1849-1851.
The year of the Revolution, Wagner’s flight and exile,--to comprehend
the full significance of these three incidents of magnitude, the
condition of society, the determination of the masses, and the unwise
prevarication of the ministry must be understood. Before stating what I
know of Wagner’s active participation during the next few exciting
months, I will describe the events themselves, and then treat of Wagner.
[Sidenote: _LEANING ON A REED._]
The newly elected chamber met on the 10th January. For weeks they
struggled to make headway. Whatever measure they passed was vetoed or
postponed by the king’s advisers. The excuse ever was, “Wait until the
constitution of the Frankfort diet has been promulgated”; or, when the
chamber insisted on reforms as regards the jury system and law
procedure, they were hung up on the miserable plea that the minister of
justice was ill, and could not devote himself to a careful study of the
changes proposed. The constitution as laid down by the federated German
parliament at Frankfort gave to every native German equal civil rights
and freedom of speech and press. Special civil privileges for the
nobility were not recognized; all Germans were to be governed by the
same laws. Out of the thirty-four principalities, twenty-nine had
accepted the enactment wholly, but Saxony held out. The Dresden chamber
resolved on coming to close quarters; they insisted on its official
recognition. Matters were assuming a cloudy aspect, but the king had no
intention of granting what a representative parliament of the whole
German people held to be the just rights of every man. The ministry,
therefore, at the wish of the king, resigned on the 24th February. This
purchased a short period of tranquillity. The new ministry would require
time to examine the question. False hopes were held out, but nothing was
done in the shape of advance or concession. The people refrained from
breaking out, expecting the Frankfort diet to insist on the Saxon
monarch acknowledging the constitution. But they leaned on a reed. The
king of Prussia, aware of the disturbed state of Saxony, sent a note to
the king, intimating that at a word from him he was ready to overrun
Saxony with his soldiers. Thus supported, there was no hope of any
reform passing into Saxon law. And so, on the 23d April, August Roeckel
writes to me, “This day we have passed a vote of want of confidence in
the king’s advisers.” Five days later, the 28th, I hear again that “the
ministry had the temerity to demand the imposition of a new tax.” This
was fiercely resisted, and the king, to bring his unfaithful commons to
their senses, issued a proclamation dissolving the chamber. This
unconstitutional and high-handed act was protested against with
vehemence, and was denounced in plain terms by Roeckel. The chambers
would not dissolve then, but arranged a final meeting two days hence.
Rough work was expected by the ministry; orders were given to confine
all troops to barracks on the 29th April, the day before the final
meeting arranged for; armaments were to be held ready for use.
On the 3Oth April the angered and excited chambers met. The debate was
stormy, for the members were aware that troops and police were held in
readiness to seize certain of their members, immediately on the rising
of the house. Richard Wagner still held his office under the government.
In a sketch of these exciting days, written and published by Roeckel, at
my instigation, he states that Wagner, by some means, became aware that
his friend Roeckel was to be taken prisoner; at once making his way to
the house, he called Roeckel out, while the debate was in progress.
Deputies had an immunity from arrest while the house was sitting, a
privilege similarly enjoyed by English members of Parliament.
[Sidenote: _MICHAEL BAKUNIN._]
Roeckel desired to stay till the end of the sitting. He had long felt,
he says, that the government wished to force a decision by an appeal to
arms, and he was anxious to remain to the last, to hear what the
intentions of the government were. To this Wagner would not listen, but
finding his own entreaties not strong enough, he quickly brought a few
friends together, Hainberger, Bakunin, and Semper, and to their
unanimous decision he gave way. They urged that he should not even go
home to take farewell of his wife and five young children, but escape at
once. The question then was--where? Roeckel proposed Berlin, as he
thought there the revolt would first break out, but Bakunin advised
Prague, where the cause had some staunch friends, as safer. It was
decided then for Prague. Roeckel was to be recalled immediately there
was need for his presence.
The men who advised this temporary flight were important leaders of the
people during the outbreak. First, Hainberger, son of Herr von
Hainberger, one of the eight imperial councillors of the emperor of
Austria. A musician of gift, his father wished him to enter the law, his
studies in which drove him into the ranks of democracy. He came to
Dresden, and took up his abode with August Roeckel, was a member of the
Fatherland Union, addressed public gatherings, and though but twenty
years of age, was of invaluable service in the organizing (such as it
was) and controlling of the people. He was on the staff, too, of
Roeckel’s paper.
