“Pencil in pouch, and syllabus in hand,

By Agnes Repplier

COUNTER-CURRENTS.

AMERICANS AND OTHERS.

A HAPPY HALF-CENTURY AND OTHER ESSAYS.

IN OUR CONVENT DAYS.

COMPROMISES.

THE FIRESIDE SPHINX. With 4 full-page and 17 text Illustrations by

Miss E. BONSALL.

BOOKS AND MEN.

POINTS OF VIEW

ESSAYS IN IDLENESS.

IN THE DOZY HOURS, AND OTHER PAPERS.

ESSAYS IN MINIATURE.

A BOOK OF FAMOUS VERSE. Selected by Agnes Repplier. In Riverside

Library for Young People.

THE SAME. _Holiday Edition._

VARIA.

HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY

BOSTON AND NEW YORK

[Illustration]

VARIA

By AGNES REPPLIER, LITT. D.

[Illustration]

BOSTON AND NEW YORK

HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY

The Riverside Press, Cambridge

COPYRIGHT, 1897, BY

AGNES REPPLIER

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

CONTENTS.

PAGE

THE ETERNAL FEMININE 1

THE DEATHLESS DIARY 30

GUIDES: A PROTEST 63

LITTLE PHARISEES IN FICTION 85

THE FÊTE DE GAYANT 109

CAKES AND ALE 130

OLD WINE AND NEW 155

THE ROYAL ROAD OF FICTION 185

FROM THE READER’S STANDPOINT 217

“Little Pharisees in Fiction” is reprinted by permission of the

publishers from “Scribner’s Magazine,” and “From the Reader’s

Standpoint” from “The North American Review” (where it was called “The

Contentiousness of Modern Novel Writers”).

VARIA.

THE ETERNAL FEMININE.

There are few things more wearisome in a fairly fatiguing life than

the monotonous repetition of a phrase which catches and holds the

public fancy by virtue of its total lack of significance. Such a

phrase--employed with tireless irrelevance in journalism, and creeping

into the pages of what is, by courtesy, called literature--is the “new

woman.” It has furnished inexhaustible jests to “Life” and “Punch,”

and it has been received with seriousness by those who read the

present with no light from the past, and so fail to perceive that all

femininity is as old as Lilith, and that the variations of the type

began when Eve arrived in the Garden of Paradise to dispute the claims

of her predecessor. “If the fifteenth century discovered America,”

says a vehement advocate of female progress, “it was reserved for the

nineteenth century to discover woman;” and this remarkable statement

has been gratefully applauded by people who have apparently forgotten

all about Judith and Zenobia, Cleopatra and Catherine de Medici, Saint

Theresa and Jeanne d’Arc, Catherine of Russia and Elizabeth of England,

who played parts of some importance, for good and ill, in the fortunes

of the world.

“Les Anciens out tout dit,” and the most curious thing about the

arguments now advanced in behalf of progressive womanhood is that they

have an air of specious novelty about them when they have all been

uttered many times before. There is scarcely a principle urged to-day

by enthusiastic champions of the cause which was not deftly handled

by that eminently “new” woman, Christine de Pisan, in the fourteenth

century, before the court of Charles VI. of France. If we read even

a few pages of “La Cité des Dames,”--and how delightfully modern is

the very title!--we recognize the same familiar sentiments, albeit

disguised in archaic language and with many old-time conceits, that

we are accustomed to hearing every day. Christine is both amused and

wearied, as are we, by the foolish invectives of men against our useful

and necessary sex. She is forced to conclude that God had made a foul

thing when He made woman, yet wonders a little--not unnaturally--that

“so worshipful a Workman should have deigned to turn out so poor a

piece of work.” This leads her to reflect on our alleged weakness and

incapacity, of which she finds, as do we, but insufficient proof.

She is firm to insist, as do we, that if little maidens are put to

school, and carefully taught the sciences like men-children, they

learn as well, and make as steady progress. What is more, she is

able to prove her case, which we often are not, by writing a grave,

solid, and systematic treatise on arms and the science of war; a

treatise which handles every topic from the details of a siege to safe

conducts, military passports, and the laws of knightly courtesy. And

this complete soldier’s manual was held to be of practical value and

an authority in those battle-loving days. It may also be worth while

to mention that Christine de Pisan supported an invalid husband, two

poor relations, and three children by her pen; and what more could

any struggling authoress of our own century be reasonably expected to

accomplish?

Another interesting fact presented for our consideration, in these days

of Civic Clubs and active training for citizenship, is that one of the

first Englishwomen who entered the field of letters professionally,

as a recognized rival of professional men writers, entered it as a

politician, and a very acrid and scurrilous politician at that, who

made herself as abhorrent and abhorred as any law-giver in England.

This was Mary Manley, who, in the reign of Queen Anne, wrote the “New

Atalantis,” allying herself vigorously with the Tories, and pouring

forth the vials of her venom on the Duke of Marlborough, and--what is

harder for us to forgive--on Richard Steele, whom all women are bound

to honor a little and love a great deal, as having been, in spite of

many failings, our true and chivalrous friend. Not one of all the

modern apologists who prate about us endlessly to-day in print, in

pulpit, on the platform, and on the stage, has reached the simple

tenderness, the undeviating insight of Steele.

