CHAPTER VII.

FROM ARTIST TO ARTISAN

“There is nothing impossible to industry.”—_Clio, one of the Seven

Wise Men of Greece._

Until now we have been dealing with revolutionary movements in the

political sense, and, indirectly, their effects upon the glove trade. We

presently have to consider the great revolution within the industry

itself, which came with the introduction of machinery in the nineteenth

century, whereby productive labor was completely transformed and

glove-making permanently modernized.

Early in the nineteenth century, the factory system was firmly

established in England. The French, however, held out against the

system, in great measure, as might be expected of a people who recently

had fought so passionately for individual liberty. Child labor was an

evil against which the French economists were vehement in their

protestations. Apprenticing the young was an entirely different matter,

without doubt, from enslaving children from dawn to dark in mills, where

they were compelled to repeat unceasingly some mechanical detail of the

process, with very little hope of enlightenment or advancement in their

occupation. The French, progressive but not greedy, sought to maintain

industry upon a humane basis.

With the revival of glove-making at the time of the First Empire, the

honored methods of craftsmanship still were in practice. Gloves were

made entirely by hand, and the glove-maker—whether designer or

workman—was, in the true sense, an artist. Patterns, cut from thin

boards, were laid on the leather, and the shape traced with lead pencil.

These designs were cut out with a pair of long scissors. The parts were

then sewed together. In order to keep the stitches uniform, the pieces

were placed between a pair of jaws, the holding edges of which were

serrated with fine saw teeth; and the sewer by passing the needle

forwards and backwards between each of these teeth secured neat,

even-length stitches. The embroidery on the backs was done with very

great care, and necessarily consumed much time. Although these gloves

possessed the charm peculiar to most hand-made articles, the matter of

fit was purely accidental, for it depended partly upon the elasticity of

the leather and even more upon the skill of the maker.

In point of skill no glove workers in the world at that time surpassed

those of Grenoble. Relying wholly upon the art of her workmen and the

dexterity of her sewing women, the ancient glove city still set the

standard of excellence for the rest of Europe—even in the years when she

was not in a position to turn out so many gloves, nor sell her product

so cheaply, as Paris. Though forced for some time to take secondary

place, quantitatively, Grenoble never yielded to her rivals in the

matter of quality. If she could not produce the _most_ gloves, she at

least would furnish the market with the _best_ gloves.

The finest tawed skins to be had were prepared for the Grenoble glovers

in the mills at Millau and Annonay. Their value excelled that of any

skins tawed by foreigners. On this fact, however, the prestige of the

Grenoble glove did not rest. These beautiful skins were sent abroad to

manufacturers all over Europe, so, in themselves, they did not create a

monopoly in favor of the city really responsible for their superiority.

No, it was her method of making gloves, the cutting and the sewing of

them, which actually distinguished Grenoble. Her workers enjoyed a

privileged position in the industry; they were celebrated far and near.

Other localities did their best to entice them away; especially did

Germany, Piedmont and Switzerland offer inducements, and, whenever

possible, strangers would enter the Grenoble shops to spy upon these

artists and steal their secrets. But they were never able to carry this

far enough to establish any great competition in the international

markets. The Grenoble glove continued to be much sought and exceedingly

envied. Not able to procure elsewhere gloves of equal beauty,

shapeliness and finish, merchants far and wide were obliged to supply

themselves from the city of inimitable artists in the Dauphiné; and

thus, without the slightest compulsion from the Grenoble manufacturers,

these traders stimulated their business and spread their fame.

The sewing women, M. Roux tells us, constituted a peculiar source of

wealth to the Grenoble industry. Their exquisite handwork defied all

rivalry; there were no other such accomplished sewers in all France, nor

in any other country. To-day they are still celebrated; but then they

formed an exclusive factor of Grenoble’s prestige. Apprenticed while

young girls, they looked upon glove-making as a career, an art in which

they desired to perfect themselves. The traditions of glove-making

forebears held them to the ancient _metier_ of the place; and even more

than the glovers and the male workers, they met the encroachments of

self-seeking foreigners with an intuitive distrust and proud resistance.

Under such conditions as these, the glove industry in Grenoble was able

to support successfully the extreme vicissitudes of the

post-Revolutionary era. Even while the wave of prosperity rolled, now

high, now low, in face of other manufacturers it maintained an

invincible superiority—none excelled the skill of its handwork. Others

were unable to counterfeit this; it could not be imitated; never

elsewhere was it equalled.

But meanwhile, right at home, unsuspected forces were slowly working,

which were destined to prove at the same time propitious and full of

danger for the Grenoble glovers. The real revolution was approaching;

the great, internal change which was to be the undoing of the old, the

uprearing of a new industrial system upon the razed foundations of the

old. The days of the craftsman and the artist were numbered.

