habuerimus tempus opportunum, sive ego, seu legatus quem misero pro
vobis." Some words seem to be wanting to complete the sense.
[407:3] [Greek: Smurnan] for [Greek: Surian]. In the beginning of the
Epistle from Smyrna concerning Polycarp's martyrdom, the Church is said
to be--[Greek: hê paroikousa Smurnan.] The very same mistake has been
made in another case. Thus, in an extract published by Dr Cureton from a
Syriac work, Polycarp is called Bishop in _Syria_, instead of in Smyrna.
See "Corpus Ignatianum," p. 220, line 5 from the foot. Such mistakes in
manuscripts are of very frequent occurrence. See "Corpus Ignatianum,"
pp. 278, 300. A more extraordinary blunder, which long confounded
the critics, has been recently corrected by Dr Wordsworth. See his
"St. Hippolytus," pp. 318, 319, Appendix.
[409:1] Pearson alleges that the reason why Tertullian does not quote
Ignatius against the heretics was because he did not require his
testimony! He had, forsooth, apostolic evidence. "Quasi vero Ignatii
testimonio opus esset ad eam rem, cujus testem Apostolum habuit."
"Vindiciae," Pars. prima, caput. xi. He finds it convenient, however, to
mention Hermas, Clement of Rome, Justin Martyr, and many others.
[409:2] See also in Euseb. v. 28, a long extract from a work against the
heresy of Artemon in which various early writers, who asserted that
"Christ is God and man," are named, and Ignatius omitted.
[409:3] See Neander's "General History," by Torrey, i. 455. Octavo
Edition Edinburgh, 1847. See also Kaye's "Tertullian," p. 415.
[409:4] The number of spurious writings which appeared in the early ages
was very great. Shortly after the date mentioned in the text it is well
known that an individual named Leucius forged the Acts of John, Andrew,
Peter, and others. See Jones on the "Canon," p. 210, and ii. p. 289.
[410:1] This is a literal translation of part of the superscription of
the letter as given by Dr Cureton himself in his "Epistles of Saint
Ignatius," p. 17. In the "Corpus Ignatianum" he has somewhat weakened
the strength of the expression by a more free translation--"To her who
_presideth_ in the place of the country of the Romans." "Corp. Ignat."
p. 230. Tertullian speaks ("De Praescrip." c. 36) of the "Apostolic sees
_presiding over their own places_"--referring to an arrangement then
recently made which recognised the precedence of Churches to which
Apostles had ministered. This arrangement, which was unknown in the time
of Ignatius, was suggested by the disturbances and divisions created by
the heretics. Though the words in the text may be quoted in support of
the claims of the bishop of Rome, they do not necessarily imply his
presidency over all Churches, but they plainly acknowledge his position
as at the head of the Churches of Italy.
[411:1] See Euseb. iii. 36.
[411:2] See preceding note, p. 406.
[411:3] "Corpus Ignatianum," Intro, p. 86, note.
[412:1] See "Corpus Ignatianum," pp. 265, 267, 269, 271, 286.
[412:2] See Blunt's "Right Use of the Early Fathers." First Series.
Lectures v. and vi.
[414:1] It would be very unfair to follow up this comparison by speaking
of the Trustees of the British Museum, as the representatives of
hierarchical pride and power, proceeding, like Tarquin at the
instigation of his augurs, to give a high price for the manuscripts. We
believe that these gentlemen have rendered good service to the cause of
truth and literature by the purchase.
[414:2] Bunsen rather reluctantly admits that the highest literary
authority of the present century, the late Dr Neander, declined to
recognise even the Syriac version of the Ignatian Epistles. See
"Hippolytus and his Age," iv. Preface, p. 26.
[415:1] See "Corpus Ignat." Introd. p. 51.
[416:1] Thus, in his "Epistle to the Corinthians," Clemens Romanus, on
one occasion, (§ 16,) quotes the whole of the 53d chapter of Isaiah;
and, on another, (§ 18,) the whole of the 51st Psalm, with the exception
of the last two verses.
[416:2] How different from the course pursued by Clement of Rome and by
Polycarp! Thus, Clement says to the Corinthians--"Let us do _as it is
written_," and then goes on to quote several passages of Scripture. §
13. Polycarp says--"I trust that ye are well _exercised in the Holy
Scriptures_" and then proceeds, like Clement, to make some quotations.
§ 12.
[416:3] Phil. iii. 3.
[416:4] Eph. vi. 17.
[416:5] Heb. xii. 1, 2.
[416:6] "Epistle to Polycarp." Lest the plain English reader should
believe that the folly of the original is exaggerated in the
translation, I beg to say that, here and elsewhere, the English version
of Dr Cureton is given word for word.
[417:1] Sec. 8.
[417:2] See Period II. sec. ii. chap. ii. p. 403.
[417:3] Epistle to Philemon, 10.
[418:1] See Daillé, lib. ii. c. 13. p. 316.
[418:2] According to some accounts, Timothy presided over the Church of
Ephesus until nearly the close of the first century, when he was
succeeded by Gaius. See Daillé, ii. c. 13. Some attempt to get over the
difficulty by alleging that there was a _second_ Onesimus in Ephesus,
who succeeded Gaius, but of this there is no evidence whatever. The
writer who thought that Ignatius had been at school with Polycarp, also
believed, and with greater reason, that he was contemporary with the
Onesimus of the New Testament.
[418:3] "Epistle to the Romans."
[419:1] Euseb. v. 21.
[419:2] See Period II. sec. i. chap. v. p. 354.
[419:3] Paul was certainly at Rome before Peter, and according to the
reading of some copies of Irenaeus, in the celebrated passage, lib. iii.
c. 3. § 2, the Church of Rome is said to have been founded by "Paul and
Peter" (see Stieren's "Irenaeus," i. 428); but Ignatius here uses the
style of expression current in the third century, and speaks of "Peter
and Paul."