These things, however, counted for little with Mary Manley, who had

less sentiment and less reticence than most party writers of even

that outspoken and unsentimental age. Perhaps to attack those high

in power who have done their country such priceless service as did

the Duke of Marlborough, and to attack them, moreover, with an utter

lack of decency and self-respect, is not precisely the kind of deed

which warms our hearts to female politicians; but it must be confessed

that if this vehement partisan in petticoats had all the acerbity of

a woman, she had all the courage of one too. When her publisher was

prosecuted for the scandalous libels of the “New Atalantis,” she did

not seek to shelter herself behind his responsibility; but appeared

briskly before the Court of King’s Bench, acknowledged the authorship

of her book, and, with magnificent feminine effrontery, asserted it

was entirely fictitious. Lord Sunderland, who examined her, and who

appears to have been vastly diverted by the whole proceeding, pointed

out urbanely certain passages of a distinctly libelous character which

could scarcely have been the result of chance. “Then,” replied the

imperturbable Mrs. Manley, “it must have been inspiration.” Again Lord

Sunderland interposed with the suggestion that details of that order

could not well be traced to such a source. “There are bad angels as

well as good,” said Mrs. Manley serenely, and escaped all penalties for

her wrong-doing; earning for herself, moreover, solid rewards when the

Tories returned to power, which is something that never happens to any

would-be female politician of to-day.

For indeed the newly awakened and intelligent interest which women are

supposed to be taking in things political is but a faint reflection

of the fiery zest with which our English great-great-grandmothers

threw themselves into the affairs of the nation, meddling and mending

and marring everywhere, until Addison, hopeless of any other appeal,

was fain to remind them that nothing was so injurious to beauty as

inordinate party zeal. “It gives an ill-natured cast to the eye,” he

wrote warningly, “and a disagreeable sourness to the look. Besides

that, it makes the lines too strong, and flushes them worse than

brandy. Indeed I never knew a party-woman who kept her countenance for

a twelvemonth.”

But little the ardent politicians cared for such mild arguments as

these. In 1739, on the occasion of an especially important debate

in the House of Lords, the Chancellor gave orders that ladies were

not to be admitted, and that the gallery was to be reserved for the

Commons. The Duchess of Queensberry, the Duchess of Ancaster, Lady

Huntingdon, and a number of other determined women presented themselves

at the door by nine o’clock in the morning. When refused entrance, the

Duchess of Queensberry, with an oath as resonant as the doorkeeper’s,

swore that in they would come, in spite of the Chancellor and the

Lords and the Commons to boot. The Peers resolved to starve them into

docility, and gave orders that the doors should not be opened until

they raised their siege. These Amazons stood there, so we are informed

by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, from nine in the morning until five in

the afternoon, uncheered by food or drink, but solacing themselves

repeatedly by thumping and kicking at the doors with so much violence

that the speakers in the House were scarcely heard. When the Lords

remained unconquered by such tactics, the two duchesses, well versed

in the stratagems of war, commanded half an hour of dead silence;

and the Chancellor thinking this silence a certain proof of their

withdrawal (the Commons, who had been kept out all this time, being

very impatient to enter), the doors were finally opened; whereupon the

astute and triumphant women rushed in, and promptly secured the best

seats in the gallery. There they stayed, with magnificent endurance,

until after eleven at night, and indulged themselves during the debate

in such noisy tokens of regard or disapproval that the greatest

confusion ensued. The newest of new women is but a modest and shrinking

wild-flower when compared with such flaunting arrogance as this.

Nor were the “platform women,” as they are unkindly called to-day,

unknown or even uncommon in those good old times of domesticity; for

nearly a hundred and twenty years ago the “London Mirror” printed a

caustic protest against the mannishness of fashionable ladies, their

pernicious meddling with things which concerned them not, and, above

all, their calm effrontery in addressing public audiences on political

and social questions, “with the spirit and freedom of the boldest male

orators.” In fact, several societies had been already formed with the

express view of enlightening the public as to the opinions of women on

matters which were presumably beyond their jurisdiction, and of pushing

these opinions to some ultimate and practical conclusion,--which is

the precise object of similar societies to-day. For the determination

of the sex from the beginning has been, not merely to assert its own

intellectual independence, like the heroine of Vanbrugh’s comedy,--so

out of date yet so strikingly modern,--who affirms that the pleasure

of women’s lives is founded on entire liberty to think and to do what

they please; but there was always the well-defined anticipation of

influencing by unconstrained thought and action the current of affairs.

They wished their voices to count. When Dr. Sacheverell was prosecuted

by the Whigs for his famous sermons on the neglect of the church by

the government, the women of London made his cause their own. All

duties and all diversions gave way before the paramount excitement of

this trial. Churches and theatres were alike deserted. “The ladies lay

aside their tea and chocolate,” writes Defoe pleasantly, “leave off

visiting after dinner, and, forming themselves into cabals, turn privy

councillors, and settle the affairs of state. Gallantry and gayety

are given up for business. Even the little girls talk politics.” Lady

Wentworth, with her customary acuteness, remarked that Dr. Sacheverell

would make the women good house-wives. The laziest of them had ceased

to lie in bed in the mornings, since the trial began every day at

seven. So great was the enthusiasm for the persecuted divine, that his

conviction and punishment, though the latter was purely nominal, helped

largely to overthrow the Whig ministry, and added one more triumph to

the energetic interference, the “pernicious meddling,” of women.

