THE REIGN OF CHAO NARAI.
The death of the usurper opened the way to his nephew's possession of
the throne. It was in this reign that the barriers which had divided
Europe from the Kingdom of Siam were broken down. The welcome that
Chao Narai extended to foreigners, drew them from all parts of the
world in the hopes of gaining wealth which in reality did not exist or
which at least had been much exaggerated by the reports of
untrustworthy travellers. This Prince, endowed by nature with all the
qualifications necessary for kingship would have been the creator of
this nation, had not the intractable nature of his subjects been
opposed to all the good he wished to do for them. They however
invariably preferred the old customs to useful innovations. Abuses
founded on prejudice and custom are rarely capable of being reformed.
Chao, desirous of glory, and carried away by his energetic nature did
not, like other Kings of the Indies, seclude himself in the gloom of a
harem, there to grow weak in debauch and to forget his duties. His
throne shaken by the turbulence of the nobles needed a firm hand to
keep it secure. His first victories were those over his subjects, and
all premonitory symptoms of internal dissensions were promptly
repressed by the death of the rebels. Though naturally of a kindly
disposition yet severe in his methods of government, he clearly
understood that it was always necessary to be ready for all
emergencies when dealing with a people who were ready to renounce
their allegiance if not intimidated by fear. A chief priest, proud of
his authority took upon himself the onus of reading him a lecture. He
dared to tell the King that the whole nation was grumbling in secret
at his great severity. The Prince listened to what he had to say
without appearing to be annoyed by his indiscretion. Some days later
in order to make him see the folly of his remarks, the King sent a
monkey (an animal which is intensely disliked by the Siamese) to the
priest and told him to take great care of it and to let it play about
without hindrance.
The Priest suffered great inconvenience from his guest who upset all
the furniture, broke the crockery and bit all the servants. At last,
exasperated by the animal's tricks he implored the King to relieve him
of its presence. "Well" said the Prince, "Can you not put up with the
petty annoyances of an animal for two days; and yet you wish that I
should endure, for the rest of my life, the insults of a people one
thousand times worse mannered than all the monkeys in the forests!
Learn then, that even if I punish wickedness still more will I reward
virtue and merit." Having crushed the rebellion, he put himself at the
head of his army and his first expedition was crowned by a brilliant
victory. The Peguans had invaded the outlying portion of the Kingdom
and had committed great havoc. These people, so often the conquerors
of Siam, found by bitter experience that they could not always be
invincible, and after sustaining a disastrous defeat hurriedly
retreated with their shattered forces to their own territories.
Whilst thus engaged in the repulse of foreign foes, storms were
brewing in the heart of his Kingdom. This Prince too enlightened to
give himself up to superstitious idolatry, soared above popular
prejudice. The priests feared that they would fall in public
estimation and that the people, following the example of so popular a
ruler, would forsake the altars of their gods. They thought that they
might prevent their loss of prestige by the murder of the King. The
zeal for the interests of heaven urged them to the crime of attempting
his life and misled by sanctimonious piety they chose for their fell
deed, a feast day on which the King entered the temple, more as a
censor, than a partaker in their vulgar rites. The success of this
sacrilegious plot seemed assured, owing to the fact that the royal
body-guard was not allowed to enter the temple precincts. A fortunate
chance averted the danger. Two officials, sent to examine the
preparations for the ceremony, perceived that the temple was filled
with a mob of priests, all of whom were armed with swords and daggers
concealed under their robes. These warlike preparations were
considered suspicious. On hearing the news, the King surrounded the
temple with soldiers who cut down the guilty priests without mercy.
This just punishment was regarded as an act of sacrilege by the
populace who are apt to confound the cause of God with the crimes of
His ministers. The priests, to whose interest it was to decry him,
proclaimed him to be a bloodstained Ruler who cared naught for God and
man. Such was cause of the hatred that this King felt for the priests.
It was under these favourable circumstances that three French bishops
came to Siam to plant the standard of their faith. Their enlightened
character contrasted strongly with that of the idolatrous priests,
sunk in the depths of ignorance and in the mire of debauchery.
