It had cost Leicester some years and much labor to climb to the summit

of his greatness; his descent was rapid beyond the calculation of the

most sanguine among his enemies. He had hitherto enjoyed the

coöperation of the powerful earls of Derby and Gloucester; but, if he

was too ambitious to admit of an equal, they were too proud to bow to

a fellow-subject. Frequent altercations betrayed their secret

jealousies; and the sudden arrest and imprisonment of Derby, on a

charge of corresponding with the royalists, warned Gloucester of his

own danger. He would have shared the captivity of his friends had he

assisted at the great tournament at Northampton; but by his absence he

disconcerted the plans of his enemy, and, recalling Mortimer and the

exiles, unfurled the royal standard in the midst of his tenantry.

Leicester immediately hastened to Hereford with the King, the Prince,

and a numerous body of knights. To prevent the effusion of blood their

common friends intervened; a reconciliation was effected, and four

umpires undertook the task of reconciling their differences. But under

this appearance of friendship all was hollow and insincere. Leicester

sought to circumvent his adversary; Gloucester waited the result of a

plan for the liberation of Edward, which had been concerted through

the means of Thomas de Clare, brother to the Earl, and companion to

the Prince.

One day after dinner Edward obtained permission to take the air

without the walls of Hereford, attended by his keepers. They rode to

Widmarsh. A proposal was made to try the speed of their horses;

several matches were made and run; and the afternoon was passed in a

succession of amusements. A little before sunset there appeared on

Tulington hill a person riding on a gray charger and waving his

bonnet. The Prince, who knew the signal, bidding adieu to the company,

instantly galloped off with his friend, another knight, and four

esquires. The keepers followed; but in a short time Mortimer, with a

band of armed men, issued from a wood, received Edward with

acclamations of joy, and conducted him to his castle of Wigmore. The

next day the Prince met the Earl of Gloucester at Ludlow. They

mutually pledged themselves to forget all former injuries, and to

unite their efforts for the liberation of the King, on condition that

he should govern according to the laws, and should exclude foreigners

from his councils.

When Leicester received the news of Edward's escape, he conceived that

the prince was gone to join the Earl Warenne, and William de Valence,

who a few days before had landed with one hundred and twenty knights

on the coast of Pembrokeshire. Ignorant, however, of his real motions,

he dared not pursue him; but issued writs in the King's name, ordering

the military tenants of the Crown to assemble at first in Worcester,

and afterward in Gloucester. To these he added circular letters to the

bishops, accusing Edward of rebellion, and requesting a sentence of

excommunication against all disturbers of the peace "from the highest

to the lowest." The royalists had wisely determined to cut off his

communication with the rest of the kingdom by securing to themselves

the command of the Severn. Worcester readily opened its gates;

Gloucester was taken by storm; and the castle, after a siege of two

weeks, was surrendered on condition that the garrison should not serve

again during the next forty days. Every bridge was now broken down;

the small craft on the river was sunk or destroyed; and the fords were

either deepened or watched by powerful detachments. Leicester, caught

as it were in the toils, remained inactive at Hereford; but he awaited

the arrival of the troops whom he had summoned, and concluded with

Llewellyn of Wales a treaty of alliance, by which, for the pretended

payment of thirty thousand marks, Henry was made to resign all the

advantages which he and his predecessors had wrested from the princes

of that country. At last, reinforced by a party of Welshmen, the Earl

marched to the south, took and destroyed the castle of Monmouth, and

fixed his head-quarters at Newport. Here he expected a fleet of

transports to convey him to Bristol; but the galleys of the Earl of

Gloucester blockaded the mouth of the Avon; and Edward, with the

bravest of his knights, made an attempt on the town of Newport itself.

The part which lay on the left bank of the Usk was carried; but the

destruction of the bridge arrested the progress of the victors, and

Leicester, with his dispirited followers, escaped into Wales.

