and sailing vessels were on her list at the beginning of hostilities,
but they were not put upon a war footing, and no attempt was made at
naval warfare.
XXXII.
WAR BEGUN.
In the spring of 1846, General Taylor of the regular army of the United
States was sent to the mouth of the Rio Grande, or Rio Bravo del Norte,
as it is also called, with a small force. Mexican troops also assembled
there, and a conflict was precipitated by a Mexican ambuscade on the
Texas side of the river, which attacked a small party of dragoons,
reconnoitering. In this skirmish sixteen Americans were killed or
wounded, and the whole force was captured. This was the beginning of
hostilities. The Mexican army crossed the Rio Grande, and on the 8th of
May the battle of Palo Alto was fought, and that of Resaca de la Palma
on the next day. Both of these places are on the Texas side of the
river. The Mexicans were defeated in each engagement, and they left the
field with a better opinion of the capacity of American troops than the
one they held before. The rout of the Mexicans was complete; their
pieces of light artillery, their camp, and five hundred pack-mules and
saddles remained in the hands of their enemies. General Arista, the
commander of the Mexican force, lost his personal baggage, plate, and
public correspondence. The number of killed and wounded was estimated
at more than a thousand.
After this action, both parties crossed the river, and Mexico became the
theatre of warfare. The Mexican army withdrew at first to Matamoras, at
the mouth of the Rio Grande, and afterward to San Luis de Potosi; Arista
was deprived of his command, and brought to trial before a council of
war.
This was the opening of the conflict, and this might well have been the
end, if Mexico had been capable of rational negotiation. But there was
no government long enough in place to be negotiated with. The special
envoy sent from Washington, agreeably to an intimation on the part of
one President, that negotiations would be cordially entered upon, was
refused an audience by the new President who had usurped the place of
the other one. Such weakness in Mexican high places furnished an excuse
to the American government for continuing the war, while this same
weakness on the part of their antagonist made it almost discreditable
for the United States to continue an aggressive warfare upon forces so
unequal.
However, the war was begun. Hostilities had been opened by Mexico, and
the American people of all parties were aroused. Bills were promptly
passed in Washington providing men, money, and munitions with alacrity,
as if there were but one opinion of the justice of the cause. The
President was authorized to call for volunteers, in any number not
exceeding fifty thousand, to serve for the period of one year, or during
the war, and volunteers readily answered the appeal to arms.
"Indemnity for the past and security for the future," is the watchword
of the United States in its wars with foreign nations. As indemnity for
the wrongs inflicted by Mexico,--that is, her objection to the admission
of Texas to the Union, it was determined to cross her boundary line and
seize upon her territory.
California, then sparsely settled, and comparatively unknown, at a long
distance from the central and civilized part of Mexico, had been
explored already by American travellers, who brought back accounts of
its climate, fertile soil, and mineral resources that showed it to be
worth having. The harbors on its coasts were known to be the only good
ones on the shores of the Northern Pacific Ocean. California lay
immediately south of the United States territory of Oregon, with no
defined natural boundary between them. Many Americans were already
settled there, and altogether it seemed well to transfer this goodly
region to the keeping of the United States. New Mexico, another
department of the Mexican Republic, lying upon the direct route to
California, and in great part included in the boundaries claimed by
Texas upon her admission to the Union, was also another territory that
claimed attention.
It would be too much to say that the United States began hostilities
with a neighboring republic, shaken by internal discord, its government
little better than anarchy, and weak from continuous civil war, for the
sake of snatching from that country a large part of its territory to
enlarge its own already wide proportions. But since the Mexicans,
foolishly and wickedly, had given fair pretext for quarrel, and
afterwards, with the obstinacy of naughty children, refused to recede,
and persisted in resorting to arms, actually making the first attack, it
seemed well to the United States government to call this the inevitable,
and accept it with all the benefits arising from such a course.