In order to slight the priests, the King made as though to favour
Christianity. The prelates established a Seminary on a piece of land
given to them by the King. The aim of this institution was to educate
the young, and to enable them to learn the languages of their
neighbours all of whom had establishments in the capital known as
'camps,' that of the French being known as the camp of St. Joseph. The
King built them a church at his own expense. This generosity seemed to
indicate his leanings towards Christianity, but in reality he was
indifferent to all religions and above all took delight in showing his
contempt for the idolatrous priests whom he loved to humiliate. The
Mahomedans shared his favours with the Christians and if he had been
obliged to make choice of a religion, it is most probable that he
would have declared for the Koran. A Prince surrounded by concubines
would naturally vote for a religion which authorises his
predilections. The logic of the Court furnished overwhelming arguments
which silenced the voice of reason. The executive was entrusted to a
foreigner, who, brought up in the bosom of Christianity, favoured its
progress. This man was equally celebrated for his rise and fall; he
has played too important a part on the world's stage for us to omit a
sketch of him.
Constantine Faulcon, a Greek by nationality, was born in 1650 in the
island of Cephalonia. Father Tachard assures us that his father was a
noble Venetian who was the governor of the island, and that his mother
was a daughter of one of the leading families. This Jesuit, whose
works must be read with a great deal of distrust, created titles to do
honour to those of his friends and protectors to whom good birth had
been denied.
The name of Faulcon does not occur among those of the noble families
of Venice, and Forbin, better informed and less of a flatterer, says
that he was the son of an innkeeper in a small village known as La
Custode in the island of Cephalonia, at which place Faulcon received
an education commensurate with his abilities. Nature revenged herself
on the caprice of Fortune and his high spirit was evident as he grew
up, and his pride could not stand a locality where every thing
recalled his lowly origin.
At the age of twelve he took ship for England and did not delay in
making himself known for his commercial abilities. His lively
imagination knew how to place everything in a favourable light. His
ready speech and interesting conversation bore witness to his birth in
that happy land which in former times produced the teachers of the
nations. He was sought after by the greatest people at Court, and his
intelligence fertile, though uncultivated gave him ready access to the
most refined courtiers and the wisest of the learned. Mr. White, a
rich English merchant recognised his talents, and seeing the advantage
that might accrue from his society, took him on a voyage to the Indies
where his skill justified his preconceived ideas.
Having passed through his English service, he found himself possessed
of sufficient means to be independent, and started trading for
himself. His efforts were not crowned with success. Twice he embarked,
and twice was his ship wrecked near the mouth of the Menam. These
mishaps did not damp his commercial ardour. He embarked on a third
venture, but was again wrecked on the coast of Malabar. He was barely
able to save himself from the fury of the elements and managed to
recover but 2000 crowns, as the sole relics of his fortune.
Overcome by exhaustion, he fell asleep on the lonely and unknown
shore. His disordered imagination gave him a vision of a beautiful and
majestic female who, casting tender glances at him, told him to return
to Siam where he would meet with better fortune. This dream which he
afterwards regarded as a sign from heaven led him to seek means to
carry out the project. Thus, smarting from his recent misfortunes, it
was from a idle dream, that this man whose talents have been so
belauded, took his directions which indeed led him to power. Many
unfortunate persons have been led to their doom by following such
untrustworthy guides.
Next day, as he was walking along the shore regarding the devouring
element that had swallowed up his fortune, he was met by a man in a
most wretched plight. It was a Siamese ambassador, who, returning from
Persia, had been shipwrecked on the same coast. This personage, having
lost all his property thought that he had only been saved from the
waves to die on the shore. He was agreeably surprised to meet a
sympathetic fellow creature in a similar situation. The account of
each other's mishaps cemented a friendship such as is rarely known
between those on whom fortune is wont to smile. Faulcon, wealthy
compared with his destitute friend, used his remaining wealth to
purchase food, clothing and a boat in which they sailed to Siam
together, Faulcon found a home in the seminary where he lived on the
bounty of the archbishop of Beryta.