To understand, however, the full extent of female influence in affairs

of state, we should turn to France, where for centuries the sex has

played an all-important part, for good and ill, in the ruling of

the land. Any page of French history will tell this tale, from the

far-off day when Brabant and Hainault, and England, too, listened

to the persuasions of Joan of Valois, raised the siege of Tournay,

and suffered the exhausted nation to breathe again, down to the

less impetuous age when that astute princess, Charlotte Elizabeth,

remarked--out of the fullness of her hatred for Mme. de Maintenon--that

France had been governed by too many women, young and old, and that

it was almost time the men began to take a hand. Perhaps we can best

appreciate the force of feminine dominion when we read the half-amused,

half-exasperated comments of Gouverneur Morris, whose diary, written on

the eve of the French Revolution, reveals an intimate knowledge of that

strange society, already crumbling to decay. At a dinner in the château

of M. le Norrage, the political situation is discussed with so much

vehemence by the men that the women’s gentler voices are lost in the

uproar, which sorely vexes these fair politicians, accustomed to being

listened to with deference. “They will have more of this,” says Morris

shrewdly, “if the States General should really fix a constitution.

Such an event would be particularly distressing to the women of this

country, for they would be thereby deprived of their share in the

government; and hitherto they have exercised an authority almost

unlimited, with no small pleasure to themselves, though not perhaps

with the greatest advantage to the community.”

He realizes this more fully when he goes to consult with M. de Corney

on a question of finance, and finds that Mme. de Corney is well

acquainted with the matter. “It is the woman’s country,” he writes with

whimsical dismay; and he is fain to repeat the sentiment hotly and

angrily when Mme. de Staël, who was not wont to be troubled by petty

scruples, dupes him into showing her some papers, and gossips about

them to her father and Bishop d’Autun. “She is a devilish creature,”

says the outraged American, feeling he has been outwitted in the

game; but it is difficult, in the face of such little anecdotes, to

distinguish between the new woman and the old.

One thing is tolerably sure. The new woman, to whatever century she

belonged,--and she has been under varying aspects the product of

every age,--has never achieved great popularity with man. This is

not wholly to her discredit; for the desire to look at life from a

standpoint of her own, while irritating and subversive of general

order, cannot reasonably be accounted a crime. Yet when we consider

the invectives which have been hurled at women from the day they were

created until now, we find that most of them have for their basis the

natural indignation which is born of disregarded advice. The whole

ground for complaint is summed up admirably in the angry remonstrance

of Clarissa Harlowe’s uncle, when his niece prefers the lover she has

chosen for herself to the suitor chosen for her by her family. “I have

always found a most horrid romantic perverseness in your sex,” says

this experienced old man. “To do and to love what you should not, is

meat, drink, and vesture to you all.” There lies the argument in a

nutshell; and if Richardson be the first great English novelist who

has painted for us a woman moved by the secret and powerful impulses

of her heart, the unwritten and irrefutable laws of her own nature,

he has also expressed for us in brief and accurate phraseology the

masculine reading of this problem. “Nothing worse than woman can

befall mankind,” says Sophocles apprehensively; and far-off Hesiod, as

cheerless, but somewhat more philosophical, explains that our sex is a

necessary deduction from the coveted happiness of life. Burton tells

us of an excellent old anchorite who fell into a “cold palsy” whenever

a woman was brought before him; which pious and consistent behavior

is more to my liking than the gay ingratitude of the Greeks, who drew

their inspiration from the fairness and weakness, the passion and pain

of women, and then bequeathed to all coming ages the weight of their

dispassionate condemnation. Better to me is the old Sanskrit saying,

“The hearts of women are as the hearts of wolves;” or the Turkish

jibe anent the length of our hair and the shortness of our wits; or

that last and final verdict from the pen of our modern analyst, Mr.

George Meredith, “Woman will be the last thing civilized by man,”--an

ambiguously brilliant epigram which waits for the elucidation of the

critics.

The really curious thing is, not that we should have been found in

a general way unsatisfactory, which was to be expected, but that we

should be held to blame for such widely divergent desires. Take for

example the indifference of women to intellectual pursuits, which has

earned for them centuries of masculine contempt; and their thirst for

intellectual pursuits, which has earned for them centuries of masculine

disapprobation. On the one hand, we have some of the most delightful

writers England has known, calmly reminding them that sewing is their

one legitimate occupation. “Now for women,” says dear old Robert

Burton, “instead of laborious studies, they have curious needlework,

cutwork, spinning, bonelace, and many pretty devices of their own

making with which to adorn their houses.” Addison, a hundred years

later, does not seem to have advanced one step beyond this eminently

conservative attitude. He wishes with all his heart that women would

apply themselves more to embroidery and less to rhyme, a wish which

was heartily echoed by Edward Fitzgerald, who carried unimpaired to

the nineteenth century these sound and orthodox principles. Addison

would rather listen to his fair friends discussing the merits of red

and blue embroidery silks than the merits of Whigs and Tories. He

would rather see them work the whole of the battle of Blenheim into

their tapestry frames than hear their opinions once about the Duke

of Marlborough. He waxes eloquent and even vindictive--for so mild a

man--over the neglect of needlework amid more stirring avocations.

