The Italian conquests of Robert correspond with the limits of the

present kingdom of Naples; and the countries united by his arms have not

been dissevered by the revolutions of seven hundred years. The monarchy

has been composed of the Greek provinces of Calabria and Apulia, of the

Lombard principality of Salerno, the republic of Amalphi, and the

inland dependencies of the large and ancient duchy of Beneventum. Three

districts only were exempted from the common law of subjection; the

first forever, the two last till the middle of the succeeding century.

The city and immediate territory of Benevento had been transferred,

by gift or exchange, from the German emperor to the Roman pontiff; and

although this holy land was sometimes invaded, the name of St. Peter was

finally more potent than the sword of the Normans. Their first colony of

Aversa subdued and held the state of Capua; and her princes were reduced

to beg their bread before the palace of their fathers. The dukes of

Naples, the present metropolis, maintained the popular freedom, under

the shadow of the Byzantine empire. Among the new acquisitions of

Guiscard, the science of Salerno, and the trade of Amalphi, may detain

for a moment the curiosity of the reader. I. Of the learned faculties,

jurisprudence implies the previous establishment of laws and property;

and theology may perhaps be superseded by the full light of religion and

reason. But the savage and the sage must alike implore the assistance

of physic; and, if our diseases are inflamed by luxury, the mischiefs

of blows and wounds would be more frequent in the ruder ages of society.

The treasures of Grecian medicine had been communicated to the Arabian

colonies of Africa, Spain, and Sicily; and in the intercourse of peace

and war, a spark of knowledge had been kindled and cherished at

Salerno, an illustrious city, in which the men were honest and the women

beautiful. A school, the first that arose in the darkness of Europe, was

consecrated to the healing art: the conscience of monks and bishops was

reconciled to that salutary and lucrative profession; and a crowd of

patients, of the most eminent rank, and most distant climates, invited

or visited the physicians of Salerno. They were protected by the Norman

conquerors; and Guiscard, though bred in arms, could discern the merit

and value of a philosopher. After a pilgrimage of thirty-nine years,

Constantine, an African Christian, returned from Bagdad, a master of the

language and learning of the Arabians; and Salerno was enriched by the

practice, the lessons, and the writings of the pupil of Avicenna. The

school of medicine has long slept in the name of a university; but her

precepts are abridged in a string of aphorisms, bound together in the

Leonine verses, or Latin rhymes, of the twelfth century. II. Seven miles

to the west of Salerno, and thirty to the south of Naples, the obscure

town of Amalphi displayed the power and rewards of industry. The land,

however fertile, was of narrow extent; but the sea was accessible and

open: the inhabitants first assumed the office of supplying the western

world with the manufactures and productions of the East; and this useful

traffic was the source of their opulence and freedom. The government

was popular, under the administration of a duke and the supremacy of

the Greek emperor. Fifty thousand citizens were numbered in the walls

of Amalphi; nor was any city more abundantly provided with gold, silver,

and the objects of precious luxury. The mariners who swarmed in her

port, excelled in the theory and practice of navigation and astronomy:

and the discovery of the compass, which has opened the globe, is owing

to their ingenuity or good fortune. Their trade was extended to the

coasts, or at least to the commodities, of Africa, Arabia, and India:

and their settlements in Constantinople, Antioch, Jerusalem, and

Alexandria, acquired the privileges of independent colonies. After three

hundred years of prosperity, Amalphi was oppressed by the arms of the

Normans, and sacked by the jealousy of Pisa; but the poverty of one

thousand fisherman is yet dignified by the remains of an arsenal, a

cathedral, and the palaces of royal merchants.

Chapter LVI: The Saracens, The Franks And The Normans.--Part III.

Roger, the twelfth and last of the sons of Tancred, had been long

detained in Normandy by his own and his father' age. He accepted the

welcome summons; hastened to the Apulian camp; and deserved at first the

esteem, and afterwards the envy, of his elder brother. Their valor and

ambition were equal; but the youth, the beauty, the elegant manners,

of Roger engaged the disinterested love of the soldiers and people.