Michael Bakunin, an historic revolutionary figure, was, by birth, a
Russian. Driven into exile by the severity of the laws in his own
country, he had taken refuge in Dresden, where he was hidden by Roeckel.
A man of imposing personality, high and noble-minded, of impassioned
speech, he was one of the greatest figures during those terrible May
days. As gentle and inoffensive as a lamb, his intellect and energy were
called into action by the unjust treatment of the people. He
unfortunately gave Roeckel a letter addressed to the heads of the
movement in Prague, urging no precipitation, but combination, unity of
action.
Here, for a moment, I must turn aside to the most prominent of Wagner’s
biographers, Glasenapp. In vol. I, p. 267, it is stated that Roeckel had
left Dresden to escape the consequences of a law-suit. This is totally
inaccurate. My information is derived from manuscript now before me,
under Roeckel’s own hand, and I will produce textually what he says:--
I had scarcely been three days in Prague, when a premature outbreak
recalled me. Richard Wagner, whose later long years of persecution
can but find their explanation in that he dared to distinguish
between his duties as a court conductor and his conscience as a
citizen, he who as conductor insisted on being unfettered, had long
since been wearied out in bitter disappointment, by the
non-fulfilment of the promises of 1848. Wagner wrote to me during
the feverish excitement of 3d May. “Return immediately. For the
moment you are not threatened with any danger, but there is a fear
that the excitement will precipitate a premature outbreak.” These
last words [Roeckel goes on to add], were held by his judges to
imply a preconcerted plot to overthrow all German princes, whereas
his letter had reference solely to Dresden. The inference was
erroneous. As you know, no organization existed by which the
principalities could be united.
[Sidenote: _HE MUST HAVE ICE._]
Simultaneously with this incriminating note from Wagner, a messenger
arrived from Bakunin urging Roeckel to return with all possible speed,
as directing heads were sorely needed, and particularly popular men.
This was on the 4th. He left Prague immediately, arriving outside
Dresden on Sunday, the 6th May, whence he heard the booming of guns,
ringing of church bells, fusillading of musketry, and saw two columns of
fire rising to the sky. From his position, he discerned that one was
from the site of the old opera house. His heart sank. Had the people
grown wild? Were they reckless, and was the grand cause to be lost in
fury and ill-directed efforts? The gates of the town were held open to
him by citizens. He made his way at once to the town hall. In his
patriotism he thought not of wife or children. The streets presented an
appearance akin to the sickening, horrible sight he had seen in Paris
during the July Revolution of 1830,--shops closed, paving-stones doing
duty as barricades, strengthened by overturned carts, etc., etc., a
miscellaneous collection of domestic articles.
Hurrying along, he came suddenly upon Hainberger. The incident is
curious and characteristic. Rapid inquiries and answers passed. It
appeared that Hainberger was at the same barricades as Richard Wagner,
who, he said, had just returned to the town in charge of a convoy of
provisions, and a strong detachment of peasants, and Hainberger was sent
in search of an ice for the parched Wagner. The significance of this
incident should not be lost sight of. The character of “Wagner as I knew
him” is herein painted accurately in a few lines. He was fond of luxury;
a sort of Oriental craving possessed him; and, whether weighed down with
debt and the horizon obscure, or in the midst of a nation’s throes for
liberty, he would appease his luxurious senses. Hainberger was the
messenger, first, because of his devotion, and secondly, because of his
long legs, which enabled him to step over the barricades.
At the town hall he found the members of the provisional
government--Heubner, Todt, Tzchirner--that had been appointed on the
flight of the king, 4th May. With them were Bakunin and Heinze, a first
lieutenant in the army, who had thrown in his lot with the people, and
took the military lead during the outbreak. Heinze had no means of
communicating his orders to anybody. Every man guarded the post he
thought best, and left it at his discretion. The commander had no notion
how many men he commanded; it was a chaos, a seething medley of
uncontrolled enthusiasm. Up to the 5th May no one had realized the
serious nature of the conflict; masses streamed hither and thither, were
in a rough sort of manner marshalled and directed to defend certain
streets; but it was a terribly unorganized mass, each man fighting as he
thought best.
[Sidenote: _THE ARREST OF ROECKEL._]
Roeckel placed himself at the disposal of the provisional government,
and was appointed director of a district,--that in which Wagner worked.