The ambassador touched by Faulcon's kindness sang his praises to the
Barcalon who desired to see his benefactor. Faulcon captivated the
minister by the brilliancy of his talents. The trust he inspired
rendered him a necessity to the Barcalon who, a foe to hard work,
preferred pleasure to business. He found the burden of the
administration could well be borne by a subordinate whose
well-directed operations redounded both to the credit of the Monarch
and of himself. Faulcon was chosen to accompany an embassy to a
neighbouring kingdom where he kept up appearances without causing
unnecessary expense. The Mores insatiable in their avarice wasted the
public money as they were in charge of the state's finances. Faulcon
repressed their greed. This parsimony rendered him dear to the King,
who, after the death of the chief minister appointed him as his
successor, but the Greek was wise enough to refuse the position as he
saw that, he a foreigner, would incur the hatred of the Nobles who
invariably aspired to offices without endeavouring to render
themselves worthy of their trust. But if he had no show of power, he
had all the reality. He was careful to hide behind the machine of
which he pulled the strings, and, minister without the title and
decorations, he presided as an invisible yet guiding spirit over
public affairs.
A Malay who had received the appointment of Barcalon endeavoured to
undermine his influence, but the falsity of his charges having been
proved, was punished by loss of his office. Nations have spoken
differently concerning this singular personage. These who take his
lowly origin into account assume him to have been the possessor of
superior attainments by which he surmounted the obstacles which hinder
the progress of ordinary people.
The French priests supported by his generosity and possibly misled by
imposing externals have depicted him in the most glowing colours.
Tachard, loud in his praise has represented him as having a nobility
of character, a facile mind and polished manners, very rare qualities
to be found in a sailor who had passed his life on shipboard in the
company of wild, uncouth, seafaring men.
He has also supplied him with natural eloquence and persuasiveness,
but the proofs which this Jesuit has brought forward are so open to
doubt, that it is fairly apparent that Tachard himself was the author
of all the elegant productions which he assigns to Faulcon. The other
European nations jealous doubtless of his preference for the French or
the Portuguese Catholics, have taken pleasure in vilifying his
character. They have painted him with all the vices to which both
ancient and modern Greeks are addicted. Perfidious and cringing,
concealing the symptoms of frenzied ambition under the cloak of
moderation, polite in manner and haughty in character, he did not
trouble to disguise his vices in his dealings with a people accustomed
to servile obedience. Implacable in revenge, he skilfully laid the
onus of the punishment of his enemies upon the king. Everyone agrees
that he was possessed of certain virtues which never became obscured
throughout his life. A sincere despiser of wealth, he made use of
riches only for the purpose of personal aggrandisement. His
incorruptible nature was never suspected of receiving bribes in the
administration of justice. Eager for the honours from which his birth
seemed to have excluded him, he was all the more anxious to secure
them. Faithful to his master, the only reward of his service that he
claimed, was the privilege of maritime commerce, which furnished him
with the money necessary for his expenses. It seems that he was a true
Catholic, since free to make choice of a religion, he deserted the
Anglican faith which would have been less of a hindrance to his
desires.
He was a man of medium stature, with bright penetrating eyes. Although
having an intelligent expression, there were traces of gloom in his
character, indicative of a conscience smitten by remorse.
Such was the condition of the court of Siam when the question of an
alliance with France was considered. A new treaty, the motives of
which could not be clearly understood, drew the attention of those
interested in politics.
Those who were jealous of Faulcon declared that he had invited the
French, only for the purpose of furtherance of his schemes and to
place him on the throne that was the summit of his ambition. It is
quite possible that feeling himself exposed to the envy of the court,
he might have wished to have raised some barrier against the designs
of his foes and that in protecting the French, he was actuated by
regard for his personal safety rather than by that of his master's
prestige.
Whatever his ideas may have been on that point there is no doubt that
he was fully alive to the advantages which would accrue to the kingdom
from commerce. Otherwise the Dutch, the masters of the Malay
Peninsula, would have been the arbiters of the fate of the Indies the
kings of which needed an alliance to counterbalance the power of these
formidable republicans. Their dangerous proximity was the lure the
minister made use of to bring the king round to his ideas.