[419:4] In the Epistle to Polycarp, Ignatius says, "If a man be able in
strength _to continue in chastity_, (i.e. celibacy,) _for the honour of
the body of our Lord_, let him continue without boasting." Here the word
in the Greek is [Greek: hagneia]. But this word is applied in the New
Testament to Timothy, who may have been "the husband of one wife." See 1
Tim. iv, 12, and v. 2. It is also applied by Polycarp, in his Epistle,
to married women. "Let us teach your (or our) wives to walk in the faith
that is given to them, both _in love and purity_" ([Greek: agapê kai
hagneia]).--_Epistle to the Philippians_, § 4. See also "The Shepherd of
Hermas," book ii. command. 4; Cotelerius, i. 87.
[420:1] This is very evident from the recently discovered work of
Hippolytus, as well as from other writers of the same period. See
Bunsen's "Hippolytus," i. p. 312.
[420:2] Euseb. vii. 30.
[420:3] Some have supposed that this was the church of Antioch, but it
is not likely that Paul would have cared to retain the church when
deserted by the people. Besides, the building is called, not the church,
but "the house of the Church" ([Greek: tês ekklêsias oikos]).
[420:4] If the reading adopted by Junius, and others, of a passage in
the 4th chapter of his Epistle be correct, Polycarp must have been a
married man, and probably had a family. "Let us teach our wives to walk
in the faith that is given to them, both in love and purity,.... and _to
bring up their children_ in the instruction and fear of the Lord." See
Jacobson's "Pat. Apost." ii. 472, note.
[421:1] Period II. sec. iii. chap. vii.
[421:2] See his "Epistle to the Corinthians," c. 42, 44, 47, 54.
[421:3] See Westcott on the "Canon," pp. 262, 264, 265.
[421:4] "In the estimation of those able and apostolical men who, in the
second century, prepared the Syriac version of the New Testament for the
use of some of the Oriental Churches, the _bishop and presbyter_ of the
apostolic ordination were _titles of the same individual_. Hence in
texts wherein the Greek word _episcopos_, 'bishop,' occurs, it is
rendered in their version by the Syriac word '_Kashisha_,'
presbyter."--_Etheridge's Syrian Churches and Gospels_, pp. 102, 103.
[421:5] The use of the word _catholic_ in the "Seven Epistles," edited
by Ussher, is sufficient to discredit them. See "Epist. to Smyrnaeans,"
§ 8. The word did not come into use until towards the close of the
second century. See Period II. sec. iii, chap, viii., and p. 337, note.
[422:1] "Epistle to the Ephesians."
[422:2] Daillé has well observed--"Funi Dei quidem verbum, ministerium,
beneficia non inepte comparaveris; Spiritum vero, qui his, ut sic dicam,
divinae benignitatis funiculis, ad nos movendos et attrahendos utitur,
ipsi illi quo utitur, funi comparare, ab omni ratione alienum
est."--Lib. ii. c. 27, pp. 409, 410.
[422:3] Col. ii. 18.
[423:1] "Epistle to the Ephesians."
[423:2] Matt. xxvi. 39.
[423:3] John xxi. 18.
[423:4] 2 Tim. iv. 17.
[424:1] We have here an additional and very clear proof that Polycarp,
in his Epistle, is not referring to Ignatius of Antioch. Instead of
pronouncing the letters now current as treating "of faith and
_patience_, and of all things that pertain to edification," he would
have condemned them as specimens of folly, impatience, and presumption.
Dr Cureton seems to think that, because Ignatius was an old man, he was
at liberty to throw away his life ("Corp. Ignat." p. 321); but Polycarp
was still older, and he thought differently.
[424:2] Sec. 4.
[424:3] See "Corpus Ignatianum," p. 253.
[424:4] The reader is to understand that all the extracts given in the
text are from the Syriac version of the "Three Epistles."
[425:1] "Epistle to the Ephesians."
[425:2] "Epistle to the Romans." Pearson can see nothing but the
perfection of piety in all this. "In quibus nihil putidum, nihil
odiosum, nihil _inscitè_ aut _imprudenter_ scriptum est." ... "Omnia cum
pia, legitima, praeclara."--_Vindiciae_, pars secunda, c. ix.
[425:3] From A.D. 208 to A.D. 258.
[425:4] Thus in the "Acts of Paul and Thecla," fabricated about the
beginning of the third century, Thecla says--"Give me the seal of
Christ, (_i.e._ baptism,) and _no temptation shall touch me_," (c. 18.)
See Jones on the "Canon of the New Testament," ii. p. 312.
[426:1] "Epistle to Polycarp."
[426:2] 1 Cor. xiii. 3.
[426:3] See Blunt's "Early Fathers," p. 237. See also Origen's
"Exhortation to Martyrdom," § 27, 30, 50.
[426:4] According to Dr Lee, a strenuous advocate for the Syriac version
of the "Three Epistles," _this translation_, as he supposes it to be,
was made "not later perhaps than the close of the second, or beginning
of the _third century_." "Corpus Ignat." Introd. p. 86, note. Dr Cureton
occasionally supplies strong presumptive evidence that the translation
has been made, not from Greek into Syriac, but from Syriac into Greek.
"Cor. Ignat." p. 278.
[426:5] Though Milner, in his "History of the Church of Christ," quotes
these letters so freely, he seems to have scarcely turned his attention
to the controversy respecting them. Hence he intimates that Ussher
reckoned _seven_ of them genuine, though it is notorious that the
Primate of Armagh rejected the Epistle to Polycarp. (See Milner, cent.
ii. chap, i.) Others, as well as Milner, who have written respecting
these Epistles, have committed similar mistakes. Thus, Dr Elrington,
Regius Professor of Divinity in Trinity College, Dublin, the recent
editor of "Ussher's Works," when referring to the Primate's share in
this controversy, speaks of "the recent discovery of a Syriac version of
_four_ Epistles by Mr Cureton!" "Life of Ussher," p. 235, note.
[428:1] "Instit." lib. i. c. xiii. § 29.
[429:1] See Bunsen's "Hippolytus," i. p. 27.
[430:1] Period I. sec. ii. chap, iii. pp. 202, 203.
[430:2] See Tertullian, "Adversus Hermogenem," c. x. and iv.
[430:3] [Greek: gnôsis].
[431:1] Ps. cxiii. 6.
[431:2] See Tertullian, "Adversus Marcionem," lib. i. c. 2. About this
time many works were written on the subject. Eusebius mentions a
publication by Irenaeus, "On Sovereignty, or on the Truth that _God is
not the Author of Evil_," and another by Maximus on "_The Origin of
Evil_." Euseb. v. 20, 27.
