CHAPTER V.

Claim of the United States to Indian lands--Conflicting claims of

different States--Difficulty settled--Attempt to acquire the land by a

lease--Purchase by Phelps and Gorham--Further purchase by Robert Morris.

At the close of the war of the Revolution, the territory ceded by Great

Britain to the United States, included large tracts of country occupied by

the Indians. In ceding these lands, she ceded only the right claimed by

herself, on the ground of original discovery, which was simply a priority

of right to purchase of the original occupants of the soil. The Indians

were allowed to dwell upon these lands, and were considered in a certain

sense the owners, but were required in case of a sale, to dispose of them

to the government. [Footnote: Kent's Commentary.]

As each State claimed to be sovereign in every interest not ceded to the

general government, each State claimed the territory covered by its

original charter. These charters, owing to great ignorance of geographical

limits, created claims that conflicted with each other. From this source

originated difficult questions about land titles and jurisdiction, between

the States of Connecticut and Pennsylvania,--Massachusetts and New York.

These difficulties which existed before, the greater question of the

Revolutionary war suspended for a time, but when peace was concluded, they

came up again for a consideration and settlement.

The way was in a measure prepared for this, by the relinquishment to the

general government, on the part of New York in 1781, and of Massachusetts

in 1785, of all their right to territory west of a meridian line drawn

south, from the western end of Lake Ontario.

In the adjustment of these difficulties, Connecticut relinquished her

claim to a tract of land on the Susquehanna in Pennsylvania, called the

Gore, and acquired that part of the State of Ohio called New Connecticut,

or Western Reserve. And Pennsylvania obtained a tract of land lying

immediately beyond the western boundary of the State of New York, and

north-east of her own, embracing the harbor of Presque Isle, on Lake Erie,

familiarly known as the Triangle, thus giving her access to the waters of

this Lake.

The question in controversy between the States of New York and

Massachusetts was more serious, owing to the large amount of territory

claimed by the latter in western New York. It was brought to an amicable

settlement, by Massachusetts surrendering to New York the right of

jurisdiction, over all the land west of the present eastern boundary of

the State; and by New York giving to Massachusetts the pre-emptive right,

or right of purchasing of the Indians, all of the lands lying west of a

meridian line drawn through Seneca Lake, from a certain point on the

northern boundary of Pennsylvania, reserving however, a strip of land one

mile in width, along the eastern shore of the Niagara river. Thus New

York, while she retained the sovereignty, lost the fee of about six

millions of acres of land, in one of the finest regions of country in the

new world. [Footnote: For a more full account, see "Turner's History of

the Phelps and Gorham Purchase."]

While these difficulties were being adjusted, a magnificent speculation

was in progress, which bid fair to meet the expectations of its earnest

projectors. A company was organized, called the New York and Genesee Land

Company, with a view to obtain the entire tract of Indian lands within the

State. To evade the law forbidding the sale of these lands to any party

not authorized by the State, it was proposed to obtain them by a lease,

that should extend nine hundred and ninety-nine years. A lease extending

so long, was regarded as equivalent to a sale.

With a view to further its designs another company, the Niagara Genesee

Company, was also formed in Canada, of those who were most in

correspondence with the Indians, and who would be influential in securing

from them a decision in favor of their object.

These organizations, especially the New York Land Company, were large, and

included men of wealth and prominence, both in New York and Canada. With

such appliances as they were enabled to bring to bear upon the Indians,

they secured, in November, 1787, a _lease for nine hundred and ninety-

nine years_, of all the lands of the Iroquois in the State of New York,

except some small reservations, and the privilege of hunting and fishing,

for an annual rent of two thousand dollars, and a promised gift of twenty

thousand dollars.

The formidable character of these associations created a just alarm, and

measures were immediately undertaken to circumvent their influence. An act

was passed by the Legislature of New York, in March, 1788, authorizing the

governor to disregard all contracts made with the Indians, and not

sanctioned by the State; and to cause those who had entered upon Indian

lands under such contracts, to be driven off, and their houses destroyed.

The sheriff of the county was directed to dispossess intruders and burn

their dwellings, and a military force was called out, that strictly

enforced these orders.