Roeckel visited the barricades, encouraged the people, and to open up
communications with comrades in neighbouring streets, he had walls
broken down and passages made through houses. But his chief crime,
according to the government, was the making of pitch rings to be flung
burning into public buildings held by the soldiers. The actual facts of
the case were these: The barricades were too low; men could with little
effort step over them. He hurriedly consulted Wagner, and it was agreed
that a storming by the soldiers could only be prevented by covering the
top of the barricades with some substance easy of ignition. Then Roeckel
suggested tar or pitch rings; and while Wagner went off to his convoy
supervision, Roeckel, with a body of men, set to work making these rings
in the yard opposite the town hall. The work had only proceeded an hour
when he received a message from the provisional government. His presence
was urgently required elsewhere, so the ring-making was discontinued at
once. This was on the Monday, or but one day after he had entered
Dresden. That evening information was received that a convoy of
provisions and a detachment of peasants were a few miles outside the
city waiting to enter. It was raining hard, and very dark; only some
person acquainted with the road and place would be of service. Roeckel
knew both, and started with Hainberger. As their mission was of such
importance, they deemed it advisable to wait until night had completely
set in. The rain and darkness increasing, the utmost caution was
imperative; but alas! they were met by a patrol of the Saxon troops, and
Roeckel was taken prisoner, his companion Hainberger escaping, owing to
his nimbleness. Roeckel was immediately taken before an officer and
searched. On him were found papers inculpating Wagner and others. A few
lines, too, from Commander Heinze as to the conduct of the people in the
event of a sortie taking place, caused him considerable discomfort. His
hands were tied behind him with rope which cut the flesh, and for the
night he was left in a barn. Next morning, still tied, he was sent down
the Elbe to Dresden under a strong escort, for the importance of the
capture was soon known. On his way down, he passed his own house; his
wife was at the window, and his children, attracted by the helmets of
the troops, were on the banks, unconscious that their father was a
prisoner on board. He was confined in a narrow, dark room, in his wet
clothes, and saw no one for two days, by which time the firing in the
town had ceased, and he knew then that the outbreak was at an end.
And now, to measure accurately the extent of Wagner’s culpability or his
claim to eulogy, the precise nature of the revolt should be understood,
the class and character of the insurgents, and their avowed purpose,
plainly stated. Further, the source of the government indictment against
Wagner and the reason of their relentless persecution should both be
fully comprehended.
First, the revolt. It began through pure accident. Naturally the
townspeople were excited at the knowledge of the military being held in
readiness to suppress, by force of arms, any public expression at the
arbitrary dissolution of the chambers. They gathered in groups about the
streets, the pressure being greatest near the town hall. As the crowd
swayed, a wooden gate, opening upon a military magazine, gave way. The
troops were turned out, and defenceless people fired upon,--men, women
and children dying in the streets. This was May 3d. Then began that
loose organization. And who took part in it? Let the official records
supply the answer. I find that when the insurrection was suppressed the
government indicted twelve thousand persons, this lamentably lengthy
list including thirty mayors of different towns, about two-thirds of the
members of the dissolved chambers, government officials, town
councillors, lawyers, clergy, school-masters, officers and privates of
the army, men of culture, position, and social influence.
[Sidenote: _WAGNER’S SEDITION._]
Well might Herr von Beust, the king of Saxony’s chosen prime minister
during March and April, 1849, when speaking in the Dresden chamber on
the 15th August, 1864, or fifteen years after the terrible May days of
1849 that condemned Richard Wagner to exile, describe this revolt as an
“insurrection that embraced the whole of the people of Saxony.” After
such striking, conclusive testimony to the character of the revolt, from
the highest minister of the crown, no stigma can attach to Wagner or any
member who united in defence of the liberty of the subject, but rather
is such action to be commended.
One more fact from the official report now before me: of Prussian and
Saxon troops thirty-four are recorded dead and a hundred wounded;
whereas, of the people, or “insurgents,” one hundred and ninety men,
seven women killed, and a hundred and eleven men and four women wounded,
besides “about fifty more” of the people admittedly killed by the
soldiery, and then thrown into the Elbe, or a gross total of a hundred
and thirty-four soldiers killed and wounded against three hundred and
sixty-two people.