“It grieves my heart,” he says, speaking in the character of an

indignant letter-writer to the “Spectator,” “to see a couple of proud,

idle flirts sipping their tea for a whole afternoon”--and doubtless

discussing politics with heat--“in a room hung round with the industry

of their great-grandmothers.”

It has been observed before this that it is always the

great-grandmothers in whom is embodied the last meritoriousness of

the sex; always the great-grandmothers for whom is cherished this

pensive masculine regard. And it may perhaps be worth while to note

that these “proud, idle flirts” of Addison’s day have now become

_our_ virtuous great-grandmothers, and occupy the same shadowy

pedestal of industrious domesticity. I have little doubt that _their_

great-grandmothers, who worked--or did not work--the tapestries upon

the Addisonian walls, were in their day the subject of many pointed

reproaches, and bidden to look backward on the departed virtues of

still remoter generations. And, by the same token, it is encouraging to

think that, in the years to come, we too shall figure as lost examples

of distinctly feminine traits; we too shall be praised for our sewing

and our silence, our lack of learning and our “stayathomeativeness,”

that quality which Peacock declared to be the finest and rarest

attribute of the sex. What a pleasure for the new woman of to-day, who

finds herself vilified beyond her modest deserts, to reflect that she

is destined to shine as the revered and faultless great-grandmother of

the future.

To return, however, to the contrasting nature of the complaints lodged

against her in her more fallible character of great-grand-daughter.

Hazlitt, who was by no means indifferent to women nor to their regard,

clearly and angrily asserted that intellectual attainments in a man

were no recommendation to the female heart,--they merely puzzled and

annoyed. “If scholars talk to women of what they can understand,” he

says, “their hearers are none the wiser; if they talk of other things,

they only prove themselves fools.” Mr. Walter Bagehot was quite of

Hazlitt’s opinion, save that his serener disposition remained unvexed

by a state of affairs which seemed to him natural and right. He thought

it, on the whole, a wise ordinance of nature that women should look

askance upon all intellectual superiority, and that genius should

simply “put them out.”--“It is so strange. It does not come into the

room as usual. It says such unpleasant things. Once it forgot to brush

its hair.” The well-balanced feminine mind, he insisted, prefers

ordinary tastes, settled manners, customary conversation, defined and

practical pursuits.

But are women so comfortably and happily indifferent to genius? Some

have loved it to their own destruction, feeding it as oil feeds flame;

and other some have fluttered about the light, singeing themselves to

no great purpose, as pathetically in the way as the doomed moth. At

the same time that Hazlitt accused the whole sex of this impatient

disregard for inspiration, Keats found it only too devoted at the

shrine. “I have met with women,” he says with frank contempt, “who

I really think would like to be wedded to a poem, and given away by

a novel.” At the same time that Mr. Pater said coldly that there

were duties to the intellect which women but seldom understood, Sir

Francis Doyle protested with humorous indignation against the frenzy

for female education which filled his lecture-room with petticoats,

and threatened to turn the universities of England into glorified

girls’ schools. At the same time that Froude was writing, with the

enviable self-confidence which was his blessed birthright, that it

is the part of man to act and labor, while women are merely bound by

“the negative obedience to prohibitory precepts;” or, in other words,

that there is nothing in the world which they ought to do, but plenty

which they ought to refrain from doing, Stevenson was insisting with

all the vehemence of youth that it is precisely this contentment

with prohibitory precepts, this deadening passivity of the female

heart, which “narrows and damps the spirits of generous men,” so

that in marriage a man becomes slack and selfish, “and undergoes a

fatty degeneration of his moral being.” Which is precisely the lesson

thundered at us very unpleasantly by Mr. Rudyard Kipling in “The

Gadsbys.”

“You may carve it on his tombstone, you may cut it on his card,

That a young man married is a young man marred.”

Now I wonder if the peasant and his donkey were in harder straits

than the poor woman, who has stepped down the centuries under this

disheartening, because inevitable condemnation. Always either too

new or too old, too intelligent or too stupid, too restless after

what concerns her not, or too passively content with narrow aims and

outlooks, she is sure to be in the wrong whether she mounts her ass or

leads him. Has the satire now directed against the higher education

of women--a tiresome phrase reiterated for the most part without

meaning--any flavor of novelty, save for those who know no satirists

older than the contributors to “Punch” and “Life”? It is just as new

as the new woman who provokes it, just as familiar in the annals of

society. Take as a modern specimen that pleasant verse from Owen

Seaman’s “Horace at Cambridge,” which describes gracefully and with

good temper the rush of young Englishwomen to the University Extension

lectures.

“Pencil in pouch, and syllabus in hand,

Hugging selected poets of the land,

Keats, Shelley, Coleridge,--all but Thomas Hood

And Byron (more’s the pity!),

They caught the local colour where they could;

And members of the feminine committee

To native grace an added charm would bring

Of light blue ribbons,--not of abstinence,

But bearing just this sense--

Inquire within on any mortal thing.”