The Bishops, newly arrived in Siam gave such glowing accounts of Louis
XIV that the Siamese monarch was greatly flattered by the prospect of
obtaining so illustrious an ally. A pompous announcement of the list
of presents sent was made, but fearing lest these gifts might be
seized by the Dutch who at this time were at war with France, it had
been decided to leave them at Bantam. This delay might have been fatal
in a court ruled by avarice, and it was to be feared that over-zealous
courtiers, jealous of the favour in which the prelates were held, took
every opportunity of doing them harm by declaring that they were
secretly plotting to possess themselves of these presents. The king
anxious to receive these gifts was persuaded that he would receive
them in due course; but hardly had the vessel set sail, than the Dutch
caring naught for the King of Siam seized the presents as a prize of
war. The Court of Siam broke out in threats at this audacious act; but
the Dutch, too powerful to fear any act of reprisal, foresaw a rupture
from which nothing was to be gained. So in order to depreciate the
high ideal the Siamese had of Louis XIV., they craftily restored all
the gifts of small worth, but retained those which were valuable so as
to belittle the offering of the King of France.
The King of Siam, hearing of this act of bad faith was only the more
eager to hasten the projected alliance, and, to ensure its
consummation, he pretended to have decided leanings towards
Christianity. The Buddhist temples were closed and those who disobeyed
this order were severely punished. The King was pleased to hear the
Bishops discourse on Christianity. His gifts helped to embellish the
Seminary. He caused a gilt throne to be carried there, the
magnificence of which seemed to indicate the respect for the doctrines
there promulgated. On the cessation of hostilities between the Dutch
and the French, ambassadors were chosen to bear a reply to the French
monarch. The King built a church at his own expense. This edifice
still remains and the memory of its founder made it to respected by
the persecutors of the followers of Christ. The people, free to select
a religion, would have ranged themselves under the banner of the
Gospel, if the chief minister had not secretly disobeyed the order of
his master.
The first ambassadors had many obstacles to overcome. The Court,
impatient at receiving no tidings, sent two other high officials
accompanied by M. M. Vachet and Pascal two enlightened missionaries to
be their guides in a land where the manners and customs would be
unfamiliar.
It was at the beginning of January 1684 that they set sail on board an
English vessel, together with six young Siamese who were to be
instructed in European arts and sciences. They arrived in London after
voyage of six months and thence took for ship Calais. It was then that
M. Vachet resigned the position of chief of the embassy in order that
the Siamese officials might enjoy the dignities of the post.
M. de Seignelay, before making the news public, wished to learn
verbally the reason for the embassy. M. Vachet told him that the fame
of Louis XIV, had penetrated to the extreme Orient and that the King
of Siam hoping to form an alliance, offered him, if his efforts were
successful, a position in a state where a French company might
establish a trading station to extend commercial operations to China
and all parts of the Indies.
The minister, having previously been misled by false reports, appeared
to doubt the truth of this recital. "Be careful," he said, "in
speaking of this embassy we know very well that it has not been sent
by the King of Siam and that Louis XIV. fears that his dignity would
be compromised if he were to send an embassy to him." M. Vachet had no
difficulty in surmounting this obstacle. Louis XIV., who was better
informed on the matter, summoned him to his presence and entered into
the details of the affair. He appointed a day for the audience of the
ambassadors to whom the ministers lent their equipages and retainers.
They went to Versailles, where their presence aroused the interest of
the whole Court. Their dress was rich and elegant, they wore white
pointed head-dresses ornamented with a ring of gold three inches in
width. The spectacle was interesting from its novelty.
They were conducted with great ceremony to the Royal Presence. On the
appearance of His Majesty they prostrated themselves with their faces
to the ground, having the hands above the head, in the same posture as
they were wont to adopt towards their own King. M. Vachet acted as
interpreter and the King replied "Tell these officials that We shall
have great pleasure in doing what our brother the King of Siam
desires."
Afterwards they dined with the King and the luxury of the table
appointments, made a great impression on men naturally accustomed to
frugality. They were conducted over the park where the fountains which
were playing seemed to them to be an exhibition of magical power.