And now as to the source of the government charge and the reason of its
intolerant bearing for thirteen years towards Richard Wagner. I have
already referred to the note taken upon Roeckel, which Wagner wrote and
addressed to him at Prague, urging his immediate return. Further, I have
reproduced the revolutionary paper which Wagner read before the
Fatherland Union, a copy of which figures in the official indictment
_re_ Wagner. There yet remain other incriminating documents, and
occasional words uttered by prisoners under examination, besides the
knowledge the government possessed of his close intimacy with that
revolutionary directing spirit, Bakunin, and also with August Roeckel;
and further, his membership in the Union. But the chief materials for
the government accusation were furnished by poor Roeckel himself. There
was, first, the letter taken upon him--“Return immediately ...
excitement may precipitate a premature outbreak.” Then his house was
sacked. He was the editor and proprietor of the “Volksblatte,” the
people’s paper. Naturally, therefore, documents and papers of every
description were found in profusion, held to incriminate several
persons. Here copies were found of the June, 1848, paper, by Richard
Wagner, on the “Abolition of the Monarchy,” and articles written by him
for the “Volksblatte,” then minutes of meetings of the Fatherland Union
and of the sub-committee. In a letter from his wife to me, detailing the
incidents of the sacking of his house in Dresden, she says, “Every
paper, printed and in manuscript, was taken away by the police officer
who accompanied the military guard”; and, further, she says, “When I was
ordered to leave Dresden I went first to Leipzic and Halle, thence to
Weimar, and at each town, when it became known who we were, I and my
five children were received with every sign of affection; at Leipzic the
townspeople coming out in a body to welcome us.”
[Sidenote: _A CHIEF OF INSURRECTION._]
Roeckel’s wife was ordered to quit Dresden so that she might not witness
the execution of her husband. Both Bakunin and Roeckel were, by order of
the Prussian commander, to be shot in the market place, an order only
countermanded when it was thought that further information could be
extracted from them. Ten days after Roeckel’s capture he was brought up
for investigation, in company with Heubner, the head of the provincial
government, Heinze, the military commander of the people, and Bakunin,
directing spirit. These four men were all chained. From this time each
was examined and interrogated separately. Roeckel’s investigations were
endless. He could not at the time perceive why he was repeatedly
cross-questioned on the same point. Alas, it was too cruelly potent
when, on the 14th January, 1850, or nineteen months after he was taken
prisoner, for the first time he heard specifically with what he was
charged, and his sentence,--death. He saw then clearly that the last
part of Wagner’s note to him had been interpreted as implying a general
organized rising throughout Saxony at a moment to be decided upon by the
leaders, Bakunin, Heubner, Todt, Wagner, and Roeckel--“return
immediately ... the excitement will precipitate a premature outbreak.”
The official interpretation was entirely wrong. No decision of the kind
had been arrived at. There was a complete lack of organization. They
wished to be prepared for emergencies, but a deliberate attack was not
contemplated. However, it sufficed to include Wagner among the chiefs of
the insurrection.
Then there were Bakunin’s letters to the sympathizers at Prague,
unaddressed. By all manner of cunning questions that legal ingenuity
could suggest was it sought to drag out from Roeckel in his cell, the
names of the leaders at Prague. The addresses of several personages were
found in the sacking of Roeckel’s house, and these were all arraigned.
For a year these secret investigations were carried on, in June, July,
and August at Dresden, and subsequently at the fortress of Königstein.
On the last day of August, 1849, Heubner, Bakunin, and Roeckel seem to
have been confronted separately by a witness who swore to the part
actually played by Wagner during the rising. Refusing to utter a word
that should incriminate their friend, they were transported that night
in three separate wagons to the impregnable fortress of Königstein.
Officers with loaded revolvers sat inside each conveyance, a troop of
mounted soldiery forming the van and rear of the cavalcade. The night
had been chosen, as these men were known to be beloved of the people;
they were martyrs in a nation’s cause, and it was feared that, should it
become known who were the prisoners being conveyed, a rescue might be
attempted. Inside the prison house, Roeckel met with kind treatment and
was permitted to receive letters from his friends. The nobility of his
character, his integrity, fearlessness, and unselfishness had rendered
him so popular that the directors of the Royal Library at Dresden placed
their whole store of books at his disposal. Within the walls of his
prison he was equally popular, warders and soldiers uniting to form a
plan for his escape, and that of Heubner and Bakunin. Roeckel and
Bakunin declared themselves ready, but Heubner refused, whereupon
Roeckel and Bakunin declined to hazard the attempt without their friend.