This is charming, both in form and spirit, and I wish Sir Francis Doyle

had lived to read it. But the same spirit and an even better form may

be found in Pope’s familiar lines which mock--kindly as yet, and in

a friendly fashion--at the vaunted scholarship of Lady Mary Wortley

Montagu.

“In beauty and wit

No mortal as yet

To question your empire has dared;

But men of discerning

Have thought that, in learning,

To yield to a lady was hard.”

Even the little jibes and jeers which “Punch” and “Life” have flung so

liberally at girl graduates, and over-educated young women, have their

counterparts in the pages of the “Spectator,” when Molly and Kitty are

so busy discussing atmospheric pressure that they forget the proper

ingredients for a sack posset; and when they assure their uncle, who

is suffering sorely from gout, that pleasure and pain are imaginary

distinctions, and that if he would only fix his mind upon this great

truth he would no longer feel the twitches. When we consider that this

letter to the “Spectator” was written over a hundred and eighty years

ago, we must acknowledge that young England of 1711 is closely allied

with young England and with young America of 1897, both of whom are

ever ready to assure us that we are not, as we had ignorantly supposed

ourselves to be, in pain, but only “in error.” And it is even possible

that old England and old America of 1897, though separated by nearly

two centuries from old England of 1711, remain, when gouty, in the same

darkened frame of mind, and are equally unable to grasp the joyous

truths held out to them so alluringly by youth.

Is there, then, anything new? The jests of all journalism, English,

French, and American, anent the mannishness of the modern woman’s

dress? Surely, in these days of bicycles and outdoor sports, this at

least is a fresh satiric development. But a hundred and seventy-five

years ago just such a piece of banter was leveled at the head of the

then new and mannish woman, who, riding through the country, asks a

tenant of Sir Roger de Coverley if the house near at hand be Coverley

Hall. The rustic, with his eyes fixed on the cocked hat, periwig, and

laced riding-coat of his questioner, answers confidently, “Yes, sir.”

“And is Sir Roger a married man?” queries the well-pleased dame. But by

this time the bumpkin’s gaze has traveled slowly downwards, and he sees

with dismay that this strange apparition finishes, mermaid-fashion, in

a riding-skirt. Horrified at his mistake, he falters out, “No, madam,”

and takes refuge from embarrassment in flight. Turn the horse into a

wheel, the long skirt into a short one, or into no skirt at all, and we

have here all the material needed for the ever-recurring joke presented

to us so monotonously to-day.

The belligerent sex, Mr. Lang has called us, and we are not stouter

fighters now than we have been through all the centuries, albeit the

methods of warfare have changed somewhat, and changed perchance for

ill. It is pleasant to think that in the days when muscle was better

than mind (which days, thanks to our colleges, are fast returning to

us), and the sword was very much mightier than the pen, women held

their own as easily as they do now. Not only through the emotions

they inspired, as when the fair Countess of Salisbury, beautiful,

courageous, and chaste, heartened the little garrison besieged at

Warwick, so that, as it is quaintly chronicled, “every man was made

as valiant as two men, by reason of her kind and loving words.” Not

only through the loyalty they evoked, as when the heroic Countess of

Montford defended her husband’s cause through twelve years of well-nigh

hopeless struggle, until, by her invincible bravery and determination,

she placed her unheroic son upon the ducal chair of Brittany. Not only

through their astuteness in diplomacy, as when the crafty Duchess of

Brabant, “a lady,” says Froissart, “of a very active mind,” duped

England, cajoled France, and united the great houses of Burgundy and

Hainault in a double marriage, overcoming the well-nigh insuperable

obstacles by her woman’s wit and her resistless resolution. But when

it came to downright fighting, these hardy dames were not much behind

their husbands and brothers in the field. In that sharp warfare which

the Black Prince carried into the heart of Spain, it chanced that

Sir Thomas Trivet at the head of an English force laid siege to the

Castilian town of Alaro. Its garrison made a rash sortie, were trapped

in an ambuscade, and nearly every man was slain or taken prisoner.

Elated by this success, and deeming the town an easy prey, the English

marched joyously to occupy it. But behold! the women had closed the

gates and barriers, mounted the battlements, and were ready to defend

themselves against all comers. Their men might be foolish enough to

fall into the enemy’s snares, but they would look after their homes.

Sir Thomas, like the gallant Englishman he was, refused to make the

attack. “See these good women,” he said, “standing like wolf-dogs on

their walls. Let us turn back, and God grant our English wives to be

as brave in battle.”