Having satisfied their curiosity, they were invited to magnificent
banquet. The King's brother was their host at a splendid entertainment
at St. Cloud at which the choice vintages excited their appetites. The
objects of art in the Prince's apartments attracted their attention
and many Frenchmen were astonished to find such good taste and
appreciation in strangers coming from so distant a country. The Prince
of Condé, who inherited the inborn courtesy of the heirs of his
house, invited them to Chantilly. The most distinguished persons vied
with each other in the magnificence of their receptions and during a
stay of more than two months in France, they appeared of more account
than their master.
On their return to Siam, they rendered account of their negociations
and the King pleased with their success and the honours they had
received, called M. Vachet to renew to him the assurance of his
protection. He addressed him in these words which sounded strange from
the mouth of an idolatrous prince.
"Father Vachet, do not pride yourself on the success of your voyage,
it is not you that have effected such great things, it is the God of
Heaven and Earth to whom all praise be due."
These negociations were the fruit of Faulcon's intrigues and above all
of the zeal of the missionaries for the glory of their religion and of
their King.
The French merchants who foresaw new openings for commerce were also
greatly interested in the scheme. Louis XIV. had resolved to send out
Jesuit mathematicians to China, where their observations might perfect
the knowledge of geography and navigation. He seized the occasion of
the visit of the Siamese ambassadors to carry out his design. The
Chevalier de Chaumont was appointed ambassador to Siam with the Abbé
de Choisy as his co-adjutor with instructions to reside in the Indies
until the King of Siam had been converted to Christianity and to work
in conjunction with the missionaries to further the great work.
The Abbé who was a most agreeable personage, was bent more on
pleasure, than on the giving of instruction but it is not by amenities
of character that apostleship is successful.
The Chevalier de Chaumout cast anchor in the Gulf of Siam on September
27th 1687 after a voyage of six months duration. He was accompanied by
M. M. Ceberet and La Loubere the chiefs of the deputation, five
missionaries and fourteen Jesuits. Father Tachard who had no rank
other than that of a mathematician was the life and soul of the party
of which he alone imagined he pulled the strings. The stress he lays
on the smallest details of the negociations ought at once to make his
position suspected. The French were received with every mark of
distinction. The King of Siam, laying aside the hauteur of an Asiatic
monarch became quite familiar. It was then that the ambassadors become
apostles and begged the King to become a Christian.
Their efforts were redoubled on receiving the news that an ambassador
had just arrived from Persia to convert the King to Islam. The
Missionaries in their zeal and desire to gain so illustrious a
convert, overstepped the limits of his favour. The Chevalier du
Chaumont under instructions from them and from Faulcon (who though
animated by the same zeal had yet other motives) never ceased pointing
out to the King on every possible occasion, that it was the ardent
wish of Louis XIV that he should embrace Christianity.
Narai, wearied by his importunity, asked what had led the King of
France to believe that he had wished to become a Christian.
The following was the King's reply from the memory of those who were
present and who were desirous of his conversion. Faulcon himself acted
as interpreter.
"I regret that the King of France sets me so difficult a choice. I
should be rash to embrace a religion of which I know nothing. I wish
for no other judge than this wise and virtuous prince. A sudden change
might cause a revolution and I do not intend to forsake lightly a
religion received and practised without interruption in my kingdom for
the last 2229 years. Besides this I am greatly surprised at the
eagerness with which this King upholds the cause of heaven, it seems
that God himself takes no interest whatever in the matter, and that He
has left the mode of worship which is due to Him to our own
discretion. For could not this true God who has created heaven and
earth and all the dwellers therein and has endued them with diverse
characters, in granting souls and bodies to mankind, have inspired
mankind with similar ideas on the religion they ought to follow, and
have indicated to them the mode of worship most agreeable to Him and
to have submitted all nations to a uniform law. As He has not done so
we ought to conclude that He has not wished it to be so. This ordered
unity of worship depends entirely upon a divine Providence that could
have introduced it into the world just as easily as the diversity of
sects that are established. It is then natural to believe that the
True God takes as much pleasure in being worshipped in different ways
as by being glorified by a vast number of creatures who praise Him
after one fashion. Would the diversified beauty which we so admire in
the physical, be less admirable in the ethical world or less worthy of
the Divine Wisdom? Whatever may happen, since God is the absolute
ruler and director of the world I resign myself and my kingdom
entirely to His good providence and with all my heart I trust that His
eternal wisdom will so order them according to His good pleasure."