[431:3] Irenaeus, "Contra Haeres." lib. i. c. 24, § 7.
[433:1] Irenaeus, lib. i. c. 24. According to Clemens Alexandrinus,
Basilides flourished in the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius.
"Stromata," lib. vii. Opera, p. 764.
[433:2] [Greek: Buthos kai ennoia, nous kai alêtheia, logos kai zôê].
[433:3] According to some, Valentine was the disciple of Marcion.
Clemens Alexandrinus states that Marcion was his senior. "Strom." lib.
viii. Tertullian says expressly that Valentine was at one time the
disciple of Marcion. "De Carne Christi," c. 1.
[434:1] See Neander's "General History," by Torrey, ii. pp. 171, 174,
notes.
[434:2] See Kaye's "Clement of Alexandria," pp. 316, 317.
[435:1] The Ophites carried this feeling so far as to maintain that the
serpent which deceived Eve was no other than the divine Aeon Sophia, or
Wisdom, who thus weakened the power of Ialdabaoth, or the Demiurge.
[435:2] See Mosheim, "De Caussis Suppositorum Librorum inter Christianos
Saeculi Primi et Secundi." "Dissert, ad Hist. Eccl. Pertin." vol. i.
221.
[437:1] His great text was Rev. xx. 6, 7. Hence some now began to
dispute the authority of the Apocalypse.
[437:2] Others, who do not appear to have been connected with Montanus,
but who lived about the same time, held the same views on the subject of
marriage. Thus, Athenagoras says--"A second marriage is by us esteemed a
specious adultery."--_Apology_, § 33.
[437:3] "Nam idem (Praxeas) tunc Episcopum Romanum, agnoscentem jam
prophetias Montani, Priseae, Maximillae, et ex ea agnitione pacem
ecclesiis Asiae et Phrygiae inferentem, falsa de ipsis prophetis et
ecclesiis eorum adseverando et praecessorum ejus auctoritates defendendo
coegit et litteras pacis revocare jam emissas et a proposito
recipiendorum charismatum concessare."--_Tertullian, Adv. Praxean._, c. i.
[438:1] Euseb. v. 16.
[438:2] It would appear, however, that it maintained a lingering
existence for several centuries. Even Justinian, about A.D. 530, enacts
laws against the Montanists or Tertullianists.
[438:3] Isaiah xlv. 5, 7.
[439:1] Augustin, "Contra Epist. Fundamenti," c. 13.
[439:2] On the ground that their oil is _the food of light_! Schaff's
"History of the Christian Church," p. 249.
[441:1] We find Tertullian, after he became a Montanist, dwelling on the
distinction of venial and mortal sins. See Kaye's "Tertullian," pp. 255,
339.
[441:2] Rom. vi. 23.
[442:1] 1 Thess. v. 22.
[442:2] James i. 15.
[442:3] See Cudworth's "Intellectual System," with Notes by Mosheim,
iii. p. 297. Edition, London, 1845.
[442:4] See Hagenbach's "History of Doctrines," i. p. 218.
[442:5] See Kaye's "Tertullian," p. 348.
[442:6] The doctrine of Purgatory, as now held, was not, however, fully
recognised until the time of Gregory the Great, or the beginning of the
seventh century.
[443:1] See Mosheim's "Institutes," by Soames, i. 166.
[443:2] Marcion, it appears, declined to baptize those who were married.
"Non tinguitur apud illum caro, nisi virgo, nisi vidua, nisi caelebs,
nisi divortio baptisma mercata."--_Tertullian, Adver. Marcionem_, lib.
i. c. 29.
[443:3] See Neander's "General History," ii. 253.
[443:4] In the "Westminster Review" for October 1856, there is an
article on _Buddhism_, written, indeed, in the anti-evangelical spirit
of that periodical, but containing withal much curious and important
information.
[444:1] Col. ii. 23.
[446:1] The most remarkable instance of this is the condemnation of the
word [Greek: homoousios], as applied to our Lord, by the Synod of
Antioch in A.D. 269. It is well known that the very same word was
adopted in A.D. 325, by the Council of Nice as the symbol of orthodoxy;
and yet these two ecclesiastical assemblies held the same views. See
also, as to the application of the word [Greek: hupostauis], Burton's
"Ante-Nicene Testimonies," p. 129.
[446:2] "The inference to be drawn from a comparison of different
passages scattered through Tertullian's writings is, that the Apostle's
Creed in its present form was not known to him as a summary of faith;
but that the various clauses of which it is composed were generally
received as articles of faith by orthodox Christians."--_Kaye's
Tertullian_, p. 324.
[446:3] These may be found in Routh's "Reliquiae." Eusebius has
preserved many of them.
[447:1] "Si quis legat Scripturas.....et erit consummatus discipulus, et
similis patrifamilias, qui de thesauro suo profert nova et
vetera."--_Irenaeus_, iv. c. 26, § i.
[447:2] "Ubi fomenta fidei de scripturarum interjectione?"--_Tertullian,
Ad Uxorem_, lib. ii. c. 6.
[447:3] As in the case of Origen. In the Didascalia we meet with the
following directions--"Teach then your children the word of the
Lord..... Teach them to write, and to read the Holy Scriptures."
--_Ethiopic Didascalia, by Platt_, p. 130.
[447:4] Euseb. viii. c. 13.
[448:1] Clemens Alexandrinus, "Stromata," lib. vii.
[448:2] Homil. xxxix. on Jer. xliv. 22.
[448:3] Period I. sec. ii. chap. i. p. 184.
[448:4] The fathers traced analogies between the four Gospels and the
four cardinal points, the living creatures with four faces, and the four
rivers of Paradise. See Irenaeus, lib. iii. c. xi. § 8; and Cyprian,
Epist. lxxiii., Opera, p. 281.
[449:1] Such as the Epistle of Barnabas and the Shepherd of Hermas.
[449:2] See Westcott on the Canon, pp. 452, 453.
[449:3] "The opinion that falsehood, was allowable, and might even be
necessary to guide the multitude, was," says Neander, "a principle
inbred into the aristocratic spirit of the old world."--_General
History_, ii. p. 72.
