It is more than probable that Guiscard was not afflicted by the loss of

a costly pageant, which had merited only the contempt and derision of

the Greeks. After their defeat, they still persevered in the defence

of Durazzo; and a Venetian commander supplied the place of George

PalÊologus, who had been imprudently called away from his station. The

tents of the besiegers were converted into barracks, to sustain the

inclemency of the winter; and in answer to the defiance of the garrison,

Robert insinuated, that his patience was at least equal to their

obstinacy. Perhaps he already trusted to his secret correspondence with

a Venetian noble, who sold the city for a rich and honorable marriage.

At the dead of night, several rope-ladders were dropped from the walls;

the light Calabrians ascended in silence; and the Greeks were awakened

by the name and trumpets of the conqueror. Yet they defended the streets

three days against an enemy already master of the rampart; and near

seven months elapsed between the first investment and the final

surrender of the place. From Durazzo, the Norman duke advanced into the

heart of Epirus or Albania; traversed the first mountains of Thessaly;

surprised three hundred English in the city of Castoria; approached

Thessalonica; and made Constantinople tremble. A more pressing duty

suspended the prosecution of his ambitious designs. By shipwreck,

pestilence, and the sword, his army was reduced to a third of the

original numbers; and instead of being recruited from Italy, he was

informed, by plaintive epistles, of the mischiefs and dangers which had

been produced by his absence: the revolt of the cities and barons of

Apulia; the distress of the pope; and the approach or invasion of Henry

king of Germany. Highly presuming that his person was sufficient for the

public safety, he repassed the sea in a single brigantine, and left the

remains of the army under the command of his son and the Norman counts,

exhorting Bohemond to respect the freedom of his peers, and the counts

to obey the authority of their leader. The son of Guiscard trod in the

footsteps of his father; and the two destroyers are compared, by the

Greeks, to the caterpillar and the locust, the last of whom devours

whatever has escaped the teeth of the former. After winning two battles

against the emperor, he descended into the plain of Thessaly, and

besieged Larissa, the fabulous realm of Achilles, which contained the

treasure and magazines of the Byzantine camp. Yet a just praise must

not be refused to the fortitude and prudence of Alexius, who bravely

struggled with the calamities of the times. In the poverty of the state,

he presumed to borrow the superfluous ornaments of the churches: the

desertion of the ManichÊans was supplied by some tribes of Moldavia: a

reÎnforcement of seven thousand Turks replaced and revenged the loss of

their brethren; and the Greek soldiers were exercised to ride, to draw

the bow, and to the daily practice of ambuscades and evolutions. Alexius

had been taught by experience, that the formidable cavalry of the

Franks on foot was unfit for action, and almost incapable of motion; his

archers were directed to aim their arrows at the horse rather than the

man; and a variety of spikes and snares were scattered over the ground

on which he might expect an attack. In the neighborhood of Larissa the

events of war were protracted and balanced. The courage of Bohemond was

always conspicuous, and often successful; but his camp was pillaged by

a stratagem of the Greeks; the city was impregnable; and the venal or

discontented counts deserted his standard, betrayed their trusts,

and enlisted in the service of the emperor. Alexius returned to

Constantinople with the advantage, rather than the honor, of victory.

After evacuating the conquests which he could no longer defend, the

son of Guiscard embarked for Italy, and was embraced by a father who

esteemed his merit, and sympathized in his misfortune.

Chapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.--Part IV.

Of the Latin princes, the allies of Alexius and enemies of Robert, the

most prompt and powerful was Henry the Third or Fourth, king of Germany

and Italy, and future emperor of the West. The epistle of the Greek

monarch to his brother is filled with the warmest professions of

friendship, and the most lively desire of strengthening their alliance

by every public and private tie. He congratulates Henry on his success

in a just and pious war; and complains that the prosperity of his own

empire is disturbed by the audacious enterprises of the Norman Robert.