It is to these efforts of the soldiers that Wagner refers in a letter to
Edward Roeckel, brother of August, which appears later on. The
friendliness of the warders being perceived by the authorities, Roeckel
was removed to that Bastille of Saxony, the fortress of Waldheim, and
Bakunin to Prague.
[Sidenote: _WAGNER’S ACTIVE PART._]
And now for the first time was Roeckel brought before a properly
constituted tribunal. It was on the morning of the 14th January, 1850,
that he heard for the first time the charge formulated against him and
the sentence. The official accusation of my friend is before me, and as
Richard Wagner is concerned, I will summarize the charge. It consists of
eight distinct counts to the effect that he, Roeckel, had placed himself
at the disposal of the provisional government, constructed barricades,
was present at military councils, received the convoys of men and
provisions that were brought into Dresden by Wagner and others, prepared
tar brands, was concerned in a plot for a general uprising in the
principalities to overthrow the lawful rulers, as proved by the letter
from Richard Wagner taken upon him, etc., etc. The sentence passed upon
Roeckel was death, Heubner and Bakunin having been brought up for trial
and sentenced at the same time. The friends shook hands for the last
time.
Outside a party had arisen demanding a second trial. The clamour was
strong, so that a rehearing was conceded, but the second court, on 16th
April, 1850, only confirmed the judgment of the first, the extreme
penalty, however, being commuted by the king, who had under all
circumstances shown himself averse to capital punishment, to
imprisonment for life. Roeckel was, however, reprieved after having been
incarcerated nearly thirteen years.
And now for the actual part played by Wagner. Throughout he was most
active. He was, as he says, “everywhere.” His genius for organizing and
directing, which we have seen carried to such perfection on the stage,
proved of infinite value during those anxious days. An outbreak had long
been expected, but not at the moment it actually took place, and when it
came he was found ready to carry out the work appointed him. Though not
on the executive of the provisional government, he was consulted
regularly by the heads, and as he says, “it was pure accident” he was
not taken prisoner with Heubner and Bakunin, as he had but “left them
the night before their arrest to meet them in the morning for
consultation.”
[Sidenote: _LEAD FROM THE HOUSE-TOPS._]
His temperament, all who have come into contact with him well know, was
very excitable, and under such a strain as he then endured it was at
fever pitch. Hainberger related to me a dramatic episode which thrilled
Wagner’s frame and stirred the whole of the eye-witnesses. I recounted
it subsequently to Wagner, and he agreed entirely as to the truth of
Hainberger’s recital. It was in the morning about eight o’clock, the
barricade at which Wagner and Hainberger were stationed was about to
receive such morning meal as had been prepared, the outposts being kept
by a few men and women. Amongst the latter was a young girl of eighteen,
the daughter of a baker belonging to this particular barricade. She
stood in sight of all, when to their amazement a shot was suddenly
heard, a piercing shriek, followed by the fall of the girlish patriot.
The miscreant Prussian soldier, one of a detachment in the
neighbourhood, was caught redhanded and hurried to the barricade. Wagner
seized a musket and mounting a cart called out aloud to all, “Men, will
you see your wives and daughters fall in the cause of our beloved
country, and not avenge their cowardly murder? All who have hearts, all
who have the blood and spirit of their forefathers, and love their
country follow me, and death to the tyrant.” So saying he seized a
musket, and heading the barricade they came quickly upon the few
Prussians who had strayed too far into the town, and who, perceiving
they were outnumbered, gave themselves up as prisoners. This is but one
of those many examples of what a timid man will do under excitement, for
I give it as my decided opinion, and I have no fear of lack of
corroboration, that Richard Wagner was not personally brave. I have
closely observed him upon many occasions, and though entering into a
quarrel readily enough,--once in the London streets with a grocer who
had cruelly beaten his horse,--he always moved away when it looked like
coming to blows. This might be termed discretion; well, he was discreet,
there are no two opinions about that, but I distinctly affirm that what
is commonly understood by personal bravery, Wagner possessed none of it.
He was ever ready to harangue the people; his volubility, excitability,
and unquenchable love of freedom instigating him at all times. This was
well known to the government, as also the foregoing incident, I am
convinced, for, be it remembered, Wagner and his companions only made
the Prussian soldiers prisoners, and it is not supposing the impossible
that on release they would have reported fully who it was that led,
musket in hand, the people against them.
Another incident of the campaign, and this time the author is Wagner.