So scanty was his allowance for himself and forty followers, that he

descended from conquest to robbery, and from robbery to domestic theft;

and so loose were the notions of property, that, by his own historian,

at his special command, he is accused of stealing horses from a stable

at Melphi. His spirit emerged from poverty and disgrace: from these base

practices he rose to the merit and glory of a holy war; and the invasion

of Sicily was seconded by the zeal and policy of his brother Guiscard.

After the retreat of the Greeks, the _idolaters_, a most audacious

reproach of the Catholics, had retrieved their losses and possessions;

but the deliverance of the island, so vainly undertaken by the forces

of the Eastern empire, was achieved by a small and private band of

adventurers. In the first attempt, Roger braved, in an open boat, the

real and fabulous dangers of Scylla and Charybdis; landed with only

sixty soldiers on a hostile shore; drove the Saracens to the gates of

Messina and safely returned with the spoils of the adjacent country.

In the fortress of Trani, his active and patient courage were equally

conspicuous. In his old age he related with pleasure, that, by the

distress of the siege, himself, and the countess his wife, had been

reduced to a single cloak or mantle, which they wore alternately; that

in a sally his horse had been slain, and he was dragged away by the

Saracens; but that he owed his rescue to his good sword, and had

retreated with his saddle on his back, lest the meanest trophy might

be left in the hands of the miscreants. In the siege of Trani, three

hundred Normans withstood and repulsed the forces of the island. In the

field of Ceramio, fifty thousand horse and foot were overthrown by one

hundred and thirty-six Christian soldiers, without reckoning St. George,

who fought on horseback in the foremost ranks. The captive banners, with

four camels, were reserved for the successor of St. Peter; and had these

barbaric spoils been exposed, not in the Vatican, but in the Capitol,

they might have revived the memory of the Punic triumphs. These

insufficient numbers of the Normans most probably denote their knights,

the soldiers of honorable and equestrian rank, each of whom was attended

by five or six followers in the field; yet, with the aid of this

interpretation, and after every fair allowance on the side of valor,

arms, and reputation, the discomfiture of so many myriads will reduce

the prudent reader to the alternative of a miracle or a fable. The Arabs

of Sicily derived a frequent and powerful succor from their countrymen

of Africa: in the siege of Palermo, the Norman cavalry was assisted by

the galleys of Pisa; and, in the hour of action, the envy of the two

brothers was sublimed to a generous and invincible emulation. After a

war of thirty years, Roger, with the title of great count, obtained

the sovereignty of the largest and most fruitful island of the

Mediterranean; and his administration displays a liberal and enlightened

mind, above the limits of his age and education. The Moslems were

maintained in the free enjoyment of their religion and property: a

philosopher and physician of Mazara, of the race of Mahomet, harangued

the conqueror, and was invited to court; his geography of the seven

climates was translated into Latin; and Roger, after a diligent perusal,

preferred the work of the Arabian to the writings of the Grecian

Ptolemy. A remnant of Christian natives had promoted the success of the

Normans: they were rewarded by the triumph of the cross. The island

was restored to the jurisdiction of the Roman pontiff; new bishops

were planted in the principal cities; and the clergy was satisfied by

a liberal endowment of churches and monasteries. Yet the Catholic hero

asserted the rights of the civil magistrate. Instead of resigning the

investiture of benefices, he dexterously applied to his own profit the

papal claims: the supremacy of the crown was secured and enlarged, by

the singular bull, which declares the princes of Sicily hereditary and

perpetual legates of the Holy See.