The ludicrous side of female belligerency has seldom been lacking in

history. It is admirably illustrated by the story, at once absurd and

tragic, of the unfortunate William Scott of Harden, whose wife, an

aggressively pious woman, insisted on attending the forbidden meetings

of the Covenanters. Scott was called before the Council, and told to

keep his lady at home. He answered, frankly and sadly, that he could

not. The Council, arguing after the fashion of the Queen in “Alice in

Wonderland,” insisted that if he had a wife he could oblige her to obey

him, and dismissed him with a serious warning. Off to the Eildon Hills

went Madam Scott, and prayed as hard as ever. Her husband received a

second summons from the Council, and was fined a thousand pounds for

her obstinate recusancy. Madam Scott, who now occupied the proud yet

comfortable position of a martyr for the faith whose sufferings were

borne vicariously by another, clung more insistently than before to

her religious rights. Scott was fined another thousand pounds. Madam

Scott merely denounced the persecutors of the righteous with redoubled

vehemence at the next gathering of the elect. The luckless man was

then actually imprisoned in the Bass Fortress, where he remained three

years, while his triumphant spouse, secure from molestation, trod

her saintly path, and prayed whenever and wherever she desired. The

revolting wife is not invariably a thing of beauty, but it is hard to

see how she could carry her spirit of independence any farther.

For indeed all that we think so new to-day has been acted over and

over again, a shifting comedy, by the women of every century. All that

we value as well as all that we condemn in womanhood has played its

part for good and for evil in the history of mankind. To talk about

either sex as a solid embodiment of reform is as unmeaning as to talk

about it as a solid embodiment of demoralization. If the mandrake be

charmed by a woman’s touch, as Josephus tells us, the rue, says Pliny,

dies beneath her fingers. She has made and marred from the beginning,

she will make and mar to the end. The best and newest daughter of

this restless generation may well read envyingly Sainte Beuve’s brief

description of Mme. de Sévigné, a picture drawn with a few strokes,

clear, delicate, and convincing. “She had a genius for conversation

and society, a knowledge of the world and of men, a lively and acute

appreciation both of the becoming and the absurd.” Such women make the

world a pleasant place to live in; and, to the persuasive qualities

which win their way through adamantine resistance, Mme. de Sévigné

added that talent for affairs which is the birthright of her race, that

talent for affairs which we value so highly to-day, and the broader

cultivation of which is perhaps the only form of newness worth its

name. Since Adam delved and Eve span, life for all of us has been full

of labor; but as the sons of Adam no longer exclusively delve, so the

daughters of Eve no longer exclusively spin. In fact, delving and

spinning, though admirable occupations, do not represent the sum total

of earthly needs. There are so many, many other useful things to do,

and women’s eager finger-tips burn to essay them all.

“Cora’s riding, and Lilian’s rowing,

Celia’s novels are books one buys,

Julia’s lecturing, Phillis is mowing,

Sue is a dealer in oils and dyes;

Flora and Dora poetize,

Jane is a bore, and Bee is a blue,

Sylvia lives to anatomize,

Nothing is left for the men to do.”

The laugh has a malicious ring, yet it is good-tempered too, as though

Mr. Henley were not sufficiently enamoured of work to care a great

deal who does it in his place. Even the plaintive _envoy_ is less

heart-rending than he would have it sound, and in its familiar burden

we catch an old-time murmur of forgotten things.

“Prince, our past in the dust-heap lies!

Saving to scrub, to bake, to brew,

Nurse, dress, prattle, and scandalize,

Nothing is left for the men to do.”

THE DEATHLESS DIARY.

Four ways there are of telling a curious world that endless story

of the past which it is never tired of hearing. History, memoir,

biography, and the diary run back like four smooth roads, connecting

our century, our land, our life, with other centuries and lands and

lives that have all served in turn to make us what we are. Of these

four roads, I like the narrowest best. History is both partial and

prejudiced, sinning through lack of sympathy as well as through lack

of truth. Memoirs are too often false and malicious. Biographies

are misleading in their flattery: there is but one Boswell. Diaries

tell their little tales with a directness, a candor, conscious or

unconscious, a closeness of outlook, which gratifies our sense of

security. Reading them is like gazing through a small clear pane of

glass. We may not see far and wide, but we see very distinctly that

which comes within our field of vision.

In those happy days when leisure was held to be no sin, men and women

wrote journals whose copiousness both delights and dismays us. Neither

“eternal youth” nor “nothing else to do” seems an adequate foundation

for such structures. They were considered then a profitable waste

of time, and children were encouraged to write down in little books

the little experiences of their little lives. Thus we have the few

priceless pages which tell “pet Marjorie’s” story; the incomparable

description of Hélène Massalski’s schooldays at the Abbaye de Notre

Dame aux Bois; the demure vivacity of Anna Green Winslow; the lively,

petulant records of Louisa and Richenda Gurney; the amusing experiences

of that remarkable and delightful urchin, Richard Doyle. These youthful

diaries, whether brief or protracted, have a twofold charm, revealing

as they do both child-life and the child itself. It is pleasant to

think that one of the little Gurneys, who were all destined to grow

into such relentlessly pious women that their adult letters exclude

the human element absolutely in favor of spiritual admonitions, was

capable, when she was young, of such a defiant sentiment as this: “I

read half a Quaker’s book through with my father before meeting. I am

quite sorry to see him grow so Quakerly.” Or, worse and worse: “We went

on the highway this afternoon for the purpose of being rude to the

folks that passed. I do think being rude is most pleasant sometimes.”

Of course she did, poor little over-trained, over-disciplined Richenda,

and her open confession of iniquity contrasts agreeably with the

anxious assurance given by Anna Winslow to her mother that there

had been “no rudeness, Mamma, I assure you,” at her evening party.