Their general plan of operations was to seize and occupy the coveted
territories as "indemnity for the expenses of war," while an army
invading the heart of Mexico should force an agreement to terms of
peace.
In pursuance of this plan, an American squadron appeared before the fort
of Monterey, on the Pacific, in Alta California, on the 7th of July, two
months after the first shots of warfare on the Rio Grande. This Monterey
must not be confounded with the other Mexican town of the same name. The
Mexicans evacuated the place with the few soldiers who constituted the
garrison. On the same day two hundred and fifty seamen landed, and took
possession, and hoisted the American flag. This course was in pursuance
of instructions from the Secretary of the Navy to the commander of the
Pacific squadron, thus expressed in a letter, written as early as June
24, 1845: "It is the earnest desire of the President to pursue the
policy of peace, and he is anxious that you, and every part of your
squadron, should be assiduously careful to avoid any act which could be
construed into an act of aggression. Should Mexico, however, be
resolutely bent on hostilities, you will be mindful to protect the
persons and interests of citizens of the United States, and should you
ascertain beyond a doubt that the Mexican government has declared war
against us, you will employ the force under your command to the best
advantage. The Mexican ports on the Pacific are said to be open and
defenceless. If you ascertain with certainty that Mexico has declared
war against the United States, you will at once blockade or occupy such
ports as your force may admit."
[Illustration: MONTEREY, MEXICO.]
Other ports were taken with equal ease; and the navy having joined
forces with the army of Colonel Fremont, the Americans entered the
capital of Alta California, on the 13th of August, and took possession
of the government house without a show of opposition, issuing at once a
proclamation announcing the conquest of the department.
Meanwhile General Taylor, greatly reinforced by volunteer troops sent
from the United States, advanced into the interior of the country though
the state of Nueva Leon, bordering upon the Rio Grande and the Gulf of
Mexico, and approached its capital, the other Monterey. It lies at the
eastern base of a range of hills, in a valley of great fertility, which
is capable of supporting a large population. The main road from the Rio
Grande to the city of Mexico leads from the east through a cultivated
country, directly through the city, and continues by a pass through the
Sierra, by Saltillo, and on to a desert region between Saltillo and San
Luis de Potosi. A rivulet, the San Juan de Monterey, rises in this pass
and crosses the valley. Monterey stands on the northern bank of this
rivulet, and extends along the stream. At the time of the battle it
contained about two thousand inhabitants. A spur of the mountain Sierra
juts out above the city to the west, and on this is perched the
picturesque Obispado Viejo, or Old Palace, built by a bishop of the last
century for his pleasure-seat.
[Illustration: GENERAL TAYLOR.]
General Ampudia had the charge of the defence of the place, with over
ten thousand men. The town was plentifully supplied with ammunition, and
in the various batteries forty-two guns were mounted. Subsistence for
some days, beef, cattle, and sheep, had been introduced into the city.
The attacking force was known to be too small to completely invest the
town.
The American army made a vigorous onslaught which was bravely resisted
by the Mexicans. The siege lasted for four days, during which the
position of the bishop's palace was keenly contested by both parties.
This was stormed on the morning of the 22d, and carried by a brilliant
attack; but the fate of the siege was not decided until the 25th, when
the Mexican garrison evacuated the citadel, and retreated to Saltillo.
The force with which General Taylor had marched on Monterey was about
six thousand five hundred men. The loss to the American army was twelve
officers and one hundred and eight men killed, and thirty-one officers
and three hundred and thirty-seven men wounded. The number of Mexicans
who fell was probably over one thousand.
Both sides fought with great bravery, and the Mexicans contested the
occupation of their town with determination, during the long and
unceasing conflict. The result was terribly discouraging to the soldiers
of the Mexican army, who were discovering, with every new essay, that
the United States soldiers could fight.