When it was reported that the ammunition was running short, the not very
original idea sprang from him in this instance to use the lead from the
house-tops. That Wagner’s very active participation was fully reported
to the government, is proved by their attitude towards him. They
expected to take him prisoner with Heubner and Bakunin, for he was
constantly with them, and they were betrayed by the Prussians; and, as
Wagner says, it was “pure accident” only that he was not taken with
them.
As soon as the leaders were taken, and Wagner saw there was no use in
continuing the conflict, he fled. He knew not in what direction to turn,
but the thought of his precious manuscripts which he had with him
determined his course--Weimar, Liszt. And so it fell out. Liszt was good
and sheltered him, and interested himself so far as to go to the police
official at Weimar to try and discover whether any warrant had been
issued for his apprehension. Wagner remained below while Liszt entered
to inquire. He was not kept in suspense long. Liszt hurried out
breathless and excited. “For the love of God, stay not a moment; a
warrant has been issued and is upstairs now waiting to be executed, but
I have prevailed upon H----, who out of friendship will not put it into
execution for an hour.” Under Liszt’s advice he left for Paris, the
Weimar virtuoso being intrusted with Wagner’s precious manuscripts. He
went to Paris, but remained a few weeks only, seeking an asylum in
Zurich, of which city in the October following he became a naturalized
subject.
In the summer of 1853 he thought of quitting Zurich, information which
was soon conveyed to the Dresden government, who at once issued the
following proclamation. I draw attention to the words “most prominent,”
and further to the date, June, 1853; or, it should be borne in mind,
four years after the Revolution. It ran as follows:--
[Sidenote: _A HAPPY ACCIDENT._]
Wagner, Richard, late chapel master of Dresden, one of the most
prominent supporters of the party of insurrection, who by reason of
his participation in the Revolution of May, 1849, in Dresden, has
been pursued by police warrant, this is to give notice that it
having transpired he intends to leave Zurich, where he at present
resides, in order to enter Germany, he should be arrested; whereby,
for the better purpose of apprehension, a portrait of the said
Richard Wagner is hereby given, so that should he touch German land
he may at once be delivered over to the police authorities at
Dresden.
The question then arises, is it to be supposed that a man thus pursued
by the Saxon government had taken little or no part in the insurrection?
There cannot be any doubt as to the answer. As I have before stated,
Richard Wagner was deeply implicated in revolutionary proceedings before
the May days of 1849, facts within the cognizance of the government.
They knew he was a member of the political society, Fatherland Union,
the centre of Saxon discontent; it was notorious that the conductor,
Wagner, had written and read a celebrated paper in June, 1848, before
the society, advocating the abolition of the monarchy; his most intimate
companion and confidant was the second conductor, Roeckel, dismissed
from office by reason of his revolutionary (?) practices, and he,
Wagner, had already expressed his regret for hasty language condemnatory
of the powers, and what was even still more convincing evidence, did he
not stand convicted by his own handwriting--the short note taken on the
person of August Roeckel, besides the evidence of his having contributed
articles to Roeckel’s paper? It is then a matter of universal rejoicing,
that the “pure accident” did prevent his meeting Bakunin and Heubner,
for, judging from the sentence of death passed upon those two, and upon
Roeckel, it is more than probable that the same sentence would have been
pronounced against him.
That the government regarded Roeckel and Wagner in much the same light,
is to my mind further shown by the similarity in time of their
respective imprisonment and exile--August Roeckel serving nearly
thirteen years, and Richard Wagner’s amnesty dating March, 1862. Several
persons of high rank interceded for him, among them Napoleon the Third,
who, after the “Tannhäuser” fiasco in Paris of 1861, expressed himself
amazed at the fatherland exiling so great a son. After the perusal of
the following letter, dated by Wagner, Enge, near Zurich, 15th March,
1851, future biographers can no longer ignobly treat the patriotism of
Wagner by striving to whitewash or gloss over the part he played during
those sad days. It is addressed to my life-long friend, Edward Roeckel
(the brother of August), now living at Bath, where he has resided since
1849.[2]
[Sidenote: _LETTER TO EDWARD ROECKEL._]
ENGE, NEAR ZURICH, 15th March, 1851.
MY DEAR FRIEND: Many a time have I longed to write to you, but have
been compelled to desist, uncertain as to your address. But now I
must take my chance in sending you a letter, as the occasion is
pressing, and I have to claim your kindness in the interest of
another. I will, therefore, at once explain matters, and so have
done with the immediate cause of this letter.