Misfortune now pressed on misfortune; and the last anchor of his hope

was broken by the defeat of his son Simon of Montfort. That young

nobleman was employed in the siege of Pevensey, on the coast of

Sussex, when he received the King's writ to repair to Worcester. On

his march he sacked the city of Winchester, the gates of which had

been shut against him, passed peaceably through Oxford, and reached

the castle of Kenilworth, the principal residence of his family. Here

he remained for some days in heedless security, awaiting the orders of

his father. Margot, a woman who in male attire performed the office of

a spy, informed the Prince that Simon lay in the priory, and his

followers in the neighboring farmhouses. Edward immediately formed the

design of surprising them in their beds; and marching from Worcester

in the evening, arrived at Kenilworth about sunrise the next morning.

Twelve bannerets with all their followers were made prisoners; and

their horses and treasures repaid the industry of the captors. Simon

alone with his pages escaped naked into the castle.

Leicester on the same day had crossed the Severn by a ford, and halted

at Kempsey, about three miles from Worcester. Happy to find himself at

last on the left bank of the river, and ignorant of the fate of his

son and the motions of the enemy, he proceeded to Evesham, with the

intention of continuing his march the next morning for Kenilworth. The

Prince had returned with his prisoners to Worcester, but left the city

in the evening, and, to mask his real design, took the road which

leads to Bridgenorth. He passed the river near Clains, and, wheeling

to the right, arrived before sunrise in the neighborhood of Evesham.

He took his station on the summit of a hill in the direction of

Kenilworth; two other divisions, under the Earl of Gloucester and

Roger de Mortimer, occupied the remaining roads. As the royalists bore

the banners of their captives, they were taken by the enemy for the

army of Simon de Montfort. But the mistake was soon discovered.

Leicester, from an eminence, surveyed their numbers and disposition,

and was heard to exclaim, "The Lord have mercy on our souls, for our

bodies are Prince Edward's." According to his custom he spent some

time in prayer, and received the sacrament. His first object was to

force his way through the division on the hill. Foiled in this

attempt, and in danger of being surrounded, he ordered his men to form

a circle, and oppose on all sides the pressure of the enemy. For a

while the courage of despair proved a match for the superiority of

numbers. The old King, who had been compelled to appear in the ranks,

was slightly wounded, and as he fell from his horse would probably

have been killed had he not cried out to his antagonist, "Hold,

fellow! I am Harry of Winchester." The Prince knew the voice of his

father, sprang to his rescue, and conducted him to a place of safety.

During his absence Leicester's horse was killed under him; and, as he

fought on foot, he asked if they gave quarter. A voice replied, "There

is no quarter for traitors." Henry de Montfort, his eldest son, who

would not leave his side, fell at his feet. His dead body was soon

covered by that of the father. The royalists obtained a complete but

sanguinary victory. Of Leicester's partisans all the barons and

knights were slain, with the exception of about ten, who were

afterward found breathing, and were cured of their wounds. The foot

soldiers of the royal army--so we are told to save the honor of the

leaders--offered to the body of the earl every indignity. His mangled

remains were afterward collected by the King's orders and buried in

the church of the abbey.

By this victory the sceptre was replaced in the hands of Henry. With

their leader, the hopes of the barons had been extinguished: they

spontaneously set at liberty the prisoners who had been detained since

the battle of Lewes, and anxiously awaited the determination of the

Parliament, which had been summoned to meet at Winchester. In that

assembly it was enacted that all grants and patents issued under the

King's seal during the time of his captivity should be revoked; that

the citizens of London, for their obstinacy and excesses, should

forfeit their charter; that the Countess of Leicester and her family

should quit the kingdom; and that the estates of all who had adhered

to the late earl should be confiscated. The rigor of the last article

was afterward softened by a declaration, in which the King granted a

free pardon to those who could show that their conduct had not been

voluntary, but the effect of compulsion. These measures, however, were

not calculated to restore the public tranquillity. The sufferers,

prompted by revenge, or compelled by want, had again recourse to the

sword; the mountains, forests, and morasses furnished them with places

of retreat; and the flames of predatory warfare were kindled in most

parts of the kingdom. To reduce these partial but successive

insurrections occupied Prince Edward the greater part of two years. He

first compelled Simon de Montfort and his associates, who had sought

an asylum in the Isle of Axholm, to submit to the award which should

be given by himself and the King of the Romans. He next led his forces

against the men of the Cinque Ports, who had long been distinguished

by their attachment to Leicester, and who since his fall had, by their

piracies, interrupted the commerce of the narrow seas, and made prizes

of all ships belonging to the King's subjects. The capture of

Winchelsea, which was carried by storm, taught them to respect the

authority of the sovereign; and their power by sea made the Prince

desirous to recall them to their duty and attach them to the crown.