Thus by the energetic action of Governor Clinton of New York, the designs

of these organizations were overruled.

As early as 1784, the Legislature of New York had passed an act,

appointing the governor, and a Board of Commissioners, the Superintendents

of Indian affairs, and as there were other Indian lands within the State,

not covered by the pre-emptive right of Massachusetts, these commissioners

with the governor at their head, entered upon negotiations with a view of

purchasing them, and securing a title to them for the State. [Footnote:

The commissioners designated were: Abraham Cuyler, Peter Schuyler and

Henry Glen, who associated with them Philip Schuyler, Robert Yates,

Abraham Ten Broeck, A. Yates, Jr., P. W. Yates, John J. Beekman, Mathew

Vischer, and Gen. Gansevoort.]

A council of the Iroquois was appointed for this purpose, at Fort

Schuyler, on the first of September, 1788.

The Leasees disappointed and angered by the bold and decisive measures

taken against them, exerted their influence to prevent the Indians from

assembling. But by measures equally energetic in its favor, a

representation of the different tribes was obtained, and a treaty was

concluded on the 12th, in which was conveyed to the State the land of the

Onondagas; some reservations excepted, in consideration of one thousand

dollars, in hand paid and an annuity of five hundred dollars forever.

Then followed negotiations with the Oneidas. Speeches were interchanged,

propositions made and rejected, until finally an agreement was made, and a

deed of cession executed by the chiefs, conveying all their lands,

excepting certain reservations, in consideration of two thousand dollars

in money, two thousand dollars in clothing and other goods, one thousand

dollars in provisions, five hundred dollars for the erection of a saw and

grist mill on their reservation, and an annuity of six hundred dollars

forever.

The commissioners next appointed a council to be held at Albany, December

15, 1788. Great difficulty was experienced in getting the Indians

together, the Leasees it is said, "kept the Indians so continually

intoxicated, it was impossible to do anything with them." [Footnote:

Turner's History.]

It was not until the eleventh of the February following, that a sufficient

number were brought together, to proceed with the negotiations; and on the

twenty-fifth, the preliminaries having been settled, the Cayugas ceded to

the State all of their lands, excepting a large reservation of one hundred

square miles. It was in consideration of five hundred dollars in hand,

sixteen hundred and twenty-eight dollars in June following, and an annuity

of five hundred dollars forever.

Mr. Turner in alluding to these negotiations very properly observes, "it

was only after a hard struggle of much perplexity and embarrassment, that

the object was accomplished. For the honor of our country, it could be

wished that all Indian negotiations and treaties, had been attended with

as little wrong, had been conducted as fairly as were those under the

auspices and general direction of George Clinton. No where has the veteran

warrior and statesman left a better proof of his sterling integrity and

ability, than is furnished by the records of these treaties. In no case

did he allow the Indians to be deceived, but stated to them from time to

time, with unwearied patience, the true conditions of the bargains they

were consummating."

He says further, "the treaties for lands found the Six Nations in a

miserable condition. They had warred on the side of a losing party; for

long years the field and the chase had been neglected; they were suffering

for food and raiment. Half-famished they flocked to the treaties and were

fed and clothed. One item of expense charged in the accounts of the treaty

at Albany in 1789, was for horses paid for, that the Indians had killed

and eaten on their way down. For several years in addition to the amount

of provisions distributed to them at the treaties, boatloads of corn were

distributed among them by the State."

It does not appear that Red Jacket, Cornplanter, Brant, or other of the

more noted chiefs among the Iroquois, were present to take a part in these

negotiations. Hence exception was taken to these proceedings. When the

time drew near for paying the first annuity, the Onondagas sent an agent

to Governor Clinton, saying they had received four strings of wampum from

the Senecas, forbidding them to go to Fort Stanwix to receive the money,

and declaring also "that the governor of Quebec wanted their lands; that

Sir John wanted them; Col. Butler wants the Cayugas' lands; and the

commanding officer of Fort Niagara wants the Senecas' lands."

They were assured in reply that they might "make their minds easy," the

governor would protect them; that the Leasees were the cause of their

trouble.

