Union of the Western Indian Tribes contemplated--Hostile influence of the
agents of Great Britain in Canada--Ambitious project of Thayendanegea or
Brant--Council at Tioga Point--Indian Ceremonies--Visit of Cornplanter and
others at the seat of government--Kindly feeling of Washington--Fresh
occasion of trouble.
When Red Jacket, at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in 1784, projected the
bold idea of the union of all the Indian tribes on the continent, to
resist the aggressions of the whites, he may not have thought it would
soon come near having a practical fulfillment. This thought grew out of
the circumstances and necessities of the times, and was the natural
forecast of a great mind. His words sank deep into the hearts of his
people,--they were carried beyond the bounds of that council-fire,--they
went gliding along with the light canoe that plied the Lakes,--and were
wafted onward by the waters of the Ohio and Mississippi. Several causes
contributed to give direction and force to this movement.
Prominent among them was the fact, that the treaty of peace with Great
Britain in 1783, though it put an end to the war, did not secure friendly
relations between the two countries. Hostile feelings had been engendered
and were still cherished, particularly by those who had taken refuge in
Canada, in the early part of the Revolutionary struggle. Some of them were
very active in stirring up Indian hostilities among the tribes at the
west.
But prominent above all others were the exertions of Thayendanegea, or
Brant, the famous war-chief, from whose leadership the inhabitants of our
frontier settlements had suffered so severely, during the war of the
Revolution. Very soon after the treaty at Fort Stanwix in 1784, from the
dissatisfaction growing out of that treaty, and other indications among
the Indians, he began to entertain the ambitious project of forming a
grand Indian confederacy, of which he would be chief, embracing not only
the Iroquois, but all of the Indian nations of the great North-west. He
had given the entire summer of 1785, to the business of visiting these
nations, and holding councils among them, with a view to the furtherance
of this object. [Footnote: See Stone's Life and Times of Brant, Vol. 2, p.
248.]
He visited England at the close of this year, "ostensibly for the purpose
of adjusting the claims of the loyal Mohawks upon the crown, for
indemnification of their losses and sacrifices in the contest, from which
they had recently emerged." [Footnote: See Stone's Life and Times of
Brant, Vol. 2, p. 248.]
... "Coupled with the special business of the Indian claims, was the
design of _sounding the British government, touching the degree of
countenance or the amount of assistance which he might expect from that
quarter, in the event of a general Indian war against the United
States_." [Footnote: Ibid.]
His arrival at Salisbury was thus noted in a letter from that place, dated
December 12, 1785, and published in London. "Monday last, Colonel Joseph
Brant, the celebrated King of the Mohawks, arrived in this city from
America, and after dining with Colonel De Peister, at the head-quarters
here, proceeded on his journey to London. This extraordinary personage is
said to have presided at the late Grand Congress of Confederate chiefs, of
the Indian nations in America, and to be by them appointed to the conduct
and chief command in the war, _which they now meditate against the United
States of America_. He took his departure for England immediately as
that assembly broke up; and it is conjectured that his embassy to the
British Court is of great importance." [Footnote: Life of Brant, Vol. 2,
p. 249.]
No public, decisive answer, for obvious reasons, was given to this
application for countenance and aid in the contemplated war, for this part
of the errand of the Mohawk chief, was "_unknown to the public at that
day_." [Footnote: Life of Brant, Vol. 2, p. 249.]
Captain Brant on his return to America in 1786, entered once more upon the
work of combining the Indian forces, and assembled a grand confederate
council, which was held at Huron village, near the mouth of Detroit River.
[Footnote: It was attended by the Six Nations, the Hurons, Ottawas,
Miamis, Shawanese, Chippewas, Cherokees, Delawares, Pottowattamies, and
Wabash, confederates.]
An address to the Congress of the United States was agreed upon at this
council, pacific in its tone, provided no encroachments were made upon
their lands west of the Ohio river. This was their ultimatum previous to
the war, in which they were afterwards united.
At the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States in
1783, it was stipulated that the military posts south of the great lakes
should be surrendered. This surrender was refused, on the plea that the
United States had not fulfilled an agreement on her part, to see the just
claims, due the subjects of Great Britain, cancelled.
From certain correspondence at this time it appears that there were other
reasons also, for the witholding of these forts. Their surrender was
earnestly desired on the part of the United States, as it was well
understood, they gave encouragement to the hostile combinations, that at
this time were going on.
In a letter to Captain Brant by Sir John Johnson dated Quebec, March 22d,
1787, he says, "Do not suffer an idea to hold a place in your mind, that
it will be for your interest to sit still and see the Americans attempt
the posts. [Footnote: Oswegatchie, Oswego, Niagara, Detroit and Mackinaw.]
_It is for your sakes chiefly, if not entirely, that we hold them._ If
you become indifferent about them, they may perhaps be given up; what
security would you then have? You would be at the mercy of a people whose
blood calls aloud for revenge; whereas, by supporting them, you encourage
us to hold them, and encourage new settlements, already considerable, and
every day increasing by numbers coming in, who find they can't live in the
States. Many thousands are preparing to come in. This increase of his
Majesty's subjects will serve as a protection to you, should the subjects
of the States, by endeavoring to make further encroachments on you,
disturb your quiet." [Footnote: Stone's Life and Times of Brant.]
