A merry life while the sun shone; and if it set early for most of these

stout warriors, their survivors had but little leisure to lament them.

It is not easy to read Froissart’s account of certain battles, serious

enough in their results, without being strangely impressed by the

boyish enthusiasm with which the combatants went to work; so that even

now, five centuries later, our blood tingles with their pleasurable

excitement. When France undertook to support the Earl of Flanders

against Philip van Arteveld and the rebellious citizens of Ghent, the

Flemish army entrenched themselves in a strong position on the river

Lys, destroying all bridges save one, which was closely guarded. The

French, in the dead of night, crossed the river in rickety little

boats, a handful of men at a time, and only a mile or so distant from

the spot where nine thousand of the enemy lay encamped. Apparently they

regarded this hazardous feat as the gayest kind of a lark, crowding

like schoolboys around the boats, and begging to be taken on board.

“It was a pleasure to see with what eagerness they embarked,” says

the historian; and indeed, so great was the emulation, that only men

of noble birth and tried valor were permitted to cross. Not a single

varlet accompanied them. After infinite labor and danger, some twelve

hundred knights--the flower of French chivalry--were transported to the

other side of the river, where they spent the rest of a cold and stormy

November night standing knee-deep in the marshes, clad in complete

armor, and without food or fire. At this point the fun ceases to sound

so exhilarating; but we are assured that “the great attention they paid

to be in readiness kept up their spirits, and made them almost forget

their situation.” When morning came, these knights, by way of rest

and breakfast, crossed the intervening country, fell upon the Flemish

ranks, and routed them with great slaughter; for what could a mass of

untrained artisans do against a small body of valiant and accomplished

soldiers? A few days later, the decisive battle of Rosebecque ended the

war. Van Arteveld was slain, and the cause of democracy, of “the ill

intentioned,” as Froissart for the most part designates the toiling

population of towns, received its fatal blow.

Yet this courtly chronicler of battles and deeds of chivalry is not

without a sense of justice and a noble compassion for the poor.

He disapproves of “commonalties” when they assert their claims too

boisterously; he fails to detect any signs of sapience in a mob; and

he speaks of “weavers, fullers, and other ill-intentioned people,”

as though craftsmen were necessarily rebellious,--which perhaps was

true, and not altogether a matter for surprise. But the grievous

taxes laid upon the French peasantry fill him with indignation; the

distress of Ghent, though brought about, as he believes, by her own

pride and presumption, touches him so deeply that he grows eloquent in

her behalf; and he records with distinct approbation the occasional

efforts made by both the French and the English kings to explain to

their patient subjects what it was they were fighting about. Eloquent

bishops, he tells us, were sent to preach “long and fine sermons,”

setting forth the justice of the respective claims. “In truth, it was

but right that these sovereigns, _since they were determined on war_,

should explain and make clear to their people the cause of the quarrel,

that they might understand it, and have the better will to assist their

lords and monarchs.” Above all, he gives us a really charming and

cheerful picture of the French and English fishermen, who went quietly

about their daily toil, and bore each other no ill will, although

their countries were so hard at war. “They were never interrupted in

their pursuits,” he says, “nor did they attack each other; but, on the

contrary, gave mutual assistance, and bought or sold, according as they

had more fish or less than they required. For if they were to meddle in

the national strife, there would be an end of fishing, and none would

attempt it unless supported by men-at-arms.” So perhaps there is one

lesson of common sense and forbearance we may learn, even now, from

those barbarous days of old.