Naturally, a diary written by a little girl for the scrutiny and

approbation of her parents is a very different thing from a diary

written by a little girl for her own solace and diversion. The New

England child is always sedate and prim, mindful that she is twelve

years old, and that she is expected to live up to a rather rigorous

standard of propriety. She would no more dream of going into the

highway “for the purpose of being rude to the folks that passed” than

she would dream of romping with boys in those decorous Boston streets

where, as Mr. Birrell pleasantly puts it, “respectability stalked

unchecked.” Neither does she consider her diary a vent for naughty

humors. She fills it with a faithful account of her daily occupations

and amusements, and we learn from her how much wine and punch little

New England girls were allowed to drink a hundred years ago; how they

danced five hours on an unsustaining supper of cakes and raisins; how

they sewed more than they studied, and studied more than they played;

and what wondrous clothes they wore when they were permitted to be seen

in company.

“I was dressed in my yelloe coat black bib and apron,” writes Anna in

an unpunctuated transport of pride, “black feathers on my head, my

paste comb and all my paste garnet marquasett and jet pins, together

with my silver plume, my locket, rings, black collar round my neck,

black mitts and yards of blue ribbon (black and blue is high taste)

striped tucker and ruffles (not my best) and my silk shoes completed my

dress.”

And none too soon, thinks the astonished reader, who fancied in his

ignorance that little girls were plainly clad in those fine old days of

simplicity. Neither Marie Bashkirtseff nor Hélène Massalski cared more

about frippery than did this small Puritan maid. Indeed, Hélène, after

one passionate outburst, resigned herself with great good humor to the

convent uniform, and turned her alert young mind to other interests and

pastimes. If the authenticity of her childish copy-books can be placed

beyond dispute, no youthful record rivals them in vivacity and grace.

It was the fashion among the older _pensionnaires_ of Notre Dame aux

Bois to keep elaborate journals, and the little Polish princess, though

she tells us that she wrote so badly as to be in perpetual penance for

her disgraceful “tops and tails,” scribbled away page after page with

reckless sincerity and spirit. She is so frank and gay, so utterly free

from pretense of any kind, that English readers, or at least English

reviewers, appear to have been somewhat scandalized by her candor;

and these innocent revelations have been made the subject of serious

diatribes against convent schools, which, it need hardly be said, have

altered radically in the past century, and were, at their worst, better

than any home training possible in Hélène Massalski’s day. And what

fervor and charm in her affectionate description of that wise and

witty, that kind and good nun, Madame de Rochechouart! What freedom

throughout from the morbid and unchildish vanity of Marie Bashkirtseff,

whose diary is simply a vent for her own exhaustless egotism! There

must always be some moments in life when it becomes impossible for us,

however self-centred, to intrude our personalities further upon our

rebellious families and friends. There must come a time when nobody

will think of us, nor look at us, nor listen to us another minute.

Then how welcome is the poor little journal which cannot refuse our

confidences! What Rousseau did on a large scale, Marie Bashkirtseff

copied on a smaller one. Both made the world their father confessor,

and the world has listened with a good deal of attention to their

tales, partly from an unquenchable interest in unhealthy souls, and

partly from sheer self-complacency and pride. There is nothing more

gratifying to human nature than the opportunity of contrasting our own

mental and spiritual soundness with the disease which cries aloud to us

for scrutiny.

If the best diaries known in literature have been written by men, the

greater number have been the work of women. Even little girls, as we

have seen, have taken kindly enough to the daily task of translating

themselves into pages of pen and ink; but little boys have been wont

to consider this a lamentable waste of time. It is true we have such

painful and precocious records as that of young Nathaniel Mather, who

happily died before reaching manhood, but not before he had scaled the

heights of self-esteem, and sounded the depths of despair. When a boy,

a real human boy, laments and bewails in his journal that he whittled

a stick upon the Sabbath Day, “and, for fear of being seen, did it

behind the door,--a great reproach of God, and a specimen of that

atheism I brought into the world with me,”--we recognize the fearful

possibilities of untempered sanctimony. Boyhood, thank Heaven, does

not lend itself easily to introspection, and seldom finds leisure for

remorse. As a rule, a lad commits himself to a diary, as to any other

piece of work, only because it has been forced upon him by the voice of

authority. It was the parental mandate, thinly disguised under parental

counsel, which started young Dick Doyle on that delightful journal

in which spirited sketches alternate with unregenerate adventures

and mishaps. He begins it with palpable reluctance the first day of

January, 1840; fears modestly that it “will turn out a hash;” hopes

he may be “skinned alive by wildcats” if he fails to persevere with

it; draws an animated picture of himself in a torn tunic running away

from seven of these malignant animals that pursue him over tables and

chairs; and finally settles down soberly and cheerfully to work. The

entries grow longer and longer, the drawings more and more elaborate,

as the diary proceeds. A great deal happened in 1840, and every event

is chronicled with fidelity. The queen is married in the beginning of

the year; a princess royal is born before its close. “Hurra! Hurra!”

cries loyal Dick. Prince Louis Napoleon makes his famous descent upon

Boulogne, and Dick sketches him sailing dismally away on a life-buoy.

