The King, now finding himself at liberty, was induced to visit Louis

of France; and Leicester embraced the opportunity to return to England

and reorganize the association which had so lately been dissolved. His

hopes of success were founded on the pride and imprudence of Prince

Edward, who, untaught by experience, had called around him a guard of

foreigners, and intrusted to their leaders the custody of his castles.

Such conduct not only awakened the jealousy of the barons, but

alienated the affections of the royalists. Henry, at his return, aware

of the designs of his enemies, ordered the citizens of London, the

inhabitants of the Cinque Ports, and the principal barons, and

afterward all freemen throughout the kingdom, to swear fealty not only

to himself but, in the event of his death, to his eldest son the

Prince Edward. To the second oath the Earl of Gloucester objected. He

was immediately joined at Oxford by his associates; and in a few days

the Earl of Leicester appeared at their head. With the royal banner

displayed before them, they took Gloucester, Worcester, and

Bridgenorth; ravaged without mercy the lands of the royalists, the

foreigners, and the natives who refused to join their ranks, and,

augmenting their numbers as they advanced, directed their march toward

London. In London the aldermen and principal citizens were devoted to

the King: the mayor and the populace openly declared for the barons.

Henry was in possession of the Tower; and Edward, after taking by

force one thousand marks out of the temple, hastened to throw himself

into the castle of Windsor, the most magnificent palace, if we may

believe a contemporary, then existing in Europe. The Queen attempted

to follow her son by water; but the populace insulted her with the

most opprobrious epithets, discharged volleys of filth into the royal

barge, and prepared to sink it with large stones as it should pass

beneath the bridge. The mayor at length took her under his protection

and placed her in safety in the episcopal palace near St. Paul's.

The King of the Romans now appeared again on the scene in the quality

of mediator. The negotiation lasted three weeks: but Henry was

compelled to yield to the increasing power of his adversaries; and it

was agreed that the royal castles should once more be intrusted to the

custody of the barons, the foreigners be again banished, and the

Provisions of Oxford be confirmed, subject to such alterations as

should be deemed proper by a committee appointed for that purpose.

Henry returned to his palace at Westminster; new officers of state

were selected; and the King's concessions were notified to the

conservators of the peace in the several counties.

The King now found himself sufficiently strong to take the field. He

was disappointed in an attempt to obtain possession of Dover; but

nearly succeeded in surprising the Earl of Leicester, who with a small

body of forces had marched from Kenilworth to Southwark. Henry

appeared on one side of the town, the Prince on the other; and the

royalists had previously closed the gates of the city. So imminent was

the danger that the Earl, who had determined not to yield, advised his

companions to assume the cross, and to prepare themselves for death by

the offices of religion. But the opportunity was lost by a strict

adherence to the custom of the times. A herald was sent to require him

to surrender; and in the mean while the populace, acquainted with the

danger of their favorite, burst open the gates and introduced him into

the city.

The power of the two parties was now more equally balanced, and their

mutual apprehensions inclined them to listen to the pacific

exhortations of the bishops. It was agreed to refer every subject of

dispute to the arbitration of the King of France; an expedient which

had been proposed the last year by Henry, but rejected by Leicester.

Louis accepted the honorable office, and summoned the parties to

appear before him at Amiens. The King attended in person; the earl,

who was detained at home in consequence of a real or pretended fall

from his horse, had sent his attorneys. Both parties solemnly swore to

abide by the decision of the French monarch. Louis heard the

allegations and arguments of each, consulted his court, and pronounced

judgment in favor of Henry. He annulled the Provisions of Oxford as

destructive of the rights of the crown and injurious to the interests

of the nation; ordered the royal castles to be restored; gave to the

King the authority to appoint all the officers of the state and of his

household, and to call to his council whomsoever he thought proper,

whether native or foreigner; reinstated him in the same condition in

which he was before the meeting of the "Mad Parliament," and ordered

that all offences committed by either party should be buried in

oblivion. This award was soon afterward confirmed by Pope Urban; and

the Archbishop of Canterbury received an order to excommunicate all

who, in violation of their oaths, should refuse to submit to it.