These brilliant sophisms showed that the Prince had no great leanings
towards Christianity. The Abbé de Choisy was quite capable of
understanding their hollowness but, convinced that the logic of Kings
is hard to refute, became tired of his apostleship owing to the small
hope he held of success.
The French were none the less well received, and in virtue of a secret
treaty, Mergui and Bangkok were banded over to the soldiery to whom
the King extended a welcome. These towns were reckoned as two of the
ramparts of the country the one on the Bay of Bengal and the other on
the Gulf of Siam. Des Farges was appointed governor and commander in
chief of the French soldiery.
These foreigners transferred to the Kingdom of Siam, were regarded as
its defenders. Twenty-four of them were selected to act as a bodyguard
to the prime minister, and the King himself never appeared in public
without a French escort. One of these men was raised to the rank of
colonel of the guards and others were placed in command of Siamese
regiments in order to instruct them in military discipline. The
soldier who fell ill was sent to Louvo where he received better
attention than he would have in his own home. These privileges were
extended to all Christians who enjoyed full rights of citizenship. The
French Jesuits were allowed to preach the Gospel in all parts of the
Kingdom. The King appointed many of them to Buddhist temples under the
pretext of their having to learn Siamese, but in reality to observe
their procedure as the priests were neither suited for, nor willing to
act as spies. The minister laid the foundations of a college for the
education of the younger member of the nobility under the name of
College of Constantine. M. the Chevalier de Chaumont having brought
the negociations to a conclusion departed from Siam at the end of
1688. He was accompanied by three Siamese Ambassadors equally
distinguished by birth and ability and who were in charge of some rich
gifts for the King of France.
The object of this mission was to demand that engineers should be sent
to instruct the Siamese in the art of fortification and in the methods
of attack and defence of positions. They were also empowered to
request a body of troops to perfect the Siamese in military
evolutions.
The French officers and soldiers who remained in Siam abused the
consideration they had enjoyed. Convinced of their superiority in
power and knowledge, they were rash enough to presume upon it, and
instead of laying themselves out to please, desired to be thought much
of. With impudent mockery they condemned every thing that differed
from their own customs. The people and nobles at first suffered the
pride of their insolent guests in silence. The Bishops and clergy
alone were not exposed to the popular dislike. Keeping within the
seminary and devoting their time to labour, they were neither vain nor
ambitious, they were known by the services they rendered to the public
and above all to the unfortunate.
The Jesuits, animated without doubt by the same motives had other
means to attain their end; and it was by the brilliancy of their
accomplishments that they endeavoured to enjoy the public confidence.
Surgeons, physicians, astronomers and mathematicians, they beheld men
of all stations in life coming to ask their advice and to follow their
teaching.
But while making converts, they multiplied enemies. The more they
displayed the superiority of their talents the more were they
suspected of dangerous designs. It was incredible that such learned
men should expose themselves to such fatigue and danger for the mere
purpose of dressing wounds free of charge, and to teach how to
calculate eclipses or the periodicity of comets. They were both
admired and hated, and the Siamese were told that it was merely by
this display of secular learning that they had succeeded in having a
powerful following in Japan. In such manner they decried the zeal of
these religious persons pure in their motives, but perhaps too
ostentatious in their methods.
Many of the Siamese, attached to their own habits and customs were
alarmed at seeing so many foreign priests and soldiers introduced into
the Kingdom. They could not but perceive that this policy was a
forecast of an approaching change in the laws and religion of the
country. Faulcon, the author of these innovations, became the object
of public execration. A zealous, but indiscreet Malay informed the
King that the minister, the accomplice of the French, had conspired
against him and the state. The Monarch having been forewarned of this
tale would not deign to listen to the proofs he had to offer and
instead of receiving the rewards that he thought would be his due, was
condemned to be devoured by tigers.