The lists of his presents expresses the manners of the age--a radiated

crown of gold, a cross set with pearls to hang on the breast, a case of

relics, with the names and titles of the saints, a vase of crystal, a

vase of sardonyx, some balm, most probably of Mecca, and one hundred

pieces of purple. To these he added a more solid present, of one hundred

and forty-four thousand Byzantines of gold, with a further assurance of

two hundred and sixteen thousand, so soon as Henry should have entered

in arms the Apulian territories, and confirmed by an oath the league

against the common enemy. The German, who was already in Lombardy at

the head of an army and a faction, accepted these liberal offers, and

marched towards the south: his speed was checked by the sound of the

battle of Durazzo; but the influence of his arms, or name, in the hasty

return of Robert, was a full equivalent for the Grecian bribe. Henry was

the severe adversary of the Normans, the allies and vassals of Gregory

the Seventh, his implacable foe. The long quarrel of the throne and

mitre had been recently kindled by the zeal and ambition of that haughty

priest: the king and the pope had degraded each other; and each had

seated a rival on the temporal or spiritual throne of his antagonist.

After the defeat and death of his Swabian rebel, Henry descended into

Italy, to assume the Imperial crown, and to drive from the Vatican

the tyrant of the church. But the Roman people adhered to the cause of

Gregory: their resolution was fortified by supplies of men and money

from Apulia; and the city was thrice ineffectually besieged by the

king of Germany. In the fourth year he corrupted, as it is said, with

Byzantine gold, the nobles of Rome, whose estates and castles had been

ruined by the war. The gates, the bridges, and fifty hostages, were

delivered into his hands: the anti-pope, Clement the Third, was

consecrated in the Lateran: the grateful pontiff crowned his protector

in the Vatican; and the emperor Henry fixed his residence in the

Capitol, as the lawful successor of Augustus and Charlemagne. The ruins

of the Septizonium were still defended by the nephew of Gregory: the

pope himself was invested in the castle of St. Angelo; and his last hope

was in the courage and fidelity of his Norman vassal. Their friendship

had been interrupted by some reciprocal injuries and complaints; but,

on this pressing occasion, Guiscard was urged by the obligation of his

oath, by his interest, more potent than oaths, by the love of fame, and

his enmity to the two emperors. Unfurling the holy banner, he resolved

to fly to the relief of the prince of the apostles: the most numerous of

his armies, six thousand horse, and thirty thousand foot, was instantly

assembled; and his march from Salerno to Rome was animated by the public

applause and the promise of the divine favor. Henry, invincible

in sixty-six battles, trembled at his approach; recollected some

indispensable affairs that required his presence in Lombardy; exhorted

the Romans to persevere in their allegiance; and hastily retreated three

days before the entrance of the Normans. In less than three years, the

son of Tancred of Hauteville enjoyed the glory of delivering the pope,

and of compelling the two emperors, of the East and West, to fly before

his victorious arms. But the triumph of Robert was clouded by the

calamities of Rome. By the aid of the friends of Gregory, the walls had

been perforated or scaled; but the Imperial faction was still powerful

and active; on the third day, the people rose in a furious tumult; and

a hasty word of the conqueror, in his defence or revenge, was the signal

of fire and pillage. The Saracens of Sicily, the subjects of Roger, and

auxiliaries of his brother, embraced this fair occasion of rifling

and profaning the holy city of the Christians: many thousands of the

citizens, in the sight, and by the allies, of their spiritual father

were exposed to violation, captivity, or death; and a spacious quarter

of the city, from the Lateran to the Coliseum, was consumed by the

flames, and devoted to perpetual solitude. From a city, where he was now

hated, and might be no longer feared, Gregory retired to end his days

in the palace of Salerno. The artful pontiff might flatter the vanity of

Guiscard with the hope of a Roman or Imperial crown; but this dangerous

measure, which would have inflamed the ambition of the Norman, must

forever have alienated the most faithful princes of Germany.