The barons had already taken their resolution. The moment the decision

was announced to them they declared that it was, on the face of it,

contrary to truth and justice, and had been procured by the undue

influence which the Queen of Louis, the sister-in-law to Henry,

possessed over the mind of her husband. Hostilities immediately

recommenced; and as every man of property was compelled to adhere to

one of the two parties, the flames of civil war were lighted up in

almost every part of the kingdom. In the North, and in Cornwall and

Devon, the decided superiority of the royalists forced the friends of

the barons to dissemble their real sentiments; the midland counties

and the marches of Wales were pretty equally divided: but in the

Cinque Ports, the metropolis, and the neighboring districts Montfort

ruled without opposition. His partisan, Thomas Fitz-Thomas, had been

intruded into the office of mayor of London; and a convention for

their mutual security had been signed by that officer and the

commonalty of the city on the one part, and the earls of Leicester,

Gloucester, and Derby, Hugh le Despenser, the grand justiciary, and

twelve barons on the other. In the different wardmotes every male

inhabitant above twelve years of age was sworn a member of the

association: a constable and marshal of the city were appointed; and

orders were given that at the sound of the great bell at St. Paul's

all should assemble in arms and obey the authority of these officers.

The efficacy of the new arrangements was immediately put to the test.

Despenser, the justiciary, came from the Tower, put himself at the

head of the associated bands, and conducted them to destroy the two

palaces of the King of the Romans, at Isleworth and Westminster, and

the houses of the nobility and citizens known or suspected to be

attached to the royal cause. The justices of the king's bench and the

barons of the exchequer were thrown into prison; the moneys belonging

to foreign merchants and bankers, which for security had been

deposited in the churches, were carried to the Tower; and the Jews, to

the number of five hundred, men, women, and children, were conducted

to a place of confinement. Out of these, Despenser selected a few of

the more wealthy, that he might enrich himself by their ransom; the

rest he abandoned to the cruelty and rapacity of the populace, who,

after stripping them of their clothes, massacred them all in cold

blood. Cock ben Abraham, who was considered the most opulent

individual in the kingdom, had been killed in his own house by John

Fitz-John, one of the barons. The murderer at first appropriated to

himself the treasure of his victim; but he afterward thought it more

prudent to secure a moiety, by making a present of the remainder to

Leicester.[61]

Henry had summoned the tenants of the crown to meet him at Oxford; and

being joined by Comyn, Bruce, and Baliol, the lords of the Scottish

borders, unfurled his standard and placed himself at the head of the

army. His first attempts were successful. Northampton, Leicester, and

Nottingham, three of the strongest fortresses in the possession of the

barons, were successively reduced; and among the captives were

reckoned Simon the eldest of Leicester's sons, fourteen other

bannerets, forty knights, and a numerous body of esquires. From

Nottingham he was recalled into Kent by the danger of his nephew

Henry, besieged in the castle of Rochester, At his approach the enemy,

who had taken and pillaged the city, retired with precipitation; and

the King, after an ineffectual attempt to secure the coöperation of

the Cinque Ports, fixed his head-quarters in the town of Lewes.

Leicester, having added a body of fifteen thousand citizens to his

army, marched from London, with a resolution to bring the controversy

to an issue. From Fletching he despatched a letter to Henry,

protesting that neither he nor his associates had taken up arms

against the King, but against the evil counsellors who enjoyed and

abused the confidence of their sovereign. Henry returned a public

defiance, which was accompanied by a message from Prince Edward and

the King of the Romans, declaring in the name of the royal barons that

the charge was false; pronouncing Montfort and his adherents perjured;

and daring the earls of Leicester and Derby to appear in the King's

court and prove their assertion by single combat. After the

observation of these forms, which the feudal connection between the

lord and the vassal was supposed to make necessary, Montfort prepared

for the battle. It was the peculiar talent of this leader to persuade

his followers that the cause in which they fought was the cause of

heaven. He represented to them that their objects were liberty and

justice; and that their opponent was a prince whose repeated violation

of the most solemn oaths had released them from their allegiance, and

had entailed on his head the curse of the Almighty. He ordered each

man to fasten a white cross on the breast and shoulder, and to devote

the next evening to the duties of religion. Early in the morning he

marched forward, and, leaving his baggage and standard on the summit

of a hill, about two miles from Lewes, descended into the plain.