As for the personal touches which give such curious vitality to

Froissart’s pages, they belong naturally to an unscientific age,

when history,--or what passed as such,--biography, court gossip, and

legendary lore were all mingled together, with no vexatious sifting

of material. The chronicler tells us in ample detail every separate

clause of an important treaty, and then breaks off to recount, at great

length and with commendable gravity, the story of the Lord de Corasse

and his familiar demon, Orthon, who served him out of pure love, and

visited him at night, to the vexation and terror of his lady wife. We

hear in one chapter how the burghers of Ghent spoiled all the pleasure

of the Lord d’Estournaz’s Christmas by collecting and carrying away his

rents, “which made him very melancholy,” as well it might; and in the

next we are told in splendid phrases of the death of Duke Wenceslaus

of Bohemia, “who was, in his time, magnificent, blithe, prudent,

amorous, and polite. God have mercy on his soul!” It is hard to see how

anything could be better described, in fewer words, than the disastrous

expedition of William of Hainault against the Frieslanders. “About

the feast of St. Rémy, William, Earl of Hainault, collected a large

body of men-at-arms, knights, and squires, from Hainault, Flanders,

Brabant, Holland, Gueldres, and Juliers, and, embarking them on board a

considerable fleet at Dordrecht, made sail for Friesland; for the Earl

considered himself as lord thereof. If the Frieslanders had been people

to listen to the legality and reasonableness of the claim, the Earl

was entitled to it. But as they were obstinate, he exerted himself

to obtain it by force, and was slain, as well as a great many other

knights and squires. God forgive them their sins!”

Surely that line about the unreasonable Frieslanders is worthy of

Carlyle,--of Carlyle whose grim and pregnant humor lurks beneath

sentences that, to the unwary, seem as innocent as the sheathed dagger

before the blade is sprung. He it was who hated with a just and

lively abhorrence all constitutional histories, and all philosophy

of history, as likewise “empty invoice lists of Pitched Battles and

Changes of Ministry,”--as dead, he declared, as last year’s almanacs,

“to which species of composition they bear, in several points of view,

no inconsiderable affinity.” He it was, moreover, who welded together

history and literature, and gave us their perfect and harmonious

union in the story of the “Diamond Necklace.” The past was enough for

Carlyle, when he worked amid her faded parchments, and made them glow

with renewed color and fire. That splendid pageant of events, that

resistless torrent of life, that long roll-call of honored names which

we term comprehensively history, had for him a significance which

needed neither moral nor maxim to confirm it. If we can believe with

him that it is better to revere great men than to belittle them, better

to worship blindly than to censure priggishly, better to enlarge our

mental vision until it embraces the standards of other centuries than

to narrow it in accordance with the latest humanitarian doctrine,--then

we may stray safely through the storied past, until even Froissart,

writing in a feudal chimney-corner strange tales of chivalry and

carnage, will have for us a message of little practical service, but of

infinite comfort in hours of idleness and relaxation. It is an engaging

task to leave the present, so weighted with cumbersome enigmas and

ineffectual activity, and to go back, step by step, to other days, when

men saw life in simpler aspects, and moved forward unswervingly to the

attainment of definite and obvious desires.

One voice has been recently raised with modest persistence in behalf of

old-fashioned history,--history which may possibly be inaccurate here

and there, but which gives to the present generation some vivid insight

into the lives of other generations which were not without importance

in their day. Now that we are striving to educate every class of

people, whether they respond to our advances or not, it is at least

worth while to make their instruction as pleasant and as profitable

as we can. Mr. Augustus Jessopp, whose knowledge of the agricultural

classes is of that practical and intimate kind which comes of living

with them for many years in sympathy and friendship, has a right to be

heard when he speaks in their behalf. If they must be taught in scraps

and at the discretion of committees, he believes that the Extension

lecturers who go about dispensing “small doses of Ruskin and water,

or weak dilutions of Mr. Addington Symonds,” would be better employed

in telling the people something of their own land and of their rude

forefathers. And this history, he insists, should be local, full of

detail, popular in character, and without base admixture of political

science, so that the rustic mind may accustom itself to the thought of

England, in all Christian ages, as a nation of real people; just as Tom

Tulliver woke gradually, under the stimulating friction of Maggie’s

questions, to the astonishing conviction that the Romans were once live

men and women, who learned their mother tongue through some easier

medium than the Latin grammar.

Again and again Mr. Jessopp has tried the experiment of lecturing on

local antiquities and the dim traditions of ancient country parishes;

and he has always found that these topics, which carried with them

some homely and familiar flavor of the soil, awoke a deep and abiding

interest in minds to which abstract ethics and technical knowledge

appealed alike in vain. School boards may raise the cry for useful

information, and fancy that a partial acquaintance with chlorides

and phosphates is all that is necessary to make of a sulky yokel an

intelligent agriculturist and a contented citizen; but a man must

awaken before he can think, and think before he can work, and work

before he can realize his position and meaning in the universe. And it

needs a livelier voice than that of elementary chemistry to arouse him.