The deliverer and scourge of Rome might have indulged himself in a

season of repose; but in the same year of the flight of the German

emperor, the indefatigable Robert resumed the design of his eastern

conquests. The zeal or gratitude of Gregory had promised to his valor

the kingdoms of Greece and Asia; his troops were assembled in arms,

flushed with success, and eager for action. Their numbers, in the

language of Homer, are compared by Anna to a swarm of bees; yet the

utmost and moderate limits of the powers of Guiscard have been already

defined; they were contained on this second occasion in one hundred

and twenty vessels; and as the season was far advanced, the harbor

of Brundusium was preferred to the open road of Otranto. Alexius,

apprehensive of a second attack, had assiduously labored to restore the

naval forces of the empire; and obtained from the republic of Venice an

important succor of thirty-six transports, fourteen galleys, and

nine galiots or ships of extra-ordinary strength and magnitude. Their

services were liberally paid by the license or monopoly of trade, a

profitable gift of many shops and houses in the port of Constantinople,

and a tribute to St. Mark, the more acceptable, as it was the produce

of a tax on their rivals at Amalphi. By the union of the Greeks and

Venetians, the Adriatic was covered with a hostile fleet; but their

own neglect, or the vigilance of Robert, the change of a wind, or the

shelter of a mist, opened a free passage; and the Norman troops were

safely disembarked on the coast of Epirus. With twenty strong and

well-appointed galleys, their intrepid duke immediately sought the

enemy, and though more accustomed to fight on horseback, he trusted his

own life, and the lives of his brother and two sons, to the event of a

naval combat. The dominion of the sea was disputed in three engagements,

in sight of the Isle of Corfu: in the two former, the skill and numbers

of the allies were superior; but in the third, the Normans obtained a

final and complete victory. The light brigantines of the Greeks were

scattered in ignominious flight: the nine castles of the Venetians

maintained a more obstinate conflict; seven were sunk, two were taken;

two thousand five hundred captives implored in vain the mercy of the

victor; and the daughter of Alexius deplores the loss of thirteen

thousand of his subjects or allies. The want of experience had been

supplied by the genius of Guiscard; and each evening, when he had

sounded a retreat, he calmly explored the causes of his repulse, and

invented new methods how to remedy his own defects, and to baffle the

advantages of the enemy. The winter season suspended his progress: with

the return of spring he again aspired to the conquest of Constantinople;

but, instead of traversing the hills of Epirus, he turned his arms

against Greece and the islands, where the spoils would repay the labor,

and where the land and sea forces might pursue their joint operations

with vigor and effect. But, in the Isle of Cephalonia, his projects

were fatally blasted by an epidemical disease: Robert himself, in the

seventieth year of his age, expired in his tent; and a suspicion of

poison was imputed, by public rumor, to his wife, or to the Greek

emperor. This premature death might allow a boundless scope for the

imagination of his future exploits; and the event sufficiently

declares, that the Norman greatness was founded on his life. Without

the appearance of an enemy, a victorious army dispersed or retreated

in disorder and consternation; and Alexius, who had trembled for his

empire, rejoiced in his deliverance. The galley which transported the

remains of Guiscard was ship-wrecked on the Italian shore; but the

duke's body was recovered from the sea, and deposited in the sepulchre

of Venusia, a place more illustrious for the birth of Horace than for

the burial of the Norman heroes. Roger, his second son and successor,

immediately sunk to the humble station of a duke of Apulia: the esteem

or partiality of his father left the valiant Bohemond to the inheritance

of his sword. The national tranquillity was disturbed by his claims,

till the first crusade against the infidels of the East opened a more

splendid field of glory and conquest.

Of human life, the most glorious or humble prospects are alike and

soon bounded by the sepulchre. The male line of Robert Guiscard was

extinguished, both in Apulia and at Antioch, in the second generation;

but his younger brother became the father of a line of kings; and the

son of the great count was endowed with the name, the conquests, and the

spirit, of the first Roger. The heir of that Norman adventurer was

born in Sicily; and, at the age of only four years, he succeeded to

the sovereignty of the island, a lot which reason might envy, could she

indulge for a moment the visionary, though virtuous wish of dominion.

Had Roger been content with his fruitful patrimony, a happy and grateful

people might have blessed their benefactor; and if a wise administration

could have restored the prosperous times of the Greek colonies, the

opulence and power of Sicily alone might have equalled the widest

scope that could be acquired and desolated by the sword of war. But the

ambition of the great count was ignorant of these noble pursuits; it

was gratified by the vulgar means of violence and artifice. He sought to

obtain the undivided possession of Palermo, of which one moiety had been

ceded to the elder branch; struggled to enlarge his Calabrian limits

beyond the measure of former treaties; and impatiently watched the

declining health of his cousin William of Apulia, the grandson of

Robert. On the first intelligence of his premature death, Roger sailed

from Palermo with seven galleys, cast anchor in the Bay of Salerno,

received, after ten days' negotiation, an oath of fidelity from the

Norman capital, commanded the submission of the barons, and extorted a

legal investiture from the reluctant popes, who could not long endure

either the friendship or enmity of a powerful vassal. The sacred spot

of Benevento was respectfully spared, as the patrimony of St. Peter;

