foot slain, besides some
30 horsemen, and an unknown number drowned. Sir John Stewart and his
men of Bute, and Macduff and his men of Fife, died where they stood.
Sir John the Graham is also said to have fallen: Wallace's lament over
his dead body forms one of the finest passages in Harry's poem. The
most distinctive loss on the English side was Sir Brian le Jay, the
Master of the Templars in England. The English loss in common folk
cannot even be guessed at: one patriotic scribe places it at 'about 30
foot.' The romance of this history is no monopoly of poor old Harry's.
Lord Hailes remarks on 'the fatal precipitancy of the Scots.' 'If,' he
says, 'they had studied to protract the campaign, instead of hazarding
a general action at Falkirk, they would have foiled the whole power of
Edward, and reduced him to the necessity of an inglorious retreat.'
But there surely can be no question that this was the very policy of
Wallace, now as ever; and we have seen how very near Edward was to
a retreat upon Edinburgh, which must soon have been extended to a
retreat into England. If this be so, the real question is, Why did
the policy fail? The Scots were, of course, keeping as close to the
English as was consistent with safety, in order to take advantage of
the opportunities offered by a retreat necessitated by hunger. Were
they suddenly caught, so as to be unable to retire without excessive
danger? The greater probability seems to be that they were; for it is
inconsistent with Wallace's stern assertion of authority to believe
that he would have yielded his better judgment to the urgency even of
the Steward and Comyn. How came it about, then, that a general of
Wallace's discretion, vigilance, and personal activity allowed himself
to be caught?
The Scots chroniclers tell of grave and heated dissension among the
Scots captains. Comyn is said to have worked on the pride of the
Steward so as to induce him to claim to lead the van. We can quite
believe that Wallace, on hearing this claim offensively urged, 'burnt
as fire,' as Harry says he did. It was not, as Hailes jeeringly
misrepresents, a question of 'the punctilio of leading the van of an
army which stood on the defensive.' The claim was simply an insolent
usurpation of the plain function of the Guardian of Scotland--a claim,
too, preferred by a noble whose conduct had aggravated Wallace's
difficulties in making a Scots Guardian of Scotland so much as a
possibility. Wallace's resentment was most just and proper; the
absence of it would have been contemptible pusillanimity: and it is
impossible to doubt that Wallace would sooner have died on the spot,
at the hands of the English or otherwise, than have submitted for a
moment to any such pretension on the part of any man living, Balliol
alone excepted. Nor is it at all in consonance with one's conception
of the character of Wallace, that he would, as Harry says he did,
have stood apart, under the constraint of a heated vow, and let the
Steward be borne down by the enemy: such a representation is no less
degrading than preposterous. Boece is no authority, indeed, but it is
interesting to remark that he explicitly denies Harry's version, and
says Wallace fought hard and was unable to help the Steward--a vastly
more probable story. Whatever dissensions there may have been--and
it is far from improbable that baronial pride did give rise even to
violent dissensions--still such dissensions would, as Hailes remarks,
have had no 'influence on their conduct in the day of battle.' But the
proposition must be guarded by a proviso neglected by Hailes; and that
essential proviso is, that all the men were honest patriots. For the
moment, there need be no question as to the temporary patriotism of the
Steward.
It is different with Comyn. Comyn is believed, almost with certainty,
to have commanded the cavalry, and the cavalry fled at mere sight of
the first shock on the schiltrons, without striking a blow, or even
waiting to see what was to happen to the foot circles. Now, Hailes
thinks the truth of the matter is this: that the Scots cavalry, seeing
that they were greatly outnumbered by the English cavalry, and far less
effectively equipped, were intimidated and fled. But they knew all
that before. Even if they had remained on the field, Hailes thinks,
though they might have preserved their honour, they never could have
turned the chance of the day. It was natural, he adds, for such of
the infantry as survived to impute their disaster to the defection of
the cavalry; a natural pride would ascribe their flight to treachery
rather than to pusillanimity. Well, the readiness to invoke treachery
as an explanation of such reverses is very familiar; but it does not
follow that it is always untrue. It is impossible, however, to impute
cowardice to Comyn personally; nor does Hailes do so. But it is equally
impossible to impute cowardice, without proof, to Comyn's men, any
more than to the humbler men of the schiltrons. This, however, is
what Hailes quietly postulates; for he says the commander must follow
his men, as Warenne did from Stirling Bridge, though he forgets that
Warenne did not budge till it was plain to everybody that the day was
disastrously lost. Comyn could not have been unaware of Wallace's
expectations from the schiltrons, based on tried experience in many
another, if smaller, combat. Whether or not his active assistance would
have turned the day, is beyond positive decision; but the stubborn
resistance of the schiltrons shows that an additional force of 1000
horse would have proved very materially helpful. In any case, the
very least Comyn could have done would have been to attempt to break
the force of the attack on the schiltrons, and when the schiltrons
were finally broken, to have protected the rear of the retreat, as
no doubt Wallace himself did with a body of his devoted lieutenants.