Henry's foragers had discovered and announced his approach; and the

royalists in three divisions silently awaited the attack. Leicester,

having called before the ranks the Earl of Gloucester and several

other young noblemen, bade them kneel down, and conferred on them the

order of knighthood; and the Londoners, who impatiently expected the

conclusion of the ceremony, rushed with loud shouts on the enemy. They

were received by Prince Edward, broken in a few minutes, and driven

back as far as the standard. Had the Prince returned from the pursuit,

and fallen on the rear of the confederates, the victory might have

been secured. But he remembered the insults which the citizens had

offered to his mother, and the excesses of which they had lately been

guilty; the suggestions of prudence were less powerful than the thirst

of revenge; and the pursuit of the fugitives carried him with the

flower of the army four miles from the field of battle. More than

three thousand Londoners were slain; but the advantage was dearly

purchased by the loss of the victory and the ruin of the royal cause.

Leicester, who viewed with pleasure the thoughtless impetuosity of the

Prince, fell with the remainder of his forces on Henry and his

brother. A body of Scots, who fought on foot, was cut to pieces. Their

leaders, John Comyn and Robert de Bruce,[62] were made prisoners: the

same fate befell the King of the Romans; and the combat was feebly

maintained by the exertions and example of Philip Basset, who fought

near the person of Henry. But when that nobleman sank through loss of

blood, his retainers fled; the King, whose horse had been killed under

him, surrendered; and Leicester conducted the royal captive into the

priory. The fugitives, as soon as they learned the fate of their

sovereign, came back to share his captivity, and voluntarily yielded

themselves to their enemies.

When Edward returned from the pursuit, both armies had disappeared. He

traversed the field, which was strewed with the bodies of the slain

and the wounded, anxiously, but fruitlessly, inquiring after his

father. As he approached Lewes, the barons came out, and, on the first

shock, the earl Warenne, with the King's half-brothers and seven

hundred horse, fled to Pevensey, whence they sailed to the Continent.

Edward, with a strong body of veterans from the Welsh marches, rode

along the wall to the castle, and understanding that his father was a

captive in the priory, obtained permission to visit him from

Leicester. An unsuccessful attempt made by the barons against the

castle revived his hopes; he opened a negotiation with the chiefs of

the party; and the next morning was concluded the treaty known by the

name of "the Mise of Lewes." By this it was agreed that all prisoners

taken during the war should be set at liberty; that the princes Edward

and Henry should be kept as hostages for the peaceable conduct of

their fathers, the King of England and the King of the Romans; and

that all matters which could not be amicably adjusted in the next

parliament should be referred to the decision of certain arbitrators.

In the battle of Lewes about five thousand men are said to have fallen

on each side.

By this victory the royal authority was laid prostrate at the feet of

Leicester. The scheme of arbitration was merely a blind to deceive the

vulgar: his past conduct had proved how little he was to be bound by

such decisions; and the referees themselves, aware of the probable

result, refused to accept the office. The great object of his policy

was the preservation of the ascendency which he had acquired. To

Henry, who was now the convenient tool of his ambition, he paid every

exterior demonstration of respect, but never suffered him to depart

out of his custody; and, without consulting him, affixed his seal to

every order which was issued for the degradation of the royal

authority. The King of the Romans, a more resolute and dangerous

enemy, instead of being restored to liberty, was closely confined in

the castle of Wallingford, and afterward in that of Kenilworth; and

the two princes were confided to the custody of the new governor of

Dover, with instructions to allow of no indulgence which might

facilitate their escape. Instead of removing the sheriffs, a creature

of Leicester was sent to each county with the title of conservator of

the peace. This officer was empowered to arrest all persons who should

carry arms without the King's special license; to prevent all breaches

of the peace; to employ the _posse comitatus_ to apprehend offenders;

and to cause four knights to be chosen as the representatives of the

county in the next parliament.