[449:4] Such as the numerous works ascribed to Clemens Romanus, and the
Ignatian Epistles.
[450:1] Cyprian, Epist. lxxiv. p. 294.
[450:2] Cyprian, Epist. lxxiv. p. 296.
[450:3] Cyprian, Epist. lxxiv. p. 294.
[450:4] The conflicting traditions relative to the time of keeping the
Paschal feast afford a striking illustration of this fact.
[450:5] See Kaye's "Justin Martyr," p. 75.
[450:6] "Originis vitium." "Malum igitur animae.... ex originis vitio
antecedit."--_De Anima_, c. 41. Cyprian calls it "contagio antiqua."
"Innovati Spiritu Sancto a sordibus contagionis antiquae."--_De Habitu
Virginum_, cap iv.
[450:7] "Per quem (Satanan) homo a primordio circumventus, ut praeceptum
Dei excederet, et propterea in mortem datus exinde totum genus de suo
semine infectum suae etiam damnationis traducem fecit."--_De Testimonio
Animae_, c. iii.
[451:1] "Nothing can be less systematic or less organized than their
notions on this subject; I might say, often even contradictory; such
inconsistency partly, perhaps, arising from the point never having been
canvassed by men with any care, as it eventually was by
controversialists of a later day,... and partly from the embarrassment
of their position; for whilst Scripture and self-experience compelled
them to admit the grievous corruption of our nature, they had
perpetually to contend against a powerful body of heretics, _who made
such corruption the ground for affirming that a world so evil could not
have been created by a good God, but was the work of a Demiurgus_"
--_Blunt's Early Fathers_, pp. 585, 586.
[451:2] "Paedagogue," lib. i.
[451:3] See Kaye's "Clement," p. 432. See also the comments of Neander,
"General History," ii. 388.
[451:4] Pliny's Epistle to Trajan.
[451:5] See various passages in Justin's Dialogue with Trypho, and in
Origen against Celsus.
[452:1] Thus Origen says--"We do not pay the _highest worship to Him who
appeared so lately, as to a person who had no previous existence_, for
we believe Him when He says himself--'Before Abraham was, I
am.'"--_Contra Celsum_, viii. § 12.
[452:1] The origin of this name has been much controverted. It is
probable that it was derived from Ebion, the founder of the sect. See
Period I. sect. ii. chap. iii. p. 206. Among other things the party seem
to have inculcated voluntary poverty.
[452:3] This passage, which is somewhat obscure as it stands in the
original, has been misinterpreted by Unitarian writers from generation
to generation. The rendering which they commonly give of it makes it
quite inconsistent with the context, and with the statements of Justin
elsewhere. See Kaye's "Justin," p. 51.
[453:1] Thus Tertullian says, "The only man without sin is Christ,
because Christ is _also God_."--_De Anima_, cap. xli. Justin Martyr
complains that the Jews had expunged from the Septuagint many passages
"wherein it might be clearly shewn that He who was crucified was _both
God and man_."--_Dialogue with Trypho_, § 71.
[453:2] Euseb. v. 28.
[454:1] Euseb. v. 27, 30. Epiphanius, "Haer." 65, 1.
[454:2] The superscription of this epistle is a sufficient refutation of
much of the reasoning of Mr Shepherd against the genuineness of the
Cyprianic correspondence, as here the names of a crowd of bishops are
given without any mention whatever of their sees.
[454:3] Euseb. vii. 30.
[454:4] [Greek: trias] or trinitas.
[454:5] This is, however, by no means clear, as there is nothing in his
works to indicate that he held such a position.
[454:6] "Ad Autolycum," ii. c. 15. [Greek: tupoi eisin tes Triados].
[455:1] Thus Irenaeus says--"There is ever present with Him (the Father)
the Word and _Wisdom_, the Son and _Spirit_."--_Contra Haereses_, iv.
20, § 1. It may here be proper to add that the early Christians
worshipped the third Person of the Trinity. Thus, Hippolytus
says--"Through Him (the Incarnate Word) we form a conception of the
Father; we believe in the Son; _we worship the Holy Ghost_."--_Contra
Noetum_, c. 12.
[455:2] "Legat. pro. Christianis," c. 10.
[455:3] "Legat. pro. Christ." c. 12.
[456:1] "Monarchiam, inquiunt, tenemus."--_Tertullian, Adv. Praxean_, c.
3.
[456:2] "Athanas de Synodis," c. 7.
[456:3] Hippolytus, "Philosophumena," book ix.
[456:4] He flourished about A.D. 220, and was contemporary with
Hippolytus. See Bunsen, i. 131.
[457:1] Hermias speaks of the Trinity of Plato as "God, and matter, and
example."--Sec. 5.
[457:2] "Doleo bona fide Platonem omnium haereticorum condimentarium
factum. ... Cum igitur hujusmodi argumento illa insinuentur a Platone
quae haeretici mutuantur, satis haereticos repercutiam, si argumentum
Platonis elidam."--_De Anima_, c. 23.
[457:3] "Adversus Praxeam," c. 2, 3.
[458:1] "Paedagogue," book i. c. 5, 6, 11.
[458:2] Opera, p. 74.
[458:3] "Paedagogue," book i. c. 1.
[458:4] "Stromata," book ii.
[458:5] Justin, Opera, p. 500.
[459:1] See Kaye's "Clement," pp. 431, 435.
[459:2] Epist. i. ad Donatum, Opera, p. 3.
[459:3] The philosophers, according to Justin, maintained a general, but
denied a particular providence. Dial, with Trypho, Opera, p. 218. Some
who call themselves Christians adopt this portion of the pagan theology.
[460:1] "Non facti solum, verum et voluntatis delicta vitanda, et
poenitentia purganda esse."--_Tertullian, De Paenitentia_, c. iii.
[460:2] "Hoc enim pretio Dominus veniam addicere instituit."--_Tert. De
Paenit_. c. vi.
[460:3] Clemens Alexandrinus, "Strom." book vi.
[460:4] "Sufficiat martyri propria delicta purgasse."--_Tertullian, De
Pudicitia_, c. 22.