Pusillanimity is no appropriate name for such glaring misconduct as
Comyn's.
Hailes finds ample exculpation of Comyn in the fact that he was
presently chosen one of the Guardians, in succession to Wallace. It is
said that Sir John Comyn was made Guardian on Wallace's resignation,
and that Sir John de Soulis was associated with Comyn by Balliol.
If so, who elected Comyn? And was his 'pusillanimity' at Falkirk a
recommendation? We know the nature of the next election, at Peebles,
on August 19, 1299, when the assembly was a scene of violence, and
the Guardians practically elected themselves by way of temporary
accommodation of their warring ambitions.
The election of Comyn, now or subsequently, does not in the smallest
degree 'indicate that the charge of treachery is of later concoction.'
The positive and strong assertions of the Scots chroniclers are not
to be so lightly set aside. One does not expect an English chronicler
to mar the glory of the English King by any mention of extraneous aid
of such a quality. Yet Hemingburgh remarks a fact that is at any rate
very suggestive. He says it was Earl Patrick and the Earl of Angus
that brought the news of the Scots position to Bishop Bek, and then
the three introduced a youth to tell the King the information he was
supposed to have spied out. Earl Patrick and the Earl of Angus were
nearly related to Comyn; and the Comyn envy of Wallace was undoubtedly
intense and bitter. Yet Comyn did not go over to Edward; on the
contrary, he was presently made a Guardian of Scotland. Did Comyn
scheme to get rid of Wallace, either by the sword of the English in a
hopeless battle, or by the unpopularity attendant upon a great military
disaster? We should be glad to discover some less dastardly reason for
his ignominious conduct at Falkirk.
There is great unanimity among the Scots chroniclers that, apart from
the treachery of Comyn and his adherents, the essential cause of the
disaster at Falkirk was the action of Robert Bruce. They say that
the schiltrons resisted every attempt to force them, till Bruce and
Bek came round in the rear, and broke the line. This is a very fine
illustration of the irony of fate, but it is not history. Bruce was
certainly not on the field, neither was he at this time in Edward's
allegiance; scarcely a month before (June 24) Edward had ordered his
goods and chattels in Essex to be sold up. It is possible that this
very grave blunder arose from confounding Bruce with Basset, and a
flank with a rear attack. Presently, too, Bruce was elected one of the
Guardians in the name of Balliol--'one of those historical phenomena
which are inexplicable,' says Hailes, rather helplessly.
The remnants of the Scots army drew off from Falkirk towards the north,
burning the town and castle of Stirling as they passed. So far Edward
pursued them. Having repaired the castle and garrisoned it strongly
with Northumbrians, he is said to have harried St. Andrews and St.
Johnston. He then passed through Selkirk Forest to the west, where he
found that Bruce had burnt down Ayr Castle and retired into Carrick,
but he could not pursue for want of provisions. Continuing his journey
through Annandale, Edward took Lochmaben Castle and burnt it. At
Carlisle he held a parliament, and distributed lands in Scotland to
his deserving officers--lands in prospect rather than in possession;
and, having arranged affairs at Durham and Tynemouth, he settled down
at Cottingham to spend his Christmas in the neighbourhood of the
comforting shrine of St. John of Beverley.
Shortly after Falkirk, whether at the Scots Water or at a convention in
St. Johnston, Wallace is said to have resigned voluntarily the office
of Guardian of Scotland. The Scots writers attribute this step to his
recognition of the impossibility of maintaining the independence of his
country in co-operation with the jealous nobles. There is much reason
to accept this explanation. Not one of the brood could be relied on,
except to undermine his authority. He may therefore have determined to
stand by himself henceforth, as he had done before, aided by such as
might choose to attach themselves to his standard. In the political
conditions of the time this result would be not only not surprising,
but, to all appearance, inevitable. The envy and malice of the
magnates, the natural leaders of the nation, had driven from the wheel
of State the one man that was then capable of steering the shattered
bark to a safe and quiet haven.
Comyn and Soulis are said to have been the new Guardians, and, in place
of Soulis, Lamberton and Bruce were added at Peebles in August 1299.
Yet it may be worth while to keep an open eye for further light on the
question, whether Wallace did not remain Guardian till near the latter
date, resigning only in view of his purpose to visit France.