Every genius has his forerunner. About the year 1819, Vallet d’Artois, a

French glove manufacturer, invented steel punches in three sizes, each

of which would cut, or punch, out of leather two dozen gloves at once.

This invention was the first step toward the introduction of modern

machinery into the glove industry. It multiplied the efficiency of the

glove cutter, so far as speed was concerned, twenty-four times.

In the same year, the genius who was finally to revolutionize

glove-making was barely entering young manhood. Xavier Jouvin has

sometimes been called a Parisian. He was born, however, in Grenoble, on

the eighth day of December, 1800, in the house in the rue St. Laurent,

now bearing the number 57. Jouvin was in Paris as a student in 1817, and

he lived there again in 1825. But he never felt at home in the least in

the French capital. He was a provincial by tradition, birth and natural

inclination; a student and a dreamer whose spirit was nourished by

seclusion—by journeying inward and exploring its own solitudes rather

than by contact with men and affairs.

It seems significant that the first year of the new century should have

ushered into the world one of the leading mechanical minds of that

epoch. It is also strikingly appropriate that Jouvin should have been a

native of Grenoble, since his name, above all others, is identified with

the modern industry of glove-making. He was a visionary, whose single

need was the necessity of inventing something all his days. He could not

see any kind of work going on near him but he must think how he could

make it easier by the creation of some mechanical instrument. Without

ambition for fortune or for fame, he was only too contented to proscribe

his life within apparently narrow limits. Returning from Paris in 1825,

he was resolved to enjoy obscurity, the provincial and rural environment

in which his talent throve; while occupying his mind almost exclusively

with the study of mechanical processes necessary to assure exact

regularity in cutting gloves.

Already this young man had invented a mowing machine, and a planisphere,

by means of which, automatically, one could determine the position of

the stars for every night in the year. Now, in turning his attention to

the problem of regularity of cut in gloves, he was really broaching the

great factor which has given modern glove-making its ascendency over the

old method—namely, the element of _fit_. At the outset he perceived the

exact terms of the problem which he had set himself to solve. First, he

must make a general classification of the different sizes and shapes of

hands one meets; secondly, he must ascertain the precise extension of

the skin required for the measurements of the hand he wished to fit.

By minutely studying hands in the Hospital of Grenoble, Jouvin

discovered and wrote out in a rectangle thirty-two different sizes of

hands. He furthermore recognized five types—very broad, broad, medium,

slender and very slender—each type being divided into two classes. As

there were thirty-two sizes for each class, and five types altogether,

this made three hundred and twenty different numbers of gloves, which

proved more than requisite to the demands of the finest trade.

The dies which Jouvin invented and perfected for cutting out these three

hundred and twenty different gradations of gloves consisted of the

calibre, or glove pattern, and the punch, or _emporte-pièce_, and were

made of fine tempered steel blades fastened to a back of cast iron. In

making the heavier grades of gloves, the die was struck with a ponderous

mallet, cutting only one thickness at a time. By cutting only one piece

in this way, the artisan avoided any holes in the skins which might have

been made in killing the wild animal or in dressing the leather. The

thumbs and gussets, or fourchettes—the strips inserted to form the sides

of the fingers—were cut with separate dies from pieces not large enough

for the body of the glove, thus utilizing nearly every scrap of the

material. As the leather was first placed upon a block to receive the

blows of the mallet, this grade of goods came to be called “block cut.”

In “table cut” gloves, however, the leather was tranked out on a table

and shaped for the size desired. Then, by means of a power press many

pairs were cut at once. The nicest part of this process consists in

getting the leather in proper shape. Different sizes may be cut with the

same pattern by estimating accurately the elasticity of the leather.

Jouvin’s calibre is the same by which—under many different systems, of

course—all gloves are cut to-day.

Jouvin also studied to determine what degrees of pressure the skin will

withstand in different parts, in order that, in every case, just the

right piece of material should be selected to produce the measurements

desired. Expert knowledge of skins is equally important with proper use

of utensils in producing an accurately fitting glove.

In his work Jouvin sought the satisfaction of the scientist and the

artist rather than any financial benefit which might have accrued to him

from his remarkable system. When he had completed his invention, he

hardly realized its pecuniary value; he took out a patent for France,

but not for any foreign country. The immediate effect of his achievement

was somewhat curious.

During Jouvin’s own lifetime his invention not only failed to profit the

glovers of his native city, but actually worked them harm. He himself

groped his way for several years, in an attempt to find capital and

workers which should prove the usefulness of his new method. But the

manufacturers scoffed at him. They declared that Jouvin had “vulgarized”

glove cutting. The glove cutter was dethroned; he was no longer an

artist. A machine did his work, and it was evident that with this

machine a good cutter could turn out good gloves from poor skins, while

a poor cutter would turn out poor gloves from good skins. The calibre

certainly was a mischievous device, and had turned the glove art

topsy-turvy!