“The Whigs,” said Sir Walter Scott, “will live and die in the belief

that the world is ruled by pamphlets and speeches;” and a great many

excellent people in every country will live and die in the belief that

the world is ruled by printed books, full of proven and demonstrable

truths. But we, the world’s poor children, sick, tired, and fractious,

know very well that we never learn unless we like our lesson, and never

behave ourselves unless inspired by precept and example. The history of

every nation is the heritage of its sons and daughters; and the story

of its struggles, sufferings, misdeeds, and glorious atonements is the

story that keeps alive in all our hearts that sentiment of patriotism,

without which we are speeding swiftly on our path to national

corruption and decay.

THE ROYAL ROAD OF FICTION.

“A tale,” says that charming scholar and critic, M. Jusserand, “is the

first key to the heart of a child, the last utterance to penetrate the

fastnesses of age.” And what is true of the individual is true also

of the race. The earliest voice listened to by the nations in their

infancy was the voice of the story-teller. Whether he spoke in rude

prose or in ruder rhyme, his was the eloquence which won a hearing

everywhere. All through the young world’s vigorous, ill-spent manhood

it found time mid wars, and pestilence, and far migrations to cherish

and cultivate the first wild art of fiction. We, in our chastened,

wise, and melancholy middle age, find still our natural solace in this

kind and joyous friend. And when mankind grows old, so old we shall

have mastered all the knowledge we are seeking now, and shall have

found ourselves as far from happiness as ever, I doubt not we shall

be comforted in the twilight of existence with the same cheerful and

deceptive tales we hearkened to in childhood. Facts surround us from

the cradle to the grave. Truth stares us coldly in the face, and checks

our unmeaning gayety of heart. What wonder that we turn for pleasure

and distraction to those charming dreams with which the story-teller,

now grown to be a novelist, is ever ready to lure us away from

everything that it is comfortable to forget.

And it was always thus. From the very beginning of civilization, and

before civilization was well begun, the royal road of fiction ran

straight to the hearts of men, and along it traveled the gay and

prosperous spinners of wondrous tales which the world loved well to

hear. When I was a little girl, studying literature in the hard and

dry fashion then common in all schools, and which was not without its

solid advantages after all, I was taught, first that “Pamela” was the

earliest English novel; then that “Robinson Crusoe” was the earliest

English novel; then that Lodge’s “Rosalynde” was the earliest English

novel. By the time I got that far back, I began to see for myself,

what I dare say all little girls are learning now, that the earliest

English novel dates mistily from the earliest English history, and that

there is no such thing as a firm starting-point for their uncertain

feet to gain. Long, long before Lodge’s “Rosalynde” led the way for

Shakespeare’s “Rosalind” to follow, romantic tales were held in such

high esteem that people who were fortunate enough to possess them in

manuscript--the art of printing not having yet cheapened such precious

treasures--left them solemnly by will to their equally fortunate

heirs. In 1315, Guy, Earl of Warwick, bequeathed to Bordesley Abbey

in Warwickshire his entire library of thirty-nine volumes, which

consisted almost exclusively, like the library of a modern young

lady, of stories, such as the “Romaunce de Troies,” and the “Romaunce

d’Alisaundre.” In 1426, Thomas, Duke of Exeter, left to his sister Joan

a single book, perhaps the only one he possessed, and this too was a

romance on that immortal knight and lover, Tristram.

Earlier even than Thomas of Exeter’s day, the hardy barons of England

had discovered that when they were “fested and fed,” they were ready

to be amused, and that there was nothing so amusing as a story. In

the twelfth century, before St. Thomas à Becket gave up his life in

Canterbury cloisters, English knights and ladies had grown familiar

with the tragic history of King Lear, the exploits of Jack the Giant

Killer, the story of King Arthur and of the enchanter Merlin. The

earliest of these tales came from Brittany, and were translated from

Armorican into Latin by Geoffrey of Monmouth, a Benedictine monk, and

a benefactor to the world; but, by the following century, Robin Hood,

Tom-a-Lincoln, and a host of sturdy English-born heroes shared in the

popular attention. It must have been inexpressibly helpful to the

writers and compilers of early fiction that the uncritical age in which

they lived had not yet been vitiated by the principles of realistic

art. The modern maxims about sinning against the probabilities, and the

novelist’s bondage to truth, had not then been invented; and the man

who told a story was free to tell it as he pleased. His readers or his

hearers were seldom disposed to question his assertions. A knight did

not go to the great and unnecessary trouble of learning his letters in

order to doubt what he read. Merlin was as real to him as Robin Hood.