They swore fealty to Henry; and in return obtained a full pardon and

the confirmation of their privileges. From the Cinque Ports Edward

proceeded to Hampshire, which, with Berkshire and the neighboring

counties, was ravaged by numerous banditti, under the command of Adam

Gordon, the most athletic man of the age. They were surprised in Alton

Wood, in Buckinghamshire. The Prince engaged in single combat with

their leader, wounded and unhorsed him, and then, in reward of his

valor, granted him his pardon. Still the garrison of Kenilworth

continued to brave the royal power, and even added contumely to their

disobedience. Having in one of their excursions taken a king's

messenger, they cut off one of his hands, and sent him back with an

insolent message to Henry. To subdue these obstinate rebels it was

necessary to summon the chivalry of the kingdom; but the strength of

the place defied all the efforts of the assailants; and the obstinacy

of Hastings the governor refused for six months every offer which was

made to him in the name of his sovereign.

There were many, even among the royalists, who disapproved of the

indiscriminate severity exercised by the parliament at Winchester; and

a possibility was suggested of granting indulgence to the sufferers,

and at the same time satisfying those who had profited by their

forfeitures. With this view a committee was appointed of twelve

prelates and barons, whose award was confirmed by the King in

parliament, and called the _Dictum de Kenilworth_. They divided the

delinquents into three classes. In the first were the Earl of Derby,

Hugh de Hastings, who had earned his preëminence by his superior

ferocity, and the persons who had so insolently mutilated the King's

messenger. The second comprised all who on different occasions had

drawn the sword against their sovereign; and in the third were

numbered those who, though they had not fought under the banner, had

accepted office under the authority, of Leicester. To all was given

the option of redeeming their estates by the payment to the actual

possessors of certain sums of money, to the amount of seven years'

value by delinquents of the first class, of five by those of the

second, and of two years or one year by those of the third. By many

the boon was accepted with gratitude: it was scornfully refused by the

garrison of the castle of Kenilworth and by the outlaws who had fled

to the Isle of Ely. The obstinacy of the former was subdued by famine;

and they obtained from the clemency of the King the grant of their

lives, limbs, and apparel. The latter, relying on the strength of

their asylum, gloried in their rebellion, and occasionally ravaged the

neighboring country. Their impunity was, however, owing to the perfidy

of the Earl of Gloucester, who, without the talents, aspired to the

fame and preëminence, of his deceased rival. He expressed his

disapprobation of the award; the factious inhabitants of London chose

him for their leader; and his presumption was nourished by the daily

accession of outlaws from different parts of the country. Henry

summoned his friends to the siege of the capital; and the Earl, when

he beheld from the walls the royal army, and reflected on the

consequences of a defeat, condemned his own temerity, accepted the

mediation of the King of the Romans, and on the condition of receiving

a full pardon, gladly returned to his duty, leaving at the same time

the citizens to the good pleasure of the King. His submission drew

after it the submission of the other insurgents. If Llewellyn remained

in arms, it was only with the hope of extorting more favorable terms.

The title of Prince of Wales with a right to the homage of the Welsh

chieftains satisfied his ambition; and he consented to swear fealty to

Henry, and to pay him the sum of twenty-five thousand marks. The

restoration of tranquillity allowed the King to direct his attention

to the improvement of his people. He condescended to profit by the

labors of his adversaries; and some of the most useful among the

provisions of the barons were with other laws enacted by legitimate

authority in a parliament at Marlborough. To crown this important

work, and to extinguish, if it were possible, the very embers of

discontent, the clergy were brought forward with a grant of the

twentieth of their revenues, as a fund which might enable those who

had been prevented by poverty to redeem their estates according to the

decision of the arbitrators at Kenilworth. The outlaws in the Isle of

Ely were also reduced. The King's poverty had disabled him from

undertaking offensive measures against them: but a grant of the tenth

part of the church revenues for three years, which he had obtained

from the Pope, infused new vigor into his councils; bridges were

thrown over the rivers; roads were constructed across the marshes; and

the rebels returned to their obedience on condition that they should

enjoy the benefit of the Dictum of Kenilworth, which they had so

contemptuously and obstinately refused.