[460:5] See Kaye's "Tertullian," p. 431. Origen speaks of the baptism of
blood (martyrdom) rendering us purer than the baptism of water. Opera,
ii. p. 473.
[460:6] Epist. lxxvi. Opera, p. 322.
[460:7] Epist. lv. p. 181.
[461:1] Ps. cxix 18, 19.
[463:1] See the Apology of Athenagoras, secs. 3, 10; and Minucius Felix,
c. 10.
[463:2] "Nostrae columbae etiam domus simplex, in editis semper et
apertis, et ad lucem."--_Tertullian, Advers. Valent._ c. 3.
[463:3] Life of Alexander Severus, by Lampridius, c. 49.
[464:1] See Kennett's "Antiquities of Rome," p. 41.
[464:2] Bingham has proved, by a variety of testimonies, that such was
the order of the ancient service. See his "Origines," iv. 383, 400, 417.
The early Christians thus literally obeyed the commandment--"Come before
his presence with singing;" "_Enter into his gates_ with thanksgiving,
and into his courts with praise."--(Ps. c. 2, 4.).
[464:3] See 1 Cor. xiv. 26. See also Euseb. v. 28.
[464:4] At the end of his "Paedagogue." This hymn to the Saviour was
composed by Clement himself.
[465:1] Euseb. vii. 30.
[465:2] See Bingham, i. p. 383. Edit. London, 1840.
[465:3] Chrysostom in Psalm cxlix. See Bingham, ii. 485.
[466:1] [Greek: hosê dunamis.] See Origen, "Contra Celsum," iii. 1 and
57; Opera, i. 447, 485.
[466:2] "Apol." ii. p. 98.
[466:3] "Suspicientes Christiani manibus expansis denique sine monitore,
quia de pectore oramus."--_Apol._ c. 30. The omission of a single word,
when repeating the heathen liturgy, was considered a great misfortune.
Chevallier says, speaking of this expression _sine monitore_--"There is
probably an allusion to the persons who were appointed, at the
sacrifices of the Romans, _to prompt the magistrates_, lest they should
incidentally omit _a single word_ in the appropriate formulae, which
would have vitiated the whole proceedings."--_Translation of the
Epistles of Clement_, &c., p. 411, note.
[466:4] Opera, i. 267.
[466:5] See Minucius Felix.
[466:6] Tertullian, "De Oratione," c. 14.
[466:7] See Bingham, iv. 324. In prayer the Christians soon began to
turn the face to the east. See Tertullian, "Apol." c. 16. This custom
appears to have been borrowed from the Eastern nations who worshipped
the sun. See Kaye's "Tertullian," p. 408.
[467:1] Thus Prideaux mentions how the Persian priests, long before the
commencement of our era, approached the sacred fire "to read _the daily
offices of their Liturgy_ before it."--_Connections_, part i., book iv.,
vol. i. p. 218. This liturgy was composed by Zoroaster nearly five
hundred years before Christ's birth.
[467:2] See Clarkson on "Liturgies," and Hartung, "Religion der Romer."
It is remarkable that the old pagan Roman liturgy, in consequence of the
change in the language from the time of its original establishment,
began at length to be almost unintelligible to the people. It thus
resembles the present Romish Liturgy. The pagans believed that their
prayers were more successful when offered up in a barbarous and unknown
language. See Potter's "Antiquities of Greece," i. 288. Edit. Edinburgh,
1818. The Lacedaemonians had a form of prayer from which they never
varied either in public or private. Potter i. 281.
[467:3] "In the persecutions under Diocletian and his associates, though
a strict inquiry was made after the books of Scripture, and other things
belonging to the Church, which were often delivered up by the
_Traditores_ to be burnt, yet we never read of any ritual books, or
books of divine service, delivered up among them."--_Bingham_, iv. 187.
[467:4] It is worthy of note that, in modern times, when there is any
great revival of religion, forms of prayer fall into comparative
desuetude even among those by whom they were formerly used.
[468:1] See Tertullian, "De Oratione," c. 9; and Origen, "De Oratione."
[468:2] 1 Tim. ii. 2.
[468:3] Tertullian, "Apol." c. 39.
[468:4] See Tertullian, "De Praescrip." c. 41.
[468:5] See Guerike's "Manual of the Antiquities of the Church," by
Morrison, p. 214.
[468:6] Guerike's "Manual," p. 213.
[469:1] There is reference to this in the "Apostolic Constitutions,"
lib. ii. c. 57. Cotelerius, i. 266.
[469:2] Euseb. vii. 30.
[470:1] See Bingham, ii. 212.
[470:2] Letter from Pius of Rome to Justus of Vienne.
[470:3] Bingham, ii. 451.
[470:4] See Period II. sec. i. chap. iii. p. 320.
[472:1] See the "Epistle of the Church of Smyrna," giving an account of
his martyrdom, § 9.
[472:2] The Latin version of his words, as given by Jacobson,
is--"Octogesimum jam et sextum _annum aetatis_ ingredior."--_Pat.
Apost._ ii. 565. See also the "Chronicum Alexandrinum" as quoted by
Cotelerius, ii. 194; and Gregory of Tours, "Hist." i. 28.
[472:3] He is represented as _standing_, when offering up a prayer of
about two hours' length (§ 7), and as _running_ with great speed (§ 8).
Such strength at such an age was extraordinary. The Apostle John is said
to have lived to the age of one hundred; but, towards the close of his
life, he appears to have lost his wonted energy.
[472:4] "Apol." ii. Opera, p. 62. See Dr Wilson's observations on this
passage in his "Infant Baptism," pp. 447, 448.
[473:1] Dialogue with Trypho. Opera, p. 261.
[473:2] There may here be a reference to 1 Cor. vii. 14.
[473:3] Book ii. c. xxii. § 4.
[473:4] Thus he says--"Giving to His disciples the power of
_regeneration unto God_, He said to them--Go and teach all nations,
_baptizing_ them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost."--Book iii. c. xvii. § 1. Thus, too, he speaks of the
heretics using certain rites "to the rejection of _baptism, which is
regeneration unto God_."--Book i. c. xxi. § 1. Irenaeus here apparently
means that baptism _typically_ is regeneration, in the same way as the
bread and wine in the Eucharist are _typically_ the body and blood of
Christ.