He believed Sir John Mandeville, when that accomplished traveler told

him of a race of men who had eyes in the middle of their foreheads. It

was a curious fact, but the unknown world was full of greater mysteries

than this. He believed in Prester John, with his red and white lions,

his giants and pigmies, his salamanders that built cocoons like

silk-worms, his river of stones that rolled perpetually with a mighty

reverberation into a sandy sea. Why, indeed, should these wonders be

doubted; for in that thrice famous letter sent by Prester John to

Manuel Comnenus, Emperor of Constantinople, did he not distinctly say,

“No vice is tolerated in our land, and, with us, no one lies.”

This broad-minded, liberal credulity made smooth the novelist’s path.

He always located his romances in far and unknown countries, where

anything or everything might reasonably be expected to happen. Scythia,

Parthia, Abyssinia, were favorite latitudes; Bohemia could always

serve at a pinch; and Arcadia, that blessed haven of romance, remained

for centuries his happy hunting-ground, where shepherds piped, and

nymphs danced sweetly in the shade, and brave knights met in glorious

combat, and lovers dallied all day long under the whispering boughs.

In Elizabeth’s day, Arcadia had reached the zenith of its popularity.

Robert Green had peopled its dewy fields with amorous swains, and Sir

Philip Sidney had described its hills and dales in the four hundred

and eighty folio pages of his imperishable romance. A golden land, it

lies before us still, brilliant with sunshine that shall never fade.

Knights and noble ladies ride through it on prancing steeds. Well-bred

shepherds, deeply versed in love, sing charming songs, and extend

open-hearted hospitality. Shepherdesses, chaste and fair, lead their

snowy flocks by meadows and rippling streams. There is always plenty

of fighting for the knights when they weary of plighting their vows,

and noble palaces spring up for their entertainment when they have

had enough of pastoral pleasures and sylvan fare. Ah, me! We who have

passed by Arcadia, and dwell in the sad haunts of men, know well what

we have lost. Yet was there not a day when the inhabitants of the

strange new world, a world not yet familiar with commercial depression

and the stock exchange, were thus touchingly described in English verse?

“Guiltless men who danced away their time,

Fresh as their groves, and happy as their clime.”

And what gayer irresponsibility could be found even in the fields of

Arcadia?

“In Elizabeth’s day,” says M. Jusserand, “adventurous narratives

were loved for adventure’s sake. Probability was only a secondary

consideration.” Geographical knowledge being in its innocent infancy,

people were curious about foreign countries, and decently grateful for

information, true or false. When a wandering knight of romance “sailed

to Bohemia,” nobody saw any reason why he should not, and readers were

merely anxious to know what happened to him when he got there. So

great, indeed, was the demand for fiction in the reign of the virgin

queen that writers actually succeeded in supporting themselves by

this species of composition, a test equally applicable to-day; and it

is worth while to remember that the prose tales of Nash, Green, and

Sidney were translated into French more than a century before that

distinction was conferred on any play of Shakespeare’s.

It need not be supposed, however, that Romance, in her triumphant

progress through the land, met with no bitter and sustained hostility.