LOUIS IX LEADS THE LAST CRUSADE

A.D. 1270

JOSEPH FRANÇOIS MICHAUD

Louis IX, King of France, 1226-1270, was at once a monarch

of great ability and a man of intense religious spirit.

Naturally, in such a time as that of his reign, a man like

Louis would be a crusader. His first expedition--called the

Seventh Crusade, 1248-1254--was directed against Egypt. He

captured Damietta in 1249 and pushed into the interior, but

was defeated by the Egyptian Sultan and taken prisoner with

his entire army. He was liberated on the surrender of

Damietta and the payment of a large ransom, and in 1254 he

returned to France.

The state of Europe meanwhile had become unfavorable to

further prosecution of the crusades, and Louis was the only

monarch who longer took a serious interest in the fate of

the Christian colonies of Asia. He also wished to avenge the

honor of the French arms in Egypt, and so at length he

planned a new expedition against the Moslems in that

country. But he long kept this purpose a secret "between God

and himself." Louis consulted Pope Clement IV, who at first

tried to discourage the perilous enterprise; but finally the

Pontiff gave his approval, and while admitting no others as

yet into his designs, Louis quietly made preparation and

awaited the favorable hour.

At last, the great Parliament of France being assembled in

the hall of the Louvre, the King entered, bearing in his

hand the crown of thorns of Christ. At sight of this, the

whole assembly became aware of the monarch's intentions,

which he now fully made known, exhorting all who heard him

to take the cross. A sad surprise fell upon the reluctant

parliament; but Louis was strongly seconded by the Pope's

legate, and many of the prelates, nobles, and knights

received the cross.

Notwithstanding the deep regret which spread among his

people, who felt the need of their sovereign's presence for

keeping peace and order in the kingdom, and also feared for

his own safety--his health being greatly impaired--there was

profound respect for the motives of Louis and general

acquiescence in his determination. Among many this

resignation gave place to zealous devotion, and "the warlike

nobility of the kingdom only thought of following their King

in an expedition which was already looked upon as

unfortunate." Final preparations were accordingly made for

Louis' undertaking.

While all France was engaged in preparing for the expedition beyond

the seas, the crusade was preached in the other countries of Europe. A

council was held at Northampton, in England, in which Ottobon, the

Pope's legate, exhorted the faithful to arm themselves to save the

little that remained of the kingdom of Jerusalem; and Prince Edward

took the cross, to discharge the vow that his father, Henry III, had

made when the news reached Europe of the captivity of Louis IX in

Egypt. After the example of Edward, his brother, Prince Edmund, with

the earls of Pembroke and Warwick, and many knights and barons, agreed

to take arms against the infidels. The same zeal for the deliverance

of the holy places was manifested in Scotland, when John Baliol and

several nobles enrolled themselves under the banners of the cross.

Cataloni and Castile furnished a great number of crusaders; the King

of Portugal, and James, King of Aragon, took the cross. Doña Sancha,

one of the daughters of the Aragonese prince, had made a pilgrimage to

Jerusalem, and had died in the hospital of St. John, after devoting

many years to the service of pilgrims and the sick. James had several

times conquered the Moors, but neither his exploits against the

infidels nor the remembrance of a daughter who had fallen a martyr to

Christian charity could sustain his piety against the attacks of his

earthly passions, and his shameful connection with Berengaria

scandalized Christendom.