[474:1] That infant baptism was now practised at Alexandria is apparent
also from the testimony of Clemens Alexandrinus, who, in allusion to
this rite, speaks of "the children that are _drawn up out of the
water_."--Paedag. iii. c. 11.
[474:2] Hom. xiv. in "Lucam." Opera, iii. 948. See also Opera, ii. 230.
Hom. viii. in "Leviticum."
[474:3] Comment. in "Epist. ad Roman," lib. v. Opera, iv. 565.
[475:1] "De Baptismo," c. 18.
[475:2] Acts ii. 41.
[475:3] Acts viii. 37, 38; xvi. 31-33.
[476:1] "_Parents_ were commonly _sponsors for their own children_ ...
and the extraordinary cases in which they were presented by others, were
commonly such cases, where the parent could not, or would not, do that
kind office for them; as when slaves were presented to baptism by their
masters, or children whose parents were dead, were brought, by the
charity of any who would shew mercy on them; or children exposed by
their parents, which were sometimes taken up by the holy virgins of the
Church, and by them presented unto baptism. These are _the only cases_
mentioned by St Austin in which children seem to have had other
sponsors."--_Bingham_, iii. 552.
[476:2] Mark x. 14.
[476:3] Compare Mark x. 13-16 with Luke xviii. 15, 16.
[477:1] See Acts xvi. 15.
[477:2] "De Baptismo," c. viii. xvi.
[477:3] "It would be thought by many a cruelty to place a person
_without his own consent_, and in unconscious infancy, in a situation,
so far, much more disadvantageous than that of those brought up pagans,
that if he did ever--suppose at the age of fifteen or twenty--fall into
any sin, he must remain for the rest of his life--perhaps for above half
a century--deprived of all hope, or at least of all confident hope, of
restoration to the divine favour; shut out from all that cheering
prospect which, if his baptism in infancy _had been omitted_, might have
lain before him."--_Archbishop Whately's Scripture Doctrine concerning
the Sacraments_, p. 11, note.
[478:1] Acts ii. 38, 39.
[478:2] Gen. xvii. 12; Lev. xii. 3.
[479:1] Epist. lix. pp. 211, 212.
[479:2] Laurentius, a Roman deacon, who flourished about the middle of
the third century, is represented as baptizing one Romanus, a soldier,
in a pitcher of water, and another individual, named Lucillus, by
pouring water upon his head. See Bingham, iii. 599.
[480:1] Here the validity of the ordinance is made to depend upon the
personal character of the administrator.
[480:2] Epist. lxxvi. p. 321.
[480:3] Epist. lxxiv. p. 295.
[480:4] Epist. lxxvi. p. 317. In like manner Clement of Alexandria
says--"Our transgressions are remitted by one sovereign medicine, the
baptism according to the Word." See Kaye's "Clement," p. 437.
[480:5] Epist. lxx. p. 269.
[480:6] Tertullian, "De Baptismo," c. 1.
[480:7] Cyprian, "Con. Carthag." pp. 600, 602.
[480:8] See Kaye's "Clement of Alexandria," p. 441, and Tertullian, "De
Corona," c. 3.
[480:9] Tertullian, "De Baptismo," c. 7.
[480:10] Tertullian, "De Baptismo," c. 8.
[481:1] "De Resurrectione Carnis," c. 8.
[481:2] "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
Ghost."--Matt, xxviii. 19.
[481:3] Bingham, iii. 377.
[483:1] Rev. xxii. 18, 19.
[484:1] "Apol." ii. Opera, pp. 97, 98.
[485:1] In an article on the Roman Catacombs, in the "Edinburgh Review"
for January 1859, the writer observes--"It is apparent from all the
paintings of Christian feasts, whether of the Agapae, or the burial
feasts of the dead, or the Communion of the Holy Sacrament, that they
were celebrated by the early Christians _sitting round a table_."
[485:2] This calumny created much prejudice against them in the second
century. See Justin Martyr's "Dialogue with Trypho," § 10; and the
"Apology of Athenagoras," § 3. If Pliny refers to the Eucharist when he
speaks of the early Christians as partaking of food together, it is
obvious that they must then have communicated sitting, or in the posture
in which they partook of their ordinary meals.
[485:3] Tertullian, "De Oratione," c. 14.
[485:4] See Euseb. vii. 9.
[485:5] Justin Martyr, "Apol." ii. 98; and Tertullian's "Apol." c. 39.
[486:1] Epist. lxiii. "To Caecilius," Opera, p. 229.
[486:2] Larroque's "History of the Eucharist," p. 35. London, 1684.
[486:3] Cyprian, "De Lapsis," Opera, pp. 375, 381. This was probably the
result of carrying to excess a protest against the Montanist opposition
to infant baptism. Such a reaction often occurs. It was now maintained
that the Lord's Supper, as well as Baptism, should be administered to
infants.
[486:4] At an earlier period it was dispensed in presence of the
catechumens. See Bingham, iii. p. 380.
[486:5] "De Oratione Dominica," Opera, p. 421.
[487:1] See Kaye's "Tertullian," p. 357.
[487:2] See Gieseler's "Text Book of Ecclesiastical History," by
Cunningham ii. 331, note 3.
[487:3] "Dialogue with Trypho," Opera, pp. 296, 297.
[487:4] See Kaye's "Clement of Alexandria," p. 445.
[487:5] [Greek: akeraioterôn], Opera, in. p. 498.
[488:1] In Mat. tom. xi. Opera, iii. 499, 500.
[488:2] Epist. lxiii. "To Caecilius," Opera, p. 225.
[488:3] Epist. lxiii. Opera, 228.
[488:4] Matt, xviii. 20.
[489:1] Irenaeus, "Contra Haereses," v. c. 2, § 3. Clement of Alexandria
says that "to drink the blood of Jesus is to partake of the incorruption
of the Lord."--_Paedagogue_, book ii.
[489:2] "Contra Haereses," iv. c. 18, § 5.
[489:3] This feeling prevailed in the time of Tertullian. "Calicis aut
panis etiam nostri aliquid decuti in terram auxie patimur."--_De
Corona_, c. 3.
[489:4] Hom. xiii. in "Exod." Opera, ii. 176.