From the very beginning she took the world by storm, and from the

very beginning the godly denounced and reviled her. The jesters and

gleemen and minstrels who relieved the insufferable ennui of our rude

forefathers in those odd moments when they were neither fighting nor

eating, were all branded as “Satan’s children” by that relentless

accuser, “Piers Plowman.” In vain the simple story-spinners who

narrated the exploits of Robin Hood and Tom-a-Lincoln claimed that

their merry legends were “not altogether unprofitable, nor in any way

hurtful, but very fitte to passe away the tediousness of the long

winter evenings.” It was not in this cheerful fashion that the “unco

gude”--a race as old as humanity itself--considered the long winter

evenings should be passed. Roger Ascham can find no word strong enough

in which to condemn “certaine bookes of Chivalrie, the whole pleasure

of whiche standeth in two speciall poyntes, in open man-slaughter and

bolde bawdrye.” The beautiful old stories, so simply and reverently

handled by Sir Thomas Malory in the “Morte d’Arthur,” were regarded

with horror and aversion by this gentle ascetic; yet the lessons that

they taught were mainly “curtosye, humanyte, friendlynesse, hardynesse

and love.” The valorous deeds of Guy of Warwick and Thomas of Reading

lent cheer to many a hearth, and sent many a man with brave and joyous

heart to battle; yet the saintly Stubbes, who loved not joyousness,

lamented loudly that the unregenerate persisted in reading such “toys,

fantasies and babbleries,” in place of that more dolorous fiction,

Fox’s “Book of Martyrs.” Even Sir Philip Sidney’s innocent “Arcadia”

was pronounced by Milton a “vain, amatorious” book; and the great

poet who wrote “Comus” and “L’Allegro” harshly and bitterly censured

King Charles because that unhappy monarch beguiled the sad hours of

prison with its charming pages, and even, oh! crowning offense against

Puritanism! copied for spiritual comfort, when condemned to die, the

beautiful and reverent invocation of its young heroine, Pamela. “The

king hath, as it were, unhallowed and unchristened the very duty of

prayer itself,” wrote Milton mercilessly. “Who would have imagined so

little fear in him of the true all-seeing deity, so little care of

truth in his last words, or honor to himself or to his friends, as,

immediately before his death, to pop into the hand of that grave bishop

who attended him, for a special relique of his saintly exercises, a

prayer stolen word by word from the mouth of a heathen woman praying to

a heathen god.”

But not even the mighty voice of Milton could check the resistless

progress of romantic fiction. Not even dominant Puritanism could stamp

it ruthlessly down. When “Pilgrim’s Progress,” the great pioneer

of religious novels, was given to the world, England read it with

devout delight; but she read too, with admirable inconsistency, those

endless tales, those “romances de longue haleine,” which crossed

the channel from France, and replaced the less decorous Italian

stories so popular in the preceding century. Some of these prolix and

ponderous volumes, as relentless in dullness as in length, held their

own stoutly for centuries, and won allegiance where it seemed least

due. There is an incredible story narrated of Racine, that, when a

student at Port Royal, his favorite reading was an ancient prose epic

entitled “Ethiopica; the history of Theagenes and Chariclea.” This

guileless work, being too bulky for concealment, was discovered by his

director and promptly burned, notwithstanding its having been written

by a bishop, which ought to have saved it from the flames. Racine,

undaunted, procured another copy, and fearing it would meet with the

same cruel fate, he actually committed large portions of it to memory,

so that nothing should deprive him of his enjoyment. Yet “Ethiopica”

would seem as absolutely unreadable a book as even a bishop ever wrote.

The heroine, though chaste as she is beautiful, has so many lovers, all

with equally unpronounceable names, and so many battles are fought in

her behalf, that no other memory than Racine’s could have made any sort

of headway with them; while, just in the middle of the story, an old

gentleman is suddenly introduced, who, without provocation, starts to

work and tells all _his_ life’s adventures, two hundred pages long.

The real promoters and encouragers of romance, however,--the real

promoters and encouragers of fiction in every age--were women, and this

is more than enough to account for its continued triumphs. There was

little use in the stubborn old Puritan, Powell, protesting against the

idle folly of females who wasted their time over Sidney’s “Arcadia,”

when they ought to have been studying the household recipe books. Long

before Cromwell the mighty revolutionized England, women had wearied

of recipes as steady reading, and had turned their wanton minds to

matters more seductive. Wise and wary was the writer who kept these

fair patronesses well in view. When John Lyly gave to the world his

amazing “Euphues,” he dexterously announced that it was written for

the amusement and the edification of women, and that he asked for it

no better fate than to be read by them in idle moments, when they were

weary of playing with their lap-dogs. For a young man of twenty-five,

Lyly showed an admirable knowledge of feminine inconsistency. By

alternately flattering and upbraiding the subtle creatures he hoped

to please, now sweetly praising their incomparable perfections,

now fiercely reviling their follies and their sins, he succeeded in

making “Euphues” the best-read book in England, and he chained with

affectations and foolish conceits the free and noble current of English

speech.

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