A young man, Hainberger, still very young, half German, half Pole,
at present my exile companion in Switzerland, originally found
refuge in the Canton Berne. This canton has expelled all political
refugees, refusing to harbour them any longer, and, indeed, no
canton will now receive another exile, at most keeping those
already domiciled there; thus Hainberger is obliged to seek
sanctuary either in England or America. Being a good violinist, I
had already secured for him several months’ engagement in the
Zurich orchestra. His present intention, if possible, is to go next
winter to Brussels, in order to profit by lessons from de Beriot,
but alas! for him, his most reactionary Austrian parents and
relations are as yet too angry with him to permit him to hope of
their furnishing the necessary money for that plan. Until he can
expect a change in that quarter, he does not wish to go as far as
America, but prefers London, there to await that happy
reconciliation with his relations. Meanwhile, and in order to
ensure the means of subsistence, he would much like to find an
engagement in one of the London orchestras. As he does not know a
soul in London to whom he could apply for help in this case, I turn
to you in friendship, to assist in procuring him such an
engagement. And, further, besides knowing no one in London, my
young friend does not speak English. If, therefore, you could
indicate any house where he could live moderately, and make himself
understood, you would confer a great favour on me. Could we not
direct him at once to Praeger? I take a deep interest in this young
man, as he is of an amiable disposition, and I have become closely
acquainted with him at Dresden, where indeed he stayed for some
long time, with August. He is really a talented violinist, and
possesses letters of recommendation from his masters, Helmsberger
and David (in the first instance, he was a pupil of Jansa), which
he wishes to be known, as he believes the name of Helmsberger a
guarantee. If you are willing to do me this service I beg, in my
name, that he may be sustained in all power.
Now to another matter. During the last few years much has occurred
of a most painful nature, and oft have I thought of your sorely
tried brotherly devotion. We were all compelled to be prepared for
extremes during those times, for it was no longer possible to
endure the state of things in which we lived, unless we had become
unfaithful to ourselves. I, for my part, long before the outbreak
of the Revolution, was incapable of anything but contemplating that
inevitable catastrophe. What in me was a mixture of contemplation,
was with August all action. His whole being was impelled to
energetic activity. It was not until the fourth day of the outbreak
at Dresden that I saw him on a Monday morning for the first and
last time. For some time after he was captured, I could get no news
of him but what I gathered from the public journals. Although I had
not accepted a special rôle, yet I was present everywhere, actively
superintending the bringing in of convoys, and indeed, I only
returned with one from the Erzgebirge[3] to the town hall, Dresden,
on the eve of the last day. Then I was immediately asked on all
sides after August, of whom since Monday evening no tidings had
been received, and so, to our distress, we were forced to conclude
that he had either been taken prisoner or shot.
[Sidenote: _A CONVENIENT MEMORY._]
I was actively engaged in the revolutionary movement up to its
final struggle, and it was a pure accident that I, too, was not
taken prisoner in company with Heubner and Bakunin, as I had but
taken leave of them for the night to meet in consultation again the
next morning. When all was lost, I fled first to Weimar, where,
after a few days, I was informed that a warrant of apprehension was
to be put in motion after me. I consulted Liszt about my next
movements. He took me to a house to make inquiries on my behalf.
While awaiting his return in the street, I suddenly caught sight of
Lullu,[4] who told me her mother had arrived at Weimar, was living
close by, and gave me their address, I promising to call at once;
but on Liszt returning he told me that not a moment was to be lost,
the warrant of apprehension had been received, and I must quit
Weimar at once. It became, therefore, impossible to call on
August’s wife; and only now, as I am writing, does it strike me
that “Linchen”[5] might perhaps think my behaviour unfeeling. I beg
of you, then, when you have an opportunity, if she may have
considered me wanting in sympathy, to explain how the matter then
stood, as I should feel deeply distressed at such a belief
existing. I heard from Dresden that, thanks to your brotherly
devotion, the family of the unhappy August have been well provided
for. Where they at present reside I do not know. As regards August,
from whom, alas, I have not yet received any detailed information,
I can, thinking of the terrible trial he is now undergoing, have
only one profound anxiety, that is, his health. Should he lose
this, it would be the worst possible thing; for his imprisonment
cannot last eternally, of that there is no doubt. I cannot speak of
“plots,” as of them I know nothing authoritatively, and most likely
they even do not exist, but a glance at the affairs of Europe
clearly shows that the present state of things can be but
shortlived. Good health and patience are most to be desired for
those who suffer the keenest under existing circumstances. Happily,
August’s constitution is of the kind that gives every hope for him.