[489:5] Ps. xii. 6.
[490:1] See Kaye's "Justin Martyr," p. 94. Irenaeus, iv. o. 17, § 5.
Tertullian, "De Oratione," c. 14.
[490:2] "Nonne solemnior erit statio tua, si et ad aram Dei steteris?"
Tertullian, "De Oratione," c. 14, or, according to Oehler, c. 19.
[491:1] Matt. iii. 5, 6.
[491:2] Acts xix. 17, 18.
[493:1] Acts xvi. 33.
[493:2] "Apol." ii. Opera, p. 93, 94.
[493:1] "De Paenitentia," c. ix.
[493:2] Joshua vii. 6; Esther iv. 1; Isaiah lviii. 5; Ezek. xxvii. 30.
[494:1] See a "Memorial concerning Personal and Family Fasting," by the
pious Thomas Boston. Edinburgh, 1849.
[494:2] Matt. ix. 15.
[494:3] Lev. xxiii. 27.
[494:4] The text Matt. ix. 15 was urged in support of this observance.
See Tertullian, "De Jejun." c. ii.
[494:5] "Wednesday being selected because on that day the Jews took
counsel to destroy Christ, and Friday because that was the day of His
crucifixion."--_Kaye's Tertullian_, p. 418. As Wednesday was dedicated
to Mercury and Friday to Venus, this fasting, according to Clement,
signified to the more advanced disciple, that he was to renounce the
love of gain and the love of pleasure. Kaye's "Clement," p. 454.
[495:1] These Xerophagiae, or Dry Food Days, were even now objected to
by some of the more enlightened Christians on the ground that they were
an import from heathenism. Tertullian, "De Jejun." c. ii.
[495:2] Col. ii. 23.
[495:3] Thus Cyprian, Epist. liii. p. 169, speaks of a penance of three
years' duration.
[496:1] Socrates, v. c. 19.
[497:1] See canon xi. of the Council of Nice.
[497:2] See Cyprian, Epist. xl., p. 53, and "ad Demetrianum," p. 442.
[497:3] See p. 419, note §.
[497:4] See p. 460.
[498:1] Rom. iii. 28.
[498:2] Matt. iii. 8.
[498:3] Isa. lviii. 6-8.
[499:1] Period II. sec. iii. chap. i. pp. 465, 466.
[499:2] 1 Tim. v. 17.
[500:1] Apost. Constit. ii. c. 17.
[500:2] Phil. iv. 3.
[500:3] No less than five persons are mentioned as having preceded
Polycarp in the see of Smyrna, viz., Aristo, Strataeas, another Aristo,
Apelles, and Bucolus. See Jacobson's "Patres Apostolici," ii. 564, 565,
note. It is not at all probable that he became the senior presbyter long
before the middle of the second century. Irenaeus, indeed, tells us that
he was constituted bishop of Smyrna _by the apostles_ (lib. iii. c. 3, §
4)--a statement which implies that _at least two_ of the inspired
heralds of the gospel were concerned in his designation to the ministry;
but as he was still only a boy of nineteen when the last survivor of the
twelve died in extreme old age, the words cannot mean that he was
actually ordained by those to whom our Lord originally entrusted the
organization of the Church. The language was probably designed simply to
import that John and perhaps Philip had announced his future eminence
when he was yet a child, and that thus, like Timothy, he was invested
with the pastoral commission "according to the prophecies" which they
had previously delivered. See 1 Tim. i. 18; iv. 14.
[501:1] Sec. 74.
[502:1] Sec. 54.
[502:2] Sec. 44.
[502:3] Sec. 44. All these quotations attest the late date of the
Epistle. Tillemont places it in A.D. 97. Eusebius had evidently no doubt
as to its late date. See his "History," iii. 16.
[502:4] Sec. 57.
[502:5] For many centuries it was considered lost. At length in the
reign of Charles I. a copy of it was discovered appended to a very
ancient manuscript containing the Septuagint and Greek Testament--the
manuscript now known as the Codex Alexandrinus.
[502:6] Euseb. iii. 16; iv. 23.
[503:1] See the Romish Breviary under the 23d of November, where a
number of absurd stories are told concerning him.
[503:2] Sec. 42.
[503:3] They continued to be so used when the Peshito version of the New
Testament was made. That version is assigned by the best authorities to
the former half of the second century. See p. 421, note.
[503:4] It is probably of nearly the same date as the first Apology of
Justin Martyr.
[504:1] [Greek: hoi sun autoi presbuteroi]--evidently equivalent to
[Greek: sumpresbuteroi]. See 1 Pet. v. i.
[504:2] Phil. i. 1.
[504:3] Sec. 5.
[504:4] Sec. 6.
[504:5] Jerome, "Comment. in Tit."
[504:6] 1 Cor. xiv. 40.
[505:1] As in Acts xiv. 23.
[505:2] I make no apology for employing a word which, even the
Benedictine Editor of Origen has adopted. Thus he speaks of the
"senatores et _moderatores_ ecclesiae Dei."--_Contra Celsum._ iii. 30,
Opera, i. 466.
[505:3] Such as Acts xxi. 18; Gal. ii. 12.
[506:1] "At Antioch some, as Origen and Eusebius, make Ignatius to
succeed Peter. Jerome makes him the third bishop, and placeth Evodius
before him. Others, therefore, to solve that, make them contemporary
bishops; the one, of the Church of the Jews; the other, of the
Gentiles.... Come we to Rome, and here the succession is as muddy as the
Tiber itself; for here Tertullian, Rufinus, and several others, place
Clement next to Peter. Irenaeus and Eusebius set Anacletus before him;
Epiphanius and Optatus both Anacletus and Cletus; Augustinus and
Damasus, with others, make Anacletus, Cletus, and Linus all to precede
him. What way shall we find to extricate ourselves out of this
labyrinth?"--_Stillingfleet's Irenicum_, part ii. ch. 7. p. 321.
[506:2] "Polycarp, and the elders who are with him, to the Church of God
which is at Philippi."
[506:3] A Roman deacon of the fourth century. His works are commonly
appended to those of Ambrose.
[507:1] "Primum presbyteri episcopi appellabantur, ut, recedente uno,
sequens ei succederet."--_Comment. in Eph._ iv.