Another letter soon after, by Major Mathews seems to confirm the above
statements. "His Lordship [Footnote: Lord Dorchester, Governor General of
Canada, formerly Sir Guy Carlton.] wishes them (the Indians), to act as is
best for their interest; he cannot begin a war with the Americans, because
some of their people encroach and make depredations upon parts of the
Indian country; but they must see it is his Lordship's _intention to
defend the posts_; and that while these are preserved, the Indians must
find great security therefrom, and consequently the Americans greater
difficulty in taking their lands; but should they once become masters of
the posts, they will surround the Indians, and accomplish their purpose
with little trouble." [Footnote: Life of Brant, Vol. 2, p. 271.]
Thus it is seen that those at the head of British affairs in Canada, while
they studiously avoided coming into open collision with the United States,
were viewing with satisfaction the gathering war-cloud, and were lending
their influence to extend and intensify its threatening character.
The only course left for the United States was to prepare for the
conflict; and while forces were being summoned to take the field, they
were preceded by efforts of a pacific character.
A treaty was held with the Six Nations at Fort Harmar, on the Muskingum,
in January, 1789, by Gen. St. Clair, in behalf of the United States, with
a view to renew and confirm all the engagements, made at the treaty of
Fort Stanwix in 1784. Goods amounting to three thousand dollars were
distributed among the Indians, after the satisfactory conclusion and
signing of the treaty. [Footnote: Indian treaties.]
At the same time a treaty was concluded with the Wyandot, Delaware,
Ottawa, Chippewa, Pottowattamie and Sac nations, and goods distributed
among them amounting to six thousand dollars, for a relinquishment of
their claim to western lands.
These negotiations were doubtless attended with a beneficial influence,
but they could not arrest the tide of warlike feeling that had been
created. Hostilities were continued throughout the long line of our
frontier settlements, and two of the Senecas having been killed by some
bordermen of Pennsylvania, a great excitement was awakened among them.
Our government, anxious to remove the new occasion of disaffection,
immediately disavowed the act, sought to bring the perpetrators of the
crime to justice, and invited a friendly conference of the Iroquois at
Tioga Point.
This council was convened on the sixteenth and remained in session until
the twenty-third of November, 1790.
The chiefs in attendance at this council, and who took an active part in
its deliberations, were Fish Carrier, Farmer's Brother, Hendrick, Little
Billy and Red Jacket.
Colonel Pickering, as commissioner on the part of the United States, was
present.
Red Jacket, their principal speaker, portrayed in a vivid and strong
light, the sorrow they experienced, the injustice they had suffered, and
the unpleasant feelings aroused among them. A large number of Indians were
present, and were powerfully moved, and deeply affected by his speech.
Colonel Pickering, on the other hand, gave a very clear view of the facts
in the case, showing conclusively the innocence of the government in the
murder committed, and after a time succeeded in allaying the excitement,
drying up their tears, and wiping out the blood that had been shed.
This council was enlivened by good cheer, and the observance of ceremonies
common among the Indians.
Thomas Morris, who was present, was at this time adopted into one of their
tribes. His father, Robert Morris of Philadelphia, having purchased of
Massachusetts, in 1790, the pre-emptive right to that part of Western New
York, not sold to Phelps and Gorham, sent his son, as preparatory to the
negotiations he desired to make with the Indians, and for the general
management of his business connected with the undertaking, to reside in
Canandaigua. While here he was diligent in cultivating an acquaintance
with the principal chiefs of the Iroquois confederacy, who resided in that
region. In this he was successful, and soon became a general favorite
among them. He was in attendance with Colonel Pickering at Tioga Point,
where the Indians determined to adopt him into the Seneca nation, and Red
Jacket bestowed upon him the name himself had borne, previous to his
elevation to the dignity of Sachem; O-ti-ti-ani, "_Always Ready_." It is
beautifully described by Colonel Stone, and is given in his language.
"The occasion of which they availed themselves to perform the cermony of
conferring upon young Morris his new name, was a religious observance,
when the whole sixteen hundred Indians present at the treaty, united in an
offering to the moon, then being at her full. It was a clear night, and
the moon shone with uncommon brilliancy. The host of Indians, and their
neophite, were all seated upon the ground in an extended circle, on one
side of which a large fire was kept burning. The aged Cayuga chieftain,
Fish Carrier, who was held in exalted veneration for his wisdom, and who
had been greatly distinguished for his bravery from his youth up,
officiated as the high priest of the occasion;--making a long speech to
the luminary, occasionally throwing tobacco into the fire, as incense. On
the conclusion of the address, the whole company prostrated themselves
upon the bosom of their parent earth, and a grunting sound of approbation
was uttered from mouth to mouth, around the entire circle.