but the reduction of Capua and Naples completed the design of his uncle

Guiscard; and the sole inheritance of the Norman conquests was possessed

by the victorious Roger. A conscious superiority of power and merit

prompted him to disdain the titles of duke and of count; and the Isle of

Sicily, with a third perhaps of the continent of Italy, might form the

basis of a kingdom which would only yield to the monarchies of France

and England. The chiefs of the nation who attended his coronation at

Palermo might doubtless pronounce under what name he should reign

over them; but the example of a Greek tyrant or a Saracen emir was

insufficient to justify his regal character; and the nine kings of

the Latin world might disclaim their new associate, unless he were

consecrated by the authority of the supreme pontiff. The pride of

Anacletus was pleased to confer a title, which the pride of the Norman

had stooped to solicit; but his own legitimacy was attacked by the

adverse election of Innocent the Second; and while Anacletus sat in

the Vatican, the successful fugitive was acknowledged by the nations of

Europe. The infant monarchy of Roger was shaken, and almost overthrown,

by the unlucky choice of an ecclesiastical patron; and the sword of

Lothaire the Second of Germany, the excommunications of Innocent, the

fleets of Pisa, and the zeal of St. Bernard, were united for the ruin of

the Sicilian robber. After a gallant resistance, the Norman prince was

driven from the continent of Italy: a new duke of Apulia was invested by

the pope and the emperor, each of whom held one end of the _gonfanon_,

or flagstaff, as a token that they asserted their right, and suspended

their quarrel. But such jealous friendship was of short and precarious

duration: the German armies soon vanished in disease and desertion: the

Apulian duke, with all his adherents, was exterminated by a conqueror

who seldom forgave either the dead or the living; like his predecessor

Leo the Ninth, the feeble though haughty pontiff became the captive and

friend of the Normans; and their reconciliation was celebrated by the

eloquence of Bernard, who now revered the title and virtues of the king

of Sicily.

As a penance for his impious war against the successor of St. Peter,

that monarch might have promised to display the banner of the cross,

and he accomplished with ardor a vow so propitious to his interest and

revenge. The recent injuries of Sicily might provoke a just retaliation

on the heads of the Saracens: the Normans, whose blood had been mingled

with so many subject streams, were encouraged to remember and emulate

the naval trophies of their fathers, and in the maturity of their

strength they contended with the decline of an African power. When the

Fatimite caliph departed for the conquest of Egypt, he rewarded the real

merit and apparent fidelity of his servant Joseph with a gift of his

royal mantle, and forty Arabian horses, his palace with its sumptuous

furniture, and the government of the kingdoms of Tunis and Algiers.

The Zeirides, the descendants of Joseph, forgot their allegiance and

gratitude to a distant benefactor, grasped and abused the fruits of

prosperity; and after running the little course of an Oriental dynasty,

were now fainting in their own weakness. On the side of the land, they

were pressed by the Almohades, the fanatic princes of Morocco, while

the sea-coast was open to the enterprises of the Greeks and Franks, who,

before the close of the eleventh century, had extorted a ransom of two

hundred thousand pieces of gold. By the first arms of Roger, the island

or rock of Malta, which has been since ennobled by a military and

religious colony, was inseparably annexed to the crown of Sicily.

Tripoli, a strong and maritime city, was the next object of his attack;

and the slaughter of the males, the captivity of the females, might

be justified by the frequent practice of the Moslems themselves. The

capital of the Zeirides was named Africa from the country, and Mahadia

from the Arabian founder: it is strongly built on a neck of land, but

the imperfection of the harbor is not compensated by the fertility of

the adjacent plain. Mahadia was besieged by George the Sicilian admiral,

with a fleet of one hundred and fifty galleys, amply provided with men

and the instruments of mischief: the sovereign had fled, the Moorish

governor refused to capitulate, declined the last and irresistible

assault, and secretly escaping with the Moslem inhabitants abandoned

the place and its treasures to the rapacious Franks. In successive

expeditions, the king of Sicily or his lieutenants reduced the cities

of Tunis, Safax, Capsia, Bona, and a long tract of the sea-coast; the

fortresses were garrisoned, the country was tributary, and a boast that

it held Africa in subjection might be inscribed with some flattery on

the sword of Roger. After his death, that sword was broken; and these

transmarine possessions were neglected, evacuated, or lost, under the

troubled reign of his successor. The triumphs of Scipio and Belisarius

have proved, that the African continent is neither inaccessible nor

invincible; yet the great princes and powers of Christendom have

repeatedly failed in their armaments against the Moors, who may still

glory in the easy conquest and long servitude of Spain.