[507:2] "Ut omnis episcopus presbyter sit, non omnis presbyter
episcopus; hic enim episcopus est, qui inter presbyteros primus
est."--_Comment. in 1 Tim_. iii. According to a learned writer this
arrangement extended farther. "Ita, uti videtur, comparatum fuit, ut
defuncto presbytero, primus ordine diaconus locum occuparet ultimum
presbyterorum, novusque in locum novissimum substitueretur diaconus;
decedente vero episcopo, primus ordine presbyter in ejus locum
sufficeretur, et primus in ordine diaconorum novissimam presbyterii
sedem capesseret."--_Thomae Brunonis Judicium de auctore Can. et Const.
quae apost. dicuntur_. Cotelerius, ii. Ap. p. 179.
[507:3] 1 Pet. v. 5. It is a curious and striking fact, arguing strongly
in favour of the antiquity of their Church polity, that among the
Vaudois Barbs of old the claims of seniority were distinctly
acknowledged. The following rule of discipline is taken from one of
their ancient MSS. "He that is received the last (into the ministry by
imposition of hands) ought to do nothing without the permission of him
that was received before him."--_Moreland, History of the Evang. Ch. of
the Valleys of Piedmont_, p. 74.
[507:4] He is speaking immediately before of presbyters. See 1 Pet.
v. 1-4.
[507:5] Matt. x. 2, "_The first_, Simon, who is called Peter." Mark iii.
16; Luke vi. 14; Acts i. 13.
[507:6] Jerome in "Jovin," i. 14.
[508:1] Savigny's "History of the Roman Law," by Cathcart, i. pp. 62,
63, 75.
[508:2] Euseb. iii. 23. [Greek: ho presbutês].
[508:3] In Africa the senior bishop or metropolitan was called _father_.
See Bingham, i. 200. In the second century we find the name given to the
Roman bishop. See Routh's "Reliquiae," i. 287. According to Eutychius,
his predecessor in the see of Alexandria in the early part of the third
century was called "Baba (Papa), that is, grandfather."
[509:1] Euseb. v. 1.
[509:2] He was one hundred and sixteen years of age in A.D. 212 (Euseb.
vi. 11), so that in A.D. 196, or about the time of the Palestinian Synod
at which he presided (Euseb. v. 23), he was a century old.
[509:3] Etheridge's "Syrian Churches," pp. 9, 10.
[509:4] See 1 Tim. iv. 12.
[509:5] That is, Anacletus, Evaristus, Alexander, Sixtus, Telesphorus,
and Hyginus; but some consider Anacletus the same as Cletus, who is
supposed to have died before Clement.
[510:1] Pearson has noticed this fact, and has endeavoured to erect upon
it an argument against the current chronology. See his "Minor Works,"
ii. 527. It would appear that the names of the three bishops of Smyrna
next after Polycarp were Thraseas, Papirius, and Camerius. At least two
of these had passed away a considerable time before the Paschal
controversy. See Greswell's "Dissertations," iv. part ii. p. 600, note.
[510:2] Hist. iv. 5.
[510:3] According to Eusebius his appointment took place _after_ the
destruction of Jerusalem, or about A.D. 71. He was, therefore, at the
head of the Church forty-five years, as his martyrdom occurred in A.D.
116. According to this reckoning he was in his seventy-fifth year when
made president.
[510:4] This explanation of the matter approximates to that given by
Tillemont. "Cela peut etre venu de ce qu'on les choisissoit entre les
plus agez du Clergé pour les faire Evesques: car on ne voit pas qu'ils
ayent esté plus persecutez que d'autres."--_Mém. pour servir à
l'Histoire Ecclesiastique_, tom. ii. part ii. p. 40. It would appear
from Eusebius (iii. 32), that at the time of the death of Simeon there
were still living a number of very old persons who were relatives of our
Lord. Some of these were, probably, elders in the Church of Jerusalem.
[511:1] He is said in the "Chronicon" of Eusebius to have presided
sixteen years.
[511:2] Euseb. v. 12.
[512:1] In the tenth century, the darkest and most revolting period in
the history of the Popedom, there were _twenty-four_ bishops of Rome.
Some of these reigned only a few days; at least one of them was
strangled; several of them died in prison; and several others were
driven from the see or deposed. There have been only twenty-four Popes
in the last two hundred and fifty years.
[512:2] There have been only twenty-eight Archbishops of Canterbury
since 1454.
[512:3] In the middle of the third century we find Firmilian appealing
to it as a witness against the Church of Home. Cyprian, Epist. lxxv.
Opera, p. 303.
[512:4] "Hist." vi. 20.
[513:1] "Hist." iv. 5; v. 12.
[513:2] Such as, after the death of the aged Simeon, when Justus, at the
age of fivescore and ten, was advanced to the presidential chair.
[514:1] Irenaeus, iii. 2. Tertullian, "De Praescrip. Haeret." § 25.
[514:2] "Ad eam iterum traditionem, quae est ab apostolis, quae _per
successiones presbyterorum_ in ecclesiis custoditur, provocamus
eos."--Irenaeus, iii. 2.
[514:3] Irenaeus here speaks in the language of his own times, and
refers to the presidents, or senior ministers, of the presbyteries. In
like manner Hilary says that the change in the mode of appointing the
president of the presbytery was made by the decision of many _priests_
(multorum _sacerdotum_ judicio), though the title _priest_ was not given
to a Christian minister when the alteration was originally proposed.
[514:4] Irenaeus, iii. 3.
[515:1] Period II. sec. i. chap. iv.; and Period II. sect. iii. chap.
vii.
[515:2] According to a very ancient canon, no one under fifty years of
age could be made a bishop. See Bunsen's "Hippolytus," iii. 56. Even in
the time of Cyprian much stress was still laid upon age. See Cyprian,
Epist. lii. p. 156.
[515:3] Sec Period II. sect. iii. chap. xi. See also Bingham, i. 198.
[515:4] Münter's "Primordia Ecclesiae Africanae," p. 49. See also
Bingham, vi. 377-379.
[516:1] Bingham, i. 201.
[516:2] Binius, i. 5. Fourth Council of Toledo, canon 4.
[516:3] Bingham, i. 204.
[517