General Ampudia, after the defeat, issued a proclamation announcing it
frankly, with humble apologies for his capacity. He gave a short account
of the operations, highly extolling the valor of his troops, and
attributing the defeat to a series of accidents, concluding with the
assurance to his countrymen that the loss of Monterey was of little
importance, and would soon be forgotten in fresh triumphs of the Mexican
arms.
He soon received orders to march his troops to San Luis de Potosi, on
the backward way towards the capital.
The operations at Monterey, in spite of the opinion of the Mexican
general, had nevertheless a great effect on the progress of the war. It
must have been discouraging to the Mexican people; on the other hand, it
made the war more popular in the United States, where the bravery of the
troops was a subject of national congratulation.
The officers in the army of General Taylor became heroes, and their
military glory was everywhere sounded.
During these events Don Maria Paredes was President of Mexico. His
"Plan" for his country was a monarchy, and apparently heedless, or at
any rate indifferent, to the approach of hostile troops toward his
capital, he occupied himself with forming a ministry favorable to his
scheme, with the intent of making sooner or later a radical change in
the political institutions of the country.
Such intentions had aroused a violent opposition to his administration.
Santa Anna, apparently amusing himself at Havana, but always well
informed by his partisans of what was going on at home, sent home
letters declaring himself in favor of the Constitution of 1824, and
ready, as usual, to serve his country. The American government, hearing
of this, thought it well to encourage Santa Anna, in opposition to
Paredes, for they looked with no favor on the idea of a monarchy in
Mexico, and moreover saw that all negotiations for peace were futile
during the stay of Paredes in power. The Gulf of Mexico was already
blockaded by an American squadron, but orders were issued to permit
Santa Anna to come in, if he wanted to. This order was given before the
battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, and must be taken as a sign
of willingness on the part of the United States for a pacific
accommodation.
But Santa Anna's gifts were those of a military nature, not for peaceful
solutions. If he was to serve his country, it must be by waving the
battle flag and not the olive branch.
The defeats of the army reminded Paredes of the need of regaining his
prestige. He began to put forth some energy in raising men and money,
and gave out that he should repair to the field of action himself to
conduct operations against the invaders in person. Raising money with
great difficulty, and assembling a large army, he made ready to leave
the capital on the 31st of July. On that day the garrison of Vera Cruz
_pronounced_ in favor of Santa Anna, the whole garrison of the city of
Mexico joined in the pronunciamento and seized upon the citadel. Farías,
whom we have known as a patriotic man, lent all his influence to support
this rebellion. The Vice-President, Bravo, and the old ministry, made
some opposition on paper, but it was fruitless, and Paredes was made
prisoner. He was soon liberated and left the country.
Jack-in-the-box Santa Anna was still at Havana, whence he popped up at
once and sailed for Mexico with his suite. He landed at Vera Cruz on the
16th of August, having passed the blockading squadron without question
or delay. Of course he issued a manifesto denouncing the monarchical
schemes of Paredes and the course of the United States, and explaining
the merit of his own conduct. He then retired to his box to await the
course of events, while he sent interested allies to the capital for the
purpose of controlling them. State after state declared in favor of
Santa Anna.
Every nerve was now strained to raise money and troops for the war.
Santa Anna approached the capital, and was met by offers of the supreme
power from the provisional government. They were declined on the ground
that Santa Anna willed to serve his country in the army. He declared
that he would not abandon the post of danger for the post of power, and
closed his answer with assurances of his disinterested patriotism. This
paved the way for his reception at the capital. He was received with a
show of enthusiasm worthy of the regeneration of his country.
This parade of military ardor took place on the 15th of September, while
General Ampudia was strengthening Monterey for the attack. A week later
it had come, and on the 25th the city had capitulated.
On the 8th of October General Santa Anna arrived at San Luis de Potosi
with the troops which had marched from Mexico. He at once set about
organizing the large army called into the field, pledging a part of his
private property as one means of raising money, which was sorely needed
and hard to get.
XXXIII.
PUEBLA LOST.