Since the decease of Robert Guiscard, the Normans had relinquished,

above sixty years, their hostile designs against the empire of the East.

The policy of Roger solicited a public and private union with the Greek

princes, whose alliance would dignify his regal character: he demanded

in marriage a daughter of the Comnenian family, and the first steps of

the treaty seemed to promise a favorable event. But the contemptuous

treatment of his ambassadors exasperated the vanity of the new monarch;

and the insolence of the Byzantine court was expiated, according to the

laws of nations, by the sufferings of a guiltless people. With the

fleet of seventy galleys, George, the admiral of Sicily, appeared before

Corfu; and both the island and city were delivered into his hands by the

disaffected inhabitants, who had yet to learn that a siege is still

more calamitous than a tribute. In this invasion, of some moment in the

annals of commerce, the Normans spread themselves by sea, and over

the provinces of Greece; and the venerable age of Athens, Thebes, and

Corinth, was violated by rapine and cruelty. Of the wrongs of Athens,

no memorial remains. The ancient walls, which encompassed, without

guarding, the opulence of Thebes, were scaled by the Latin Christians;

but their sole use of the gospel was to sanctify an oath, that the

lawful owners had not secreted any relic of their inheritance or

industry. On the approach of the Normans, the lower town of Corinth

was evacuated; the Greeks retired to the citadel, which was seated on a

lofty eminence, abundantly watered by the classic fountain of Pirene;

an impregnable fortress, if the want of courage could be balanced by any

advantages of art or nature. As soon as the besiegers had surmounted the

labor (their sole labor) of climbing the hill, their general, from

the commanding eminence, admired his own victory, and testified his

gratitude to Heaven, by tearing from the altar the precious image of

Theodore, the tutelary saint. The silk weavers of both sexes, whom

George transported to Sicily, composed the most valuable part of the

spoil; and in comparing the skilful industry of the mechanic with the

sloth and cowardice of the soldier, he was heard to exclaim that the

distaff and loom were the only weapons which the Greeks were capable of

using. The progress of this naval armament was marked by two conspicuous

events, the rescue of the king of France, and the insult of the

Byzantine capital. In his return by sea from an unfortunate crusade,

Louis the Seventh was intercepted by the Greeks, who basely violated the

laws of honor and religion. The fortunate encounter of the Norman

fleet delivered the royal captive; and after a free and honorable

entertainment in the court of Sicily, Louis continued his journey to

Rome and Paris. In the absence of the emperor, Constantinople and

the Hellespont were left without defence and without the suspicion

of danger. The clergy and people (for the soldiers had followed

the standard of Manuel) were astonished and dismayed at the hostile

appearance of a line of galleys, which boldly cast anchor in the front

of the Imperial city. The forces of the Sicilian admiral were inadequate

to the siege or assault of an immense and populous metropolis; but

George enjoyed the glory of humbling the Greek arrogance, and of marking

the path of conquest to the navies of the West. He landed some soldiers

to rifle the fruits of the royal gardens, and pointed with silver, or

most probably with fire, the arrows which he discharged against the

palace of the CÊsars. This playful outrage of the pirates of Sicily, who

had surprised an unguarded moment, Manuel affected to despise, while his

martial spirit, and the forces of the empire, were awakened to revenge.

The Archipelago and Ionian Sea were covered with his squadrons and those

of Venice; but I know not by what favorable allowance of transports,

victuallers, and pinnaces, our reason, or even our fancy, can be

reconciled to the stupendous account of fifteen hundred vessels, which

is proposed by a Byzantine historian. These operations were directed

with prudence and energy: in his homeward voyage George lost nineteen of

his galleys, which were separated and taken: after an obstinate defence,

Corfu implored the clemency of her lawful sovereign; nor could a ship, a

soldier, of the Norman prince, be found, unless as a captive, within

the limits of the Eastern empire. The prosperity and the health of Roger

were already in a declining state: while he listened in his palace of

Palermo to the messengers of victory or defeat, the invincible Manuel,

the foremost in every assault, was celebrated by the Greeks and Latins

as the Alexander or the Hercules of the age.

Chapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.--Part V.

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