In that assembly a new form of government was established, to last,

unless it were dissolved by mutual consent, till the compromise of

Lewes had been carried into full execution, not only in the reign of

Henry, but also of Edward, the heir-apparent. This form had been

devised by the heads of the faction to conceal their real views from

the people; and was so contrived that they retained in their own hands

the sovereign authority, while to the superficial observer they seemed

to have resigned it to the King and his council. It was enacted that

Henry should delegate the power of choosing his counsellors to a

committee of three persons, whose proceedings should be valid,

provided they were attested by the signatures of two of the number.

The King immediately issued a writ to the Earl of Leicester, the Earl

of Gloucester, and the Bishop of Chichester, authorizing them to

appoint in his name a council of nine members; nor were they slow in

selecting for that purpose the most devoted of their adherents.

The powers given to this council were most extensive, and to be

exercised without control whenever the parliament was not sitting.

Besides the usual authority it possessed the appointment of all the

officers of state, of all the officers of the household, and of all

the governors of the royal castles. Three were ordered to be in

constant attendance on the King's person; all were to be summoned on

matters of great importance; and a majority of two-thirds was required

to give a sanction to their decisions. Hitherto the original committee

seemed to have been forgotten; but it was contrived that when the

council was so divided that the consent of two-thirds could not be

obtained, the question should be reserved for the determination of the

three electors, an artifice by which, under the modest pretence of

providing against dissension, they invested themselves with the

sovereign authority. By additional enactments it was provided that no

foreigner, though he might go or come, or reside peaceably, should be

employed under the government; that past offences should be mutually

forgiven; that the two charters, the provisions made the last year, in

consequence of the Statutes of Oxford, and all the ancient and

laudable customs of the realm, should be inviolably observed; and that

three prelates should be appointed to reform the state of the Church,

and to procure for the clergy, with the aid of the civil power if

necessary, full compensation for their losses during the late

troubles.

The earl was now in reality possessed of more extensive authority than

Henry had ever enjoyed; but he soon discovered that to retain the

object of his ambition would require the exertion of all his powers.

The cause of the captive monarch was ardently espoused by foreign

nations and by the sovereign pontiff. Adventurers from every province

of France crowded to the royal standard which Queen Eleanor had

erected at Damme in Flanders; and a numerous fleet assembled in the

harbor to transport to England the thousands who had sworn to humble

the pride of a disloyal and aspiring subject. To oppose them Leicester

had summoned to the camp on Barham downs, not only the King's military

tenants, but the whole force of the nation,[63] and, taking on himself

the command of the fleet, cruised in the narrow seas to intercept the

invaders. But the winds seemed to be leagued with the earl; the

Queen's army was detained for several weeks in the vicinity of Damme;

and the mercenaries gradually disbanded themselves, when the short

period for which they had contracted to serve was expired. At the same

time the Pontiff had commissioned Guido, Cardinal Bishop of Sabina, to

proceed to England, and take Henry under the papal protection; but,

deterred by the hint of a conspiracy against his life from crossing

the sea, he excommunicated the barons unless before the 1st of

September they should restore the King to all his rights, and at the

same time summoned four of the English prelates to appear before him

at Boulogne. After much tergiversation these obeyed, but appealed from

his jurisdiction to the equity of the Pope or a general council; and

though they consented to bring back a sentence of excommunication

against the King's enemies, they willingly suffered it to be taken

from them by the officers at Dover. Their appeal was approved by the

convocation of the clergy, and Guido, after publishing the

excommunication himself at Hesdin, returned to Rome, where he was

elevated to the chair of St. Peter by the name of Clement IV.