To Robert Guiscard, the conquest of Sicily was more glorious than

beneficial: the possession of Apulia and Calabria was inadequate to his

ambition; and he resolved to embrace or create the first occasion of

invading, perhaps of subduing, the Roman empire of the East. From his

first wife, the partner of his humble fortune, he had been divorced

under the pretence of consanguinity; and her son Bohemond was destined

to imitate, rather than to succeed, his illustrious father. The second

wife of Guiscard was the daughter of the princes of Salerno; the

Lombards acquiesced in the lineal succession of their son Roger; their

five daughters were given in honorable nuptials, and one of them was

betrothed, in a tender age, to Constantine, a beautiful youth, the son

and heir of the emperor Michael. But the throne of Constantinople was

shaken by a revolution: the Imperial family of Ducas was confined to the

palace or the cloister; and Robert deplored, and resented, the disgrace

of his daughter and the expulsion of his ally. A Greek, who styled

himself the father of Constantine, soon appeared at Salerno, and related

the adventures of his fall and flight. That unfortunate friend was

acknowledged by the duke, and adorned with the pomp and titles of

Imperial dignity: in his triumphal progress through Apulia and Calabria,

Michael was saluted with the tears and acclamations of the people;

and Pope Gregory the Seventh exhorted the bishops to preach, and

the Catholics to fight, in the pious work of his restoration. His

conversations with Robert were frequent and familiar; and their mutual

promises were justified by the valor of the Normans and the treasures of

the East. Yet this Michael, by the confession of the Greeks and Latins,

was a pageant and an impostor; a monk who had fled from his convent, or

a domestic who had served in the palace. The fraud had been contrived by

the subtle Guiscard; and he trusted, that after this pretender had given

a decent color to his arms, he would sink, at the nod of the conqueror,

into his primitive obscurity. But victory was the only argument that

could determine the belief of the Greeks; and the ardor of the Latins

was much inferior to their credulity: the Norman veterans wished to

enjoy the harvest of their toils, and the unwarlike Italians trembled

at the known and unknown dangers of a transmarine expedition. In his new

levies, Robert exerted the influence of gifts and promises, the terrors

of civil and ecclesiastical authority; and some acts of violence

might justify the reproach, that age and infancy were pressed without

distinction into the service of their unrelenting prince. After two

years' incessant preparations the land and naval forces were assembled

at Otranto, at the heel, or extreme promontory, of Italy; and Robert was

accompanied by his wife, who fought by his side, his son Bohemond, and

the representative of the emperor Michael. Thirteen hundred knights of

Norman race or discipline, formed the sinews of the army, which might be

swelled to thirty thousand followers of every denomination. The men,

the horses, the arms, the engines, the wooden towers, covered with

raw hides, were embarked on board one hundred and fifty vessels: the

transports had been built in the ports of Italy, and the galleys were

supplied by the alliance of the republic of Ragusa.

At the mouth of the Adriatic Gulf, the shores of Italy and Epirus

incline towards each other. The space between Brundusium and Durazzo,

the Roman passage, is no more than one hundred miles; at the last

station of Otranto, it is contracted to fifty; and this narrow distance

had suggested to Pyrrhus and Pompey the sublime or extravagant idea of

a bridge. Before the general embarkation, the Norman duke despatched

Bohemond with fifteen galleys to seize or threaten the Isle of Corfu, to

survey the opposite coast, and to secure a harbor in the neighborhood

of Vallona for the landing of the troops. They passed and landed without

perceiving an enemy; and this successful experiment displayed the

neglect and decay of the naval power of the Greeks. The islands of

Epirus and the maritime towns were subdued by the arms or the name

of Robert, who led his fleet and army from Corfu (I use the modern

appellation) to the siege of Durazzo. That city, the western key of the

empire, was guarded by ancient renown, and recent fortifications, by

George PalÊologus, a patrician, victorious in the Oriental wars, and a

numerous garrison of Albanians and Macedonians, who, in every age,

have maintained the character of soldiers. In the prosecution of his

enterprise, the courage of Guiscard was assailed by every form of danger

and mischance. In the most propitious season of the year, as his fleet

passed along the coast, a storm of wind and snow unexpectedly arose:

the Adriatic was swelled by the raging blast of the south, and a new

shipwreck confirmed the old infamy of the Acroceraunian rocks. The

sails, the masts, and the oars, were shattered or torn away; the sea

and shore were covered with the fragments of vessels, with arms and dead

bodies; and the greatest part of the provisions were either drowned or

damaged. The ducal galley was laboriously rescued from the waves, and

Robert halted seven days on the adjacent cape, to collect the relics of

his loss, and revive the drooping spirits of his soldiers. The Normans

were no longer the bold and experienced mariners who had explored the

ocean from Greenland to Mount Atlas, and who smiled at the petty dangers

of the Mediterranean. They had wept during the tempest; they were

alarmed by the hostile approach of the Venetians, who had been solicited

by the prayers and promises of the Byzantine court. The first day's

action was not disadvantageous to Bohemond, a beardless youth, who led

the naval powers of his father. All night the galleys of the republic

lay on their anchors in the form of a crescent; and the victory of the

second day was decided by the dexterity of their evolutions, the station

of their archers, the weight of their javelins, and the borrowed aid

of the Greek fire. The Apulian and Ragusian vessels fled to the shore,

several were cut from their cables, and dragged away by the conqueror;

and a sally from the town carried slaughter and dismay to the tents of

the Norman duke. A seasonable relief was poured into Durazzo, and as

soon as the besiegers had lost the command of the sea, the islands

and maritime towns withdrew from the camp the supply of tribute and

provision. That camp was soon afflicted with a pestilential disease;

five hundred knights perished by an inglorious death; and the list of

burials (if all could obtain a decent burial) amounted to ten thousand

persons. Under these calamities, the mind of Guiscard alone was firm and

invincible; and while he collected new forces from Apulia and Sicily, he

battered, or scaled, or sapped, the walls of Durazzo. But his industry

and valor were encountered by equal valor and more perfect industry. A

movable turret, of a size and capacity to contain five hundred soldiers,

had been rolled forwards to the foot of the rampart: but the descent of

the door or drawbridge was checked by an enormous beam, and the wooden

structure was constantly consumed by artificial flames.

While the Roman empire was attacked by the Turks in the East, east, and

the Normans in the West, the aged successor of Michael surrendered the

sceptre to the hands of Alexius, an illustrious captain, and the founder

of the Comnenian dynasty. The princess Anne, his daughter and historian,

observes, in her affected style, that even Hercules was unequal to a

double combat; and, on this principle, she approves a hasty peace with

the Turks, which allowed her father to undertake in person the relief of

Durazzo. On his accession, Alexius found the camp without soldiers, and

the treasury without money; yet such were the vigor and activity of his

measures, that in six months he assembled an army of seventy thousand

men, and performed a march of five hundred miles. His troops were levied

in Europe and Asia, from Peloponnesus to the Black Sea; his majesty

was displayed in the silver arms and rich trappings of the companies

of Horse-guards; and the emperor was attended by a train of nobles and

princes, some of whom, in rapid succession, had been clothed with

the purple, and were indulged by the lenity of the times in a life of

affluence and dignity. Their youthful ardor might animate the multitude;

but their love of pleasure and contempt of subordination were pregnant

with disorder and mischief; and their importunate clamors for speedy

and decisive action disconcerted the prudence of Alexius, who might have

surrounded and starved the besieging army. The enumeration of provinces

recalls a sad comparison of the past and present limits of the Roman

world: the raw levies were drawn together in haste and terror; and

the garrisons of Anatolia, or Asia Minor, had been purchased by the

evacuation of the cities which were immediately occupied by the

Turks. The strength of the Greek army consisted in the Varangians, the

Scandinavian guards, whose numbers were recently augmented by a colony

of exiles and volunteers from the British Island of Thule. Under the

yoke of the Norman conqueror, the Danes and English were oppressed

and united; a band of adventurous youths resolved to desert a land

of slavery; the sea was open to their escape; and, in their long

pilgrimage, they visited every coast that afforded any hope of liberty

and revenge. They were entertained in the service of the Greek emperor;

and their first station was in a new city on the Asiatic shore: but

Alexius soon recalled them to the defence of his person and palace; and

bequeathed to his successors the inheritance of their faith and valor.