"At a short distance from the fire a post had been planted in the earth,
intended to represent the stake of torture, to which captives are bound
for execution. After the ceremonies in favor of Madam Luna had been ended,
they commenced a war-dance around the post, and the spectacle must have
been as picturesque as it was animating and wild. The young braves engaged
in the dance were naked, excepting a breech-cloth about their loins. They
were painted frightfully, their backs being chalked white, with irregular
streaks of red, denoting the streaming of blood. Frequently would they
cease from dancing, while one of their number ran to the fire, snatching
thence a blazing stick, placed there for that purpose, which he would
thrust at the post, as though inflicting torture upon a prisoner. In the
course of the dance they sung their songs, and made the forests ring with
their wild screams and shouts, as they boasted of their deeds of war, and
told the number of scalps they had respectively taken, or which had been
taken by their nation. During the dance those engaged in it, as did others
also, partook freely of unmixed rum, and by consequence of the natural
excitement of the occasion, and the artificial excitement of the liquor
the festival had well nigh turned out a tragedy. It happened that among
the dancers was an Oneida warrior, who in striking the post, boasted of
the number of scalps taken by his nation during the war of the Revolution.
Now the Oneidas, it will be recollected, had sustained the cause of the
colonies in that contest, while the rest of the Iroquois confederacy, had
espoused that of the crown. The boasting of the Oneida warrior therefore,
was like striking a spark into a keg of powder. The ire of the Senecas was
kindled in an instant, and they in turn boasted of the number of scalps
taken from the Oneidas in that contest. They moreover taunted the Oneidas
as cowards. Quick as lightning the hands of the latter were upon their
weapons, and in turn the knives and tomahawks of the Senecas began to
glitter in the moon-beams, as they were hastily drawn forth. For an
instant it was a scene of anxious, almost breathless suspense, a death-
struggle seeming inevitable, when the storm was hushed by the
interposition of Old Fish Carrier, who rushed forward, and striking the
post with violence, exclaimed '_You are all a parcel of boys. When you
have attained my age, and performed the warlike deeds that I have
performed, you may boast of what you have done; but not till then._'
"Saying which he threw down the post, put an end to the dance, and caused
the assembly to retire. This scene in its reality must have been one of
absorbing and peculiar interest. An assembly of nearly two thousand
inhabitants of the forest, grotesquely clad in skins and strouds, with
shining ornaments of silver, and their coarse raven hair falling over
their shoulders, and playing wildly in the wind as it swept past, sighing
mournfully among the giant branches of the trees above, such a group
gathered in a broad circle of an opening in the wilderness, the starry
canopy of heaven glittering above them, the moon casting her silver mantle
around their dusky forms, and a large fire blazing in the midst of them,
before which they were working their spells, and performing their savage
rites, must have presented a spectacle of long and vivid remembrance."
[Footnote: Stone's Life and Times of Sa-go-ye-wat-ha.]
This meeting conducted with evident good feeling, served much to allay the
excitement and anger of the Senecas, and other tribes there represented,
but the question concerning their lands, was still agitated and created
dissatisfaction.
With a view to obtain some concession in their favor, Cornplanter, Half
Town and Big Tree visited Philadelphia, which was at that time the seat of
the general government, very soon after the council at Tioga Point. They
were especially anxious to obtain the restoration of a portion of land
south of Lake Erie, and bordering upon Pennsylvania, which was occupied by
Half Town and his clan. They represented it as the land on which Half Town
and all his people live, with other chiefs who always have been, and still
are dissatisfied with the treaty at Fort Stanwix. "They grew out of this
land, and their fathers grew out of it, and they cannot be persuaded to
part with it. _We therefore entreat you to restore to us this little
piece._"
This appeal, so simple and touching, was responded to by President
Washington with great kindness. He reminded them that the treaty at Fort
Stanwix had been fully confirmed at Fort Harmar in 1789, that it was not
within his province to annul the provisions of a treaty, especially one
that had been concluded before his administration commenced, yet he
assured them that Half Town and his people, should not be disturbed, in
the peaceful occupancy of the land in question.
From the friendly manner in which they were received and treated by the
President, and the generous gifts bestowed, they returned home feeling
satisfied that the ruler of the thirteen fires would do them no injustice,
and they were hence better reconciled to the people he governed. Before
leaving, however, they were engaged to go in company with Colonel Proctor,
of the Indian Department, on an embassy of peace to the hostile tribes at
the West, which was undertaken in the following spring.
On reaching their own country it was found that another outrage had been
committed by a party of border-men, upon the Senecas at Beaver Creek, in
the neighborhood of Pittsburg, in which three men and one woman were
killed.
Cornplanter immediately sent runners with a dispatch to the government,
informing them of the event, and with the earnest inquiry, "Our father,
and ruler over all mankind, _speak now and tell us, did you order those
men to be killed_?"
The secretary of war utterly disclaimed and denounced the transaction,
promised them restitution, and that the offenders should be brought to
justice. These times were so fruitful in difficulties, that ere one was
healed another was created; yet our government by wise and prompt measures
were after this successful, in securing peace with all of the Iroquois
family within its borders.