Like any inventor, Jouvin himself was not greatly affected by all this

talk, nor by the rebuffs he met whenever he tried to interest business

men; for he was absorbed in the possibilities of further improvement

upon his invention. He had discovered the calibre in 1834; in

1838—without having drawn a cent of profit thus far—he added the punch,

or _emporte-pièce_, for automatically cutting gloves to measure. In the

following year, however, his work suddenly received conspicuous public

notice. It was rewarded a bronze medal at the Industrial Exposition in

Paris. From that moment, Jouvin’s future as a glove manufacturer was

assured, for men with money rallied to his support. The first thing the

Grenoble glovers knew, Germany, Switzerland and Italy had all seized

upon their fellow-citizen’s admirable invention and were turning it to

tremendous commercial account. Their outputs were increasing by leaps

and bounds. But, in France, one factory only—that of the

inventor—worked, while his compatriots stood still for the benefit of

foreign competitors to whom the Jouvin system was free, while debarred

from French manufacturers under the terms of the patent.

Of course, lawsuits against Jouvin arose, as other glovers endeavored to

have the broad, general idea of stamping out gloves become _domaine

public_, or public property. But the industry had so far diminished in

Grenoble in 1840 that that city was not mentioned as one of the

principle producers of gloves.

Without doubt, the conservative manufacturers of that town learned their

lesson. For, in 1849, the year in which the Jouvin patents expired, they

hastened to shake off this decade of depression which had seen them

bound hand and foot, while the glove-makers of other lands rapidly

eclipsed them in importance; and immediately they installed in their

shops the new system. With their unrivalled skill and natural precedence

now reinforced by up-to-date mechanical methods, the glovers of Grenoble

effected a lightning recovery. Moreover, their misfortunes had not been

due to the lack of mechanical equipment alone. Financial panic in

America had robbed them temporarily of one of their best clients; and

the price of skins had risen to an exorbitant figure in France, even

while foreigners knew how to get them, without paying a heavy duty, from

Grenoble’s own mills at Annonay.

These conditions, however, were soon to be righted. But another

challenge to the old régime loomed a few years ahead. In 1867, at the

Paris Exposition, some Grenoble glovers paused in front of a fragile,

little machine, glanced at it with curiosity, and went home without any

idea that that modest piece of mechanism was going to cap the work of

the calibre; and that shortly the whole world would possess what, for

two centuries, had been the fortune and renown of their native city—the

ability to sew gloves perfectly.

The era of labor-saving, quantity-multiply, and cost-reducing machinery

had indeed arrived; and Grenoble, once she realized the full

significance of “vulgarizing” her ancient trade, did not lag far behind.

She faced and conquered great difficulties in the nineteenth

century—notably, the large increase in the “centres” of glove-making, as

the trade grew and improved abroad; and also she succeeded in finding a

cheap, but good, kid to compete with the German and Italian lambskins

which looked so well that they satisfied the taste of the general

public. These things she accomplished with the help of modern machinery;

for which, in a peculiarly thankless and round-about way, the city owed

a great debt to one of her own sons. The European glove world paid its

tribute to Jouvin in 1851, when the Universal Exposition held in Vienna

voted him a Diploma of Honor.

A later contribution to the technique of the glove was the modern style

of fastener, introduced, about 1855, by M. Raymond of Grenoble. His

factory was a valuable addition to the leading industry of that city.

Roux gives credit to Raymond for all the various changes and

improvements in glove fasteners which we have to-day. The old-fashioned

lacing has been completely replaced by the clasp, the neatness and

efficiency of which could hardly be bettered.

Thus, in the last century, we see virtually every trace of the

immemorial methods of glove-making vanish before the swift incursion of

modern machinery. A few hand-sewn gloves alone remain to remind us of

the days when the _couturières_, peasant women and girls gathered in

groups in cottages on the outskirts of Grenoble, or in the _ateliers_ of

the town, to sing as they sewed gloves for the nobility and the gentry

of a former time. But the art has gained by the inestimable assets of

fit and individuality in gloves: by the great numbers, also, in which

gloves to-day are supplied, that we all may delight in wearing them.

In respect to Grenoble, moreover, it should be observed that, through

all these changes and commercializing influences, she has sacrificed not

a whit of her invincible good taste. Against foreign competition and the

paralysis which she suffered under the Jouvin patent, she had only the

superiority of her product to offer—the suppleness of her skins, the

elegance of their cut, the beauty of the tints artificially applied, the

finish and durability of her sewing. But these were enough to keep her

art alive. They still prevail—and in even higher degree—in the gloves of

Grenoble makers to-day.

In the evolution from artist to artisan, there is little room for

regret. Already the glove-workers of France have readjusted very largely

to changed conditions within the industry; while the consumer and

producer alike may rejoice in the widespread accessibility of the finest

gloves in the world.

Gloves, Past and Present · 第 7 / 10 章