Above all, the young artist scores his first success, and the glory

of having one of his drawings actually lithographed and sold is more

than he can bear with sobriety. “Just imagine,” he writes, “if I was

walking coolly along, and came upon the Tournament in a shop window.

Oh, cricky! it would be enough to turn me inside out.”

He survives this joyous ordeal, however, and toils gayly on until

the year is almost up and the appointed task completed. On the 3d of

December a serious-minded uncle invites him to go to Exeter Hall, an

entertainment which the other children flatly and wisely decline.

What he heard in that abode of dismal oratory we shall never know,

for, stopping abruptly in the middle of a sentence,--“Uncle was going

somewhere else first, and had started,”--Richard Doyle’s diary comes to

an untimely end.

And this is the fate of all those personal records which have most

deeply interested and charmed us. It is so easy to begin a journal,

so difficult to continue it, so impossible to persevere with it to

the end. Bacon says that the only time a man finds leisure for such

an engrossing occupation is when he is on a sea voyage, and naturally

has nothing to write about. Perhaps the reason why diaries are ever

short-lived may be found in the undue ardor with which they are set

agoing. Man is sadly diffuse and lamentably unstable. He ends by

saying nothing because he begins by leaving nothing unsaid. “Le secret

d’ennuyer est de tout dire.” Haydon, the painter, it is true, filled

twenty-seven volumes with the melancholy record of his high hopes

and bitter disappointments; but then he did everything and failed in

everything on the same gigantic scale. The early diary of Frances

Burney is monumental. Its young writer finds life so full of enjoyment

that nothing seems to her too insignificant to be narrated. Long and

by no means lively conversations, that must have taken whole hours to

write, are minutely and faithfully transcribed. She reads “The Vicar of

Wakefield,” and at once sits down and tells us all she thinks about it.

Her praise is guarded and somewhat patronizing, as befits the author

of “Evelina.” She is sorely scandalized by Dr. Primrose’s verdict that

murder should be the sole crime punishable by death, and proceeds to

show, at great length and with pious indignation, how “this doctrine

might be contradicted from the very essence of our religion,”--quoting

Exodus in defense of her orthodoxy. She is charmingly frank and

outspoken, and these youthful pages show no trace of that curious,

half-conscious pleading with which she strives, in later days, to make

posterity her confidant; to pour into the ears of future partisans like

Macaulay her side of the court story, with all its indignities and

honors, its hours of painful ennui, its minutes of rapturous delight.

That Macaulay should have worked himself up into a frenzy of

indignation over Miss Burney’s five years at court is an amusing

instance of his unalterable point of view. The sacred and exalted

profession of letters had in him its true believer and devotee. That

kings and queens and princesses should fail to share this deference,

that they should arrogantly assume the privileges of their rank

when brought into contact with a successful novelist, was to him an

incredible example of barbaric stupidity. The spectacle of Queen

Charlotte placidly permitting the authoress of “Cecilia” to assist

at the royal toilet filled him with grief and anger. It is but too

apparent that no sense of intellectual unworthiness troubled her

Majesty for a moment, and this shameless serenity of spirit was more

than the great Whig historian could endure. To less ardent minds it

would seem that five years of honorable and well-paid service were

amply rewarded by a pension for life; and that Miss Burney, however

hard-worked and overdriven, must have had long, long hours of leisure

in which to write the endless pages of her journal. Indeed, a woman who

had time to listen to Fox speaking “with violence” for five hours, had

time, one would imagine, for anything. Then what delicious excitation

to sit blushing and smiling in the royal box, and hear Miss Farren

recite these intoxicating lines!

“Let sweet Cecilia gain your just applause,

Whose every passion yields to nature’s laws.”

And as if this were not enough, the king, the queen, the royal

princesses, all turn their heads and gaze at her for one distracting

moment. “To describe my embarrassment,” she falters, “would be

impossible. I shrunk back, so astonished, and so ashamed of my public

situation, that I was almost ready to take to my heels and run away.”

Well, well, the days for such delights are over. We may say what we

please about the rewards of modern novel-writing; but what, after

all, is the cold praise of reviewers compared with this open glory

and exaltation? It is moderately impressive to be told over and

over again by Marie Corelli’s American publishers that the queen of

England thinks “The Soul of Lilith” and “The Sorrows of Satan” are

good novels; but this mere announcement, however reassuring,--and it

is a point on which we require a good deal of reassurance,--does not

thrill us with the enthusiasm we should feel if her Majesty, and the

Prince of Wales, and the Duke of York, and the British public united

in a flattering ovation. The incidents which mark the irresistible and

unwelcome changes forced upon the world by each successive generation

which inhabits it are the incidents we love to read about, and which

are generally considered too insignificant for narration. In a single

page Addison tells us more concerning the frivolous, idle, half torpid,

wholly contented life of an eighteenth-century citizen than we could

learn from a dozen histories. His diaries, meant to be purely satiric,

have now become instructive. They show us, as in a mirror, the early

hours, the scanty ablutions,--“washed hands, but not face,”--the

comfortable eating and drinking, the refreshing absence of books, the

delightful vagueness and uncertainty of foreign news. A man could

interest himself for days in the reported strangling of the Grand

Vizier, when no intrusive cablegram came speeding over the wires to

silence and refute the pleasant voice of rumor.

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