The Pope, to whom he communicated his design of going to the Holy

Land, replied that Jesus Christ could not accept the services of a

prince who crucified him every day by his sins. The King of Aragon, by

a strange combination of opposite sentiments, would neither renounce

Berengaria nor give up his project of going to fight against the

infidels in the East. He renewed his oath in a great assembly at

Toledo, at which the ambassadors of the Khan of Tartary and of the

King of Armenia were present. We read, in a Spanish dissertation upon

the crusades, that Alfonso the Wise, who was not able to go to the

East himself, furnished the King of Aragon with a hundred men and a

hundred thousand marvedis in gold; the Order of St. James, and other

orders of knighthood, who had often accompanied the conqueror of the

Moors in his battles, supplied him also with men and money. The city

of Barcelona offered him eighty thousand Barcelonese sols, and Majorca

fifty thousand silver sols, with two equipped vessels. The fleet,

composed of thirty large ships, and a great number of smaller craft,

in which were embarked eight hundred men-at-arms and two thousand foot

soldiers, set out from Barcelona on the 4th of September, 1268. When

they arrived off Majorca, the fleet was dispersed by a tempest; one

part of the vessels gained the coasts of Asia, another took shelter in

the ports of Sardinia, the vessel that the King of Arragon was on

board of was cast upon the coast of Languedoc.

The arrival at Ptolemais of the Aragonese crusaders, commanded by a

natural son of James, restored some hopes to the Franks of Palestine.

An envoy from the King of Aragon, according to the oriental

chronicles, repaired to the Khan of the Tartars, to announce to him

that the Spanish monarch would soon arrive with his army. But whether

he was detained by the charms of Berengaria, or whether the tempest

that dispersed his fleet made him believe that heaven was averse to

his pilgrimage, James did not arrive. His departure, in which he

appeared to despise the counsels of the holy see, had been severely

censured; and his return, which was attributed to his disgraceful

passion, met with an equal share of blame. Murmurs likewise arose

against the King of Portugal, who had levied the tenths, but did not

leave his kingdom.

All those who in Europe took an interest in the crusade, had, at this

time, their eyes directed toward the kingdom of Naples, where Charles

of Anjou was making great preparations to accompany his brother into

the East; but this kingdom, recently conquered, was doomed again to be

the theatre of a war kindled by vengeance and ambition. There fell out

in the states of Naples and Sicily, which had so often changed

masters, that which almost always takes place after a revolution:

deceived hopes were changed into hatreds; the excesses inseparable

from a conquest, the presence of an army proud of its victories, with

the too violent government of Charles, animated the people against

their new King.

Clement IV thought it his duty to give a timely and salutary warning.

"Your kingdom," he wrote to him, "at first exhausted by the agents of

your authority, is now torn by your enemies; thus the caterpillar

destroys what has escaped the grasshopper. The kingdom of Sicily and

Naples has not been wanting in men to desolate it; where now are they

that will defend it?" This letter of the Pope's announced storms ready

to break forth. Many of those who had called Charles to the throne

regretted the house of Swabia, and directed their new hopes toward

Italy, strengthening Conradin, heir of Frederick and of Conrad. This

young Prince quitted Germany with an army and advanced toward Italy,

strengthening himself in his march with the party of the Ghibellines,

and with all those whom the domination of Charles had irritated. All

Italy was in flames, and the Pope, Charles' protector, retired to

Viterbo, had no defence to afford him, except only the thunders of the

Church.

Charles of Anjou, however, now assembled his troops, and marched out

to meet his rival. The two armies met in the plain of St. Valentine,

near Aquila; the army of Conradin was cut to pieces, and the young

Prince fell into the power of the conqueror. Posterity cannot pardon

Charles for having abused his victory here so far as to condemn and

decapitate his disarmed and vanquished enemy. After this execution,

Sicily and the country of Naples were given up to all the furies of a

jealous, suspicious tyranny, for violence produces violence, and great

political crimes never come alone. It was thus that Charles got ready

for the crusade; but, on the other hand, Providence was preparing

terrible catastrophes for him. "So true it is," says a historian,

"that God as often gives kingdoms to punish those he elevates as to

chastise those whom he brings low."

The Great Events by Famous Historians, Volume 06 (From Barbarossa to Dante) · 第 26 / 38 段