On the 18th of February, 1847, General Winfield Scott presented himself
before Vera Cruz with a formidable army of American troops. On the 22d
Santa Anna lost the battle of Angostura, or Buena Vista as it is better
known by Americans, and was forced to retire with his troops upon San
Luis. On the 28th the American forces in the north met the Mexicans at
Sacramento and beat them, soon after occupying the important town of
Chihuahua. These events following close upon one another filled the
Mexicans with alarm, but their determination held out, and all the
opportunities for peace offered them by the American government were
waived as an indignity to their national honor.
To raise money was the great difficulty. Calls were made upon the
separate states and upon individuals. The government journals adopted
the motto _Ser o no ser_ ("to be or not to be," literally rendered), and
were filled with articles urging the hearty support of the war. One plan
for raising money was the sequestration of Church property.
As the various religious orders came over to New Spain from the old
country they built churches, monasteries, convents, and hospitals; in
the early period after the Conquest their work and influence, as we have
seen, were most favorable to the establishment of the colony. To the
Franciscans, in great part, belongs the honor of establishing the power
of Spain on a firm basis in the new country. Their wise course with the
Indians, establishing a cordial and even affectionate intercourse with
them, engrafting gently the tenets of the new religion upon whatever was
good and healthy of the old stock, gave them a strong hold upon their
converts, and thus confirmed by love and reason the position won in the
first place by arms and superior force. The several orders of
Hospitallers established all over the country houses of shelter for the
sick, admirably appointed and administered conscientiously with the
greatest zeal.
The Jesuits encouraged learning in Mexico, founded colleges and schools,
and inspired even the lowest class with the possibility of raising
themselves by developing their mental faculties. The Dominicans, by
their furious zeal for the Inquisition, doubtless hastened the end of
the Spanish rule, for the soil of the New World has never been favorable
for the taking root of this institution.
[Illustration: GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT.]
"Broadly speaking," Mr. Janvier says, in his admirable "Mexican Guide,"
"the influence of the religious orders upon the colony was beneficial
during its first century, neutral during its second, harmful during its
third." It must always be remembered that Cortés, with all his personal
ambition and greed of gold, was deeply religious, and that he never lost
sight of his highest aim in conquering New Spain, which was in all
sincerity to plant the cross upon its soil. The impulse given by his
determination lasted a long time, but in another century this had lost
its force, while with the decline of the power of the Church at home,
the ambassadors from Spain had less religious fervor. In the last
century all institutions of the Church had deteriorated to a degree
fatal to her interests, as well as to those of the country.
By this time so much of the wealth of Mexico had come into the
possession of the Church that this locking up of capital really blocked
the channels of trade. Money accepted, or extorted, by the priests
stopped circulating, and was lost in the coffers of churches, or
converted into superb ornaments for altars. The practical thought of the
time, in the stress for money required to pursue the war, turned to the
scheme of converting all this splendor into funds for the equipment of
armies.
The clergy became alarmed at the first sound of such proposals, and used
all their powerful influence against them. For this course they were
accused by the government journals of want of patriotism, of aiding and
abetting the monarchists, and fomenting the discords which were daily
becoming more dangerous.
This was not without reason, for although the priests feared and hated
the "Northern heretics," as they called the enemy, they feared and hated
still more the loss of their property. The monarchical preferences of
the great dignitaries of the Church are well known. They have never
favored the innovation of the Republic in Mexico.
In spite of the strong opposition of the priests, an attempt was made to
carry the plan into effect. Government required a contribution from the
property of the clergy to the amount of two millions of dollars, and
issued drafts amounting to that sum on the different bishops of the
country. These prelates really were not able to pay immediately in ready
money, even if they had inclination; they begged for delay, and meantime
incited the clergy to defeat further measures in Congress. Nevertheless
a bill was passed in January, 1847, "to hypothecate or sell in mortmain
Church property" in amounts necessary to obtain fifteen millions for the
support of the national war against the United States. Government,
determined to carry the matter through, took the first step by seizing a
priest who was stirring up an insurrection in the capital, and casting
him into prison. Such acts stifled the general outcry, and the clergy
were compelled to work in secret. But the property consisted almost
entirely of real estate, and, even when seized or mortgaged, it was
difficult to raise money on it, for the clergy made it unsafe for
individuals to encourage the government by purchase. No great quantity
of money was raised at that time, and Congress was induced to consider
ways of making the law less obnoxious. In the middle of their conference
they broke up, and left government to obtain resources as it might.