During the summer Leicester had been harassed with repeated

solicitations for the release of the two princes, Edward and Henry. In

the winter he pretended to acquiesce, and convoked a parliament to

meet after Christmas for the avowed purpose of giving the sanction of

the legislature to so important a measure. But the extraordinary

manner in which this assembly was constituted provoked a suspicion

that his real object was to consolidate and perpetuate his own power.

Only those prelates and barons were summoned who were known to be

attached to his party; and the deficiency was supplied by

representatives from the counties, cities, and boroughs who, as they

had been chosen through his influence, proved the obsequious ministers

of his will. Several weeks were consumed in private negotiation with

Henry and his son. Leicester was aware of the untamable spirit of

Edward, nor would he consent that the Prince should exchange his

confinement for the company of his father on any other terms than that

he should still remain under the inspection of his keepers, and evince

his gratitude for the indulgence by ceding to the earl and his heirs

the county of Chester, the castle of Pec, and the town of

Newcastle-under-Lyne; in exchange for which he should receive other

lands of the same annual value. At length the terms were settled, and

confirmed by the parliament, with every additional security which the

jealousy of the faction could devise. It was enacted "by common

consent of the King, his son Edward, the prelates, earls, barons, and

commonalty of the realm," that the charters and the ordinances should

be inviolably observed; that neither the King nor the Prince should

aggrieve the earl or his associates for their past conduct; that if

they did, their vassals and subjects should be released from the

obligation of fealty till full redress were obtained, and their

abettors should be punished with exile and forfeiture; that the

barons, whom the King had defied before the battle of Lewes, should

renew their homage and fealty; but on the express condition that such

homage and fealty should be no longer binding if he violated his

promise; that the command of the royal castles should be taken from

suspected persons and intrusted to officers of approved loyalty; that

the Prince should not leave the realm for three years, under pain of

disherison; that he should not choose his advisers and companions

himself, but receive them from the council of state; that with his

father's consent he should put into the hands of the barons for five

years, five royal castles, as securities for his behavior, and should

deliver to Leicester the town and castle of Bristol in pledge till a

full and legal transfer should be made of Chester, Pec, and Newcastle;

that both Henry and Edward should swear to observe all these articles,

and not to solicit any absolution from their oath, nor make any use of

such absolution, if it were to be pronounced by the Pope; and lastly,

that they should cause the present agreement "To be confirmed in the

best manner that might be devised, in Ireland, in Gascony, by the King

of Scotland, and in all lands subject to the King of England."

These were terms which nothing but necessity could have extorted; and

to add to their stability, they were for the most part embodied in the

form of a writ, signed by the King, and sent to the sheriffs, with

orders to publish them in the full court of each county twice every

year.

It is generally supposed that the project of summoning to parliament

the representatives of the counties, cities, and boroughs grew out of

that system of policy which the earl had long pursued, of flattering

the prejudices, and attaching to himself the affections, of the

people. Nor had his efforts proved unsuccessful. Men in the higher

ranks of life might penetrate behind the veil, with which he sought to

conceal his ambition; but by the nation at large he was considered as

the reformer of abuses, the protector of the oppressed, and the savior

of his country. Even some of the clergy, and several religious bodies,

soured by papal and regal exactions, gave him credit for the truth of

his pretensions, and preachers were found who, though he had been

excommunicated by the legate, made his virtues the theme of their

sermons, and exhorted their hearers to stand by the patron of the poor

and the avenger of the Church.[64] Within the kingdom no man dared to

dispute his authority; it was only at the extremities that a faint

show of resistance was maintained. The distant disobedience of a few

chiefs on the Scottish borders he despised or dissembled; and the open

hostilities of the lords in the Welsh marches were crushed in their

birth by his promptitude and decision. He compelled Roger de Mortimer

and his associates to throw down their arms, surrender their castles,

and abide the judgment of their peers, by whom they were condemned to

expatriate themselves, some for twelve months, others for three years,

and to reside during their exile in Ireland. They pretended to submit,

but lingered on the sea-coast, and amid the mountains of Wales, in the

hope that some new event might recall them to draw the sword and fight

again in the cause of their sovereign.

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