The name of a Norman invader revived the memory of their wrongs: they

marched with alacrity against the national foe, and panted to regain

in Epirus the glory which they had lost in the battle of Hastings. The

Varangians were supported by some companies of Franks or Latins; and

the rebels, who had fled to Constantinople from the tyranny of Guiscard,

were eager to signalize their zeal and gratify their revenge. In

this emergency, the emperor had not disdained the impure aid of the

Paulicians or ManichÊans of Thrace and Bulgaria; and these heretics

united with the patience of martyrdom the spirit and discipline of

active valor. The treaty with the sultan had procured a supply of some

thousand Turks; and the arrows of the Scythian horse were opposed to

the lances of the Norman cavalry. On the report and distant prospect of

these formidable numbers, Robert assembled a council of his principal

officers. "You behold," said he, "your danger: it is urgent and

inevitable. The hills are covered with arms and standards; and the

emperor of the Greeks is accustomed to wars and triumphs. Obedience and

union are our only safety; and I am ready to yield the command to a more

worthy leader." The vote and acclamation even of his secret enemies,

assured him, in that perilous moment, of their esteem and confidence;

and the duke thus continued: "Let us trust in the rewards of victory,

and deprive cowardice of the means of escape. Let us burn our vessels

and our baggage, and give battle on this spot, as if it were the

place of our nativity and our burial." The resolution was unanimously

approved; and, without confining himself to his lines, Guiscard awaited

in battle-array the nearer approach of the enemy. His rear was covered

by a small river; his right wing extended to the sea; his left to the

hills: nor was he conscious, perhaps, that on the same ground CÊsar and

Pompey had formerly disputed the empire of the world.

Against the advice of his wisest captains, Alexius resolved to risk

the event of a general action, and exhorted the garrison of Durazzo to

assist their own deliverance by a well-timed sally from the town. He

marched in two columns to surprise the Normans before daybreak on two

different sides: his light cavalry was scattered over the plain; the

archers formed the second line; and the Varangians claimed the honors of

the vanguard. In the first onset, the battle-axes of the strangers made

a deep and bloody impression on the army of Guiscard, which was

now reduced to fifteen thousand men. The Lombards and Calabrians

ignominiously turned their backs; they fled towards the river and the

sea; but the bridge had been broken down to check the sally of the

garrison, and the coast was lined with the Venetian galleys, who played

their engines among the disorderly throng. On the verge of ruin, they

were saved by the spirit and conduct of their chiefs. Gaita, the wife of

Robert, is painted by the Greeks as a warlike Amazon, a second Pallas;

less skilful in arts, but not less terrible in arms, than the Athenian

goddess: though wounded by an arrow, she stood her ground, and strove,

by her exhortation and example, to rally the flying troops. Her female

voice was seconded by the more powerful voice and arm of the Norman

duke, as calm in action as he was magnanimous in council: "Whither," he

cried aloud, "whither do ye fly? Your enemy is implacable; and death

is less grievous than servitude." The moment was decisive: as the

Varangians advanced before the line, they discovered the nakedness of

their flanks: the main battle of the duke, of eight hundred knights,

stood firm and entire; they couched their lances, and the Greeks deplore

the furious and irresistible shock of the French cavalry. Alexius was

not deficient in the duties of a soldier or a general; but he no sooner

beheld the slaughter of the Varangians, and the flight of the Turks,

than he despised his subjects, and despaired of his fortune. The

princess Anne, who drops a tear on this melancholy event, is reduced

to praise the strength and swiftness of her father's horse, and his

vigorous struggle when he was almost overthrown by the stroke of a

lance, which had shivered the Imperial helmet. His desperate valor broke

through a squadron of Franks who opposed his flight; and after wandering

two days and as many nights in the mountains, he found some repose,

of body, though not of mind, in the walls of Lychnidus. The victorious

Robert reproached the tardy and feeble pursuit which had suffered the

escape of so illustrious a prize: but he consoled his disappointment by

the trophies and standards of the field, the wealth and luxury of the

Byzantine camp, and the glory of defeating an army five times more

numerous than his own. A multitude of Italians had been the victims

of their own fears; but only thirty of his knights were slain in

this memorable day. In the Roman host, the loss of Greeks, Turks, and

English, amounted to five or six thousand: the plain of Durazzo was

stained with noble and royal blood; and the end of the impostor Michael

was more honorable than his life.

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