The Prince of Johore, a vassal of the King of Siam, wrote to the King
to induce him to expel these foreigners from his Kingdom; alleging
that the French after having been received as allies would soon
attempt to become masters. This prince with the connivance of the
Dutch, offered his troops to help in the liberation of the Kingdom
from these new oppressors. His advice was rejected in anger, and the
envoys would have been beheaded had not Faulcon been wise enough to
check an act of violence which might have led to disastrous results.
A few remarks should be made here on this embassy which was a
brilliant, rather than a useful achievement.
The French clergy who had been the primary occasion of the embassy had
only the interests of Christianity at stake, but the political party
regarded it as an advancement of the prestige of the King of France,
who, in his turn, surrounded by flatterers, was misled by their
counsels.
Father Tachard, ready to grasp anything that would advance the
interests of either his master or his sect, thought that the conquest
of Siam was reserved for his own society. He was seconded by Pere de
la Chaise, who removed all the opposition on the part of the ministers
to this expensive and useless alliance.
The Chevalier de Chaumont and the Abbé de Choisy had had but a very
superficial idea of the Siamese nation. They had been present at
banquets and hunting parties and the Royal Treasures had been
displayed to their view. They had been conducted round the temples
where they had been told that the colossal images therein were of
solid gold, whereas in reality they were only of plaster skilfully
gilt. The ambassadors, dazzled by what they saw, deceived the Court of
France in their turn.
Count Forbin, the head of the navy and a thorough Spartan, had
observed all this parade in a philosophic spirit. This brave soldier
who preferred the roar of cannon, to any more sensuous form of music,
perceived that the French were being blinded by a bogus magnificence.
The simple account he has given of this journey is a complete
refutation of the meretricious lies of Tachard and Choisy.
His insight into the wretched state of the country was keen, and
Faulcon, fearing lest he should discredit the reports that the
ambassadors were about to carry to the French Court, asked the
Chevalier de Chaumont that Forbin should be appointed Admiral of the
fleet. The Count was obliged to obey the orders of the ambassador and
was duly appointed Admiral and Commander-in-chief of the land and sea
forces of the Kingdom of Siam. This grandiloquent title gave him
opportunities of investigating the true state of the country the
misery and weakness of which he soon discovered. Some days after he
had an audience with the King whom he found surrounded by officials
seated on wicker-work mats. A single lamp illuminated the hall and
whoever wished to read, pulled out a yellow wax taper from his pocket,
lit it, and then extinguished it with great economy when he had
finished with it.
One day the mean and miserly Monarch asked the Count "Well Admiral, do
you not find great pleasure in your appointment at Court?" Forbin was
obliged to answer that he considered himself highly favoured to be in
his service. This plain-spoken sailor ground his teeth as he uttered
this polite lie.
The severity with which the slightest faults were punished made him
squeamish. Those who did not speak sufficiently had their mouths slit
from ear to ear and those who spoke too much had the mouths sewed up.
Petty offenders were burnt in the arm or lacerated in the thigh,
Forbin was surprised to see that the highest officials were exposed to
such shameful treatment, from which even the King's brothers
themselves were not exempt. He feared for his personal safety, but was
reassured by Faulcon who employed every artifice to retain him in the
service. He was not over-satisfied with the allowance made for his pay
and accomodation which was quite out of proportion to his
grandiloquent title.
He was given thirty six slaves to wait on him, and two elephants. His
house was small and poorly furnished. He was presented with twelve
plates two large silver cups, four dozen table napkins and a daily
allowance of two of yellow wax tapers.
Such were the emoluments of Count Forbin, Admiral and
Commander-in-chief of the forces of the Kingdom of Siam. This mean
equipage can give some idea of what an Asiatic monarch considered to
be luxury.
It seems that Fortune, in retaining Count Forbin in the service of a
nation incapable of profiting by his example, had foreseen that the
chance would be given him of acting as the country's defender, as
happened in the Macassar revolt which broke out two years later and of
which the circumstances shall now be related.