Thus the first great blow was struck at the accumulation of Church
wealth; the wedge admitted which must weaken the structure in time.
On the 22d of March General Scott, having landed his troops, began to
bombard the city of Vera Cruz. At the time of the attack the city was
but scantily supplied with subsistence. The governor of the state had
endeavored to provide it with provisions, in the little time he had
after the appearance of American vessels in the harbor, but amid the
clamor at the capital his small voice was unheeded. General Morales, the
Commandant, with good courage resolved to keep up the defence as long as
possible, trusting for aid to the coming of the _vomito_, which early
every spring makes Vera Cruz unhealthy, rather than to any hope of a
relieving army.
On the day General Scott summoned the city to surrender, General Morales
returned a peremptory refusal, saying that he would make good his
defence to the last, informing his Excellency that he could commence
operations in the manner which he might consider most advantageous. Soon
after, the bombardment began. For four days a shower of shells poured
upon the city, and the violence instead of diminishing daily increased.
The inhabitants for protection crowded upon the mole, and into the
northern part of the town. For twelve days the place was closely
invested. Many poor people who, without the necessaries of life, were
prowling about the streets in search of food, fell before the American
fire, as well as women and children, who were not safe even in their
houses. On the 28th the city surrendered. The Mexican troops were
permitted to march out of the city with the honors of war, to the field
where the surrender of arms was to take place, and to salute their flag
when it was struck. The civil and religious rights of Vera Cruz were
guaranteed to its inhabitants. The troops laid down their arms, and
General Worth's command entered and took possession of the city and the
neighboring Castle of San Juan d' Ulóa.
[Illustration: _SIEGE OF VERA CRUZ_]
By this capture, General Scott obtained a base of operations for direct
advance upon the city of Mexico, and, moreover, inflicted another blow
upon the courage of the Mexican nation.
Santa Anna, who, by the way, had been made President, leaving political
affairs in the hands of Governor Farías, Vice-President, hastened from
the defeat at Buena Vista to the encounter of another American army, met
General Scott between Jalapa and Vera Cruz, and sustained a new defeat
at Cerro Gordo. He himself escaped and fled to Orizaba, where he made
strenuous efforts to assemble anew an army, for his troops were utterly
dispersed, and not a barrier remained between the enemy and the capital.
The Americans, in fact, slowly advanced, occupying the country as they
went towards the capital. Santa Anna arrived first at Puebla with all
the force which he had collected at Orizaba. He found the Poblanos
indifferent, and tried to rouse their patriotism, telling them, with
good reason, that he knew they could fight if they chose, for not three
years before they had beaten him, Santa Anna, off the town although he
was backed by an army of 12,000 men. Notwithstanding his eloquence, the
American army marched into Puebla without any fighting at all. The
Ayuntamiento of the city met General Worth outside the city, and
favorable terms were agreed upon.
The American troops arriving in Puebla were quartered at first in the
Plaza Mayor, where they stacked their arms, and laid themselves down to
rest. They had passed the night in the open air in a pouring rain, and
were tired and dirty with a long march all the morning. The Poblanos
could not understand that these ill-conditioned soldiers were the
terrible conquerors who were invading their homes. Some one expressed
the belief that five hundred good men could cut them down, as they lay
at their ease in the Plaza, but the attempt was not made.
Puebla was thus quietly occupied, but the inhabitants showed no
good-will to the invaders.