The Cayugas also sent a message to the governor, saying they were

"threatened with destruction, even total extermination. The voice comes

from the west; _its sound is terrible, our brothers the Cayugas and

Onondagas are to share the same fate_."

The complaint was, they had sold their lands without consulting the

_western tribes_.

The decided position of the Executive in giving them assurance of

protection, was the means of dissipating their alarm.

Historical evidence renders it apparent, that at this early period, the

design was entertained by those in Canada, whose control over the Indians

was well nigh supreme, to gain through them possession of Western New

York, and without compromising the government of Great Britain, sever it

from the United States, connect it with the territory of the North-west,

and hold it by Indian possession, in a sort of quasi allegiance, to the

crown of England.

Their design with respect to Western New York was defeated by the

energetic measures of its chief executive, but further on we will see they

did not relinquish the idea of holding from the United States, the

territory of the North-west.

Next in the race of competition for the broad and fertile lands of the

Genesee, appear the names of Oliver Phelps and Nathaniel Gorham. They were

the acknowledged representatives of a considerable body of men, who were

ambitious of securing an interest in what was regarded as the most

desirable region in this country.

From the advent of Gen. Sullivan's army into the Indian country in 1779,

their route being through the very finest portion of Western New York, and

at a season of the year when vegetation was in its highest perfection; the

beauty and fertility of these lands became the theme of praise, on the

part of every soldier that beheld them. Their fame was thus carried to

almost every village and hamlet in Pennsylvania and New England. Hence

great eagerness was manifested in regard to the title, and settlement of

these lands.

The company of which Messrs. Phelps and Gorham were the leading spirits,

having purchased the pre-emptive right of Massachusetts, in the spring of

1788, Mr. Phelps went on to the ground, and was successful in convening a

council of the Indians for the sale of their lands, at Buffalo creek,

during the month of July of the same year. [Footnote: His success in

obtaining this council, and securing a sale, was owing in a large degree,

to his policy in paying court to the powerful faction of the Leasees

residing in Canada, and giving them an interest in the purchase.]

The Indians at this treaty strenuously resisted the sale of any of their

land west of the Genesee river; yet with a view of furnishing "_a piece

of ground for a mill yard_" at the Genesee Falls, were finally persuaded

to give their assent to a boundary line, that included a tract twelve

miles square, west of that river. The eastern boundary of the lands sold,

was the Massachusetts pre-emptive line; the western, was a line "beginning

in the northern line of Pennsylvania, due south of the corner or point of

land made by the confluence of the Genesee river, and the Canaseraga

creek, thence north on said meridian line to the corner or point, at the

confluence aforesaid; thence northwardly along the waters of the Genesee

river, to a point two miles north of Canawangus village, thence running

due west 12 miles; thence running northwardly so as to be twelve miles

distant from the western bounds of said river, to the shores of Lake

Ontario." The lands thus ceded, are what has been called "_The Phelps and

Gorham Purchase_." It contained by estimation two million and six hundred

thousand acres, for which they agreed to pay the Indians five thousand

dollars, and an annuity of five hundred dollars forever.

Robert Morris, the distinguished financier of the Revolution, afterward

became owner of the greater part of this purchase, as well as of the pre-

emptive right of Massachusetts to the remaining part of Western New York.

Through his agent in London, Wm. Temple Franklin, grandson of Doctor

Franklin, these lands were again sold to an association of gentlemen,

consisting of Sir William Pultney, John Hornby, and Patrick Colquhoun, and

the farther settlement of this region, auspiciously commenced under its

original proprietors, was conducted principally under their

administration.

An intelligent and enterprising young Scotchman, Charles Williamson, who

had previously devoted his time while detained as a prisoner in this

country, during the war of the Revolution, to investigations respecting

its geographical resources and limits, and who from his disposition and

business capacity, was well qualified for the station, was appointed their

agent, and emigrating hither with his family, and two other young

Scotchmen as his assistants, John Johnstone, and Charles Cameron, he

became identified with the early history and progress of the extensive and

important part of the Indian territory, that as we have seen, had just

been opened, and was inviting a new race, to take possession of its virgin

soil.

An Account of Sa-Go-Ye-Wat-Ha, or Red Jacket, and His People, 1750-1830 · 第 5 / 21 章