I know, from his manner of living, that neither an active nor a
sedentary life affect him deeply. But one thing is to be feared,
viz. that his patience will not last him; and alas, in this respect
I have heard, to my sorrow, that he has been incautious, and
suffers in consequence stricter discipline. Altogether, however, I
believe that the political prisoners in Saxony are treated
humanely, and we must hope that by prudent behaviour August will
soon experience milder treatment, could we but influence him in
respect to his easily understood passionate outbreaks.
I live here very retired with my wife, receiving from certain
friends in Germany just sufficient monetary assistance. My special
grief is my art, which, though I had my freedom of action, I could
not unfold. I was in Paris, intended even going to London, but the
feeling of nausea, engendered by such art excursions, drove me back
here; and so I have taken to write books, amongst others, “Das
Kunstwerk der Zukunft,” and, on a larger scale, “Oper und Drama,”
my last work. I could also turn again to composing “Siegfried’s
Tod,” but after all, it would only be for myself, and that in the
end is too mournful. Dear Edward, write to me. Perhaps I may hear
much news from you, and I would greatly like to hear how you are
getting on. Farewell. Be assured of my heartiest devotion.
RICHARD WAGNER.
And now for a few closing remarks upon this revolutionary epoch. I have
alluded to the whitewashing, as it were, of Wagner by his biographers
when treating of this period. If it were asked who is to blame, the
answer might fairly be, “Imperfect or inadequate knowledge of the
facts,” fostered, I regret to add, by Wagner’s own later utterances and
writings upon the point. When Wagner visited London in 1855, the
Revolution and the thousand and one episodes connected therewith were
related and discussed fully and dwelt upon with affection, but as the
years rolled on he exhibited a decided aversion towards any reference to
his participation. Perhaps we should not judge harshly in the matter; he
had suffered much and there were not wanting, and I fear it may be said
there are still not wanting, those who speak in ungenerous, malignant
tones about the court conductor being false to his oath of allegiance,
of the demagogue luxuriating in the wealth of a royal patron. Wagner’s
art popularity was increasing and his music-dramas were gradually
forcing themselves upon the stage, and he did not wish his chance of
success to be marred by the everlastingly silly and spiteful references
to the revolutionist. But whether he was justified in writing as he did,
in permitting almost an untruth to be inferred and history falsified, I
should not care to decide. As, however, I am of opinion that the lives
of great men (their public actions at least) are the property of
posterity, I have stated what I know to have been the true facts, and
will bring my remarks to a close by appending a few extracts from
Wagner’s early and later writings upon this point which, read by the
light of the uncontrovertible facts, I leave for each to form his own
opinion:--
(1) Paper on the “Abolition of the Monarchy,” read before the
Fatherland Union, dated 16th June, 1848.
(2) Note to August Roeckel: “Return immediately; a premature
outbreak is feared.”--May, 1849.
(3) Letter to Edward Roeckel: March, 1851:
(_a_) “It was no longer possible to endure the state of things in
which we lived.”
(_b_) “I was present everywhere, actively superintending the
bringing in of convoys, etc.”
(_c_) “I was actively engaged in the revolutionary movement up to
its final struggle.”
(4) His active participation, related by himself to me,
corroborated by Hainberger’s testimony. (I should add that
Hainberger came to London in April, 1851, stayed with me, and that
I secured for him lessons and a place in the orchestra of the New
Philharmonic.)
(5) Max von Weber, son of Carl Maria von Weber, told me that he was
present during the Revolution, and saw Wagner shoulder his musket.
[Sidenote: _A SIGNIFICANT OMISSION._]
As I have stated, the general drift of Wagner’s references to the
Revolution is to minimize his share; I content myself with two extracts
only:--
1. From “Eine Mittheilung an meine Freunde” (a communication to my
friends), vol. IV. of his collected writings, and dated 1851: “I
never had occupied myself really with politics.”
2. “The Work and Mission of my Life,” the latest of Wagner’s
published writings, written in 1876 for America: “In my innermost
nature I really had nothing in common with its political side,”
_i.e._ of the Revolution.
The significant omission of “The Abolition of the Monarchy” paper from
his eleven volumes of “Collected Writings,” a collection which includes
shorter papers written too at earlier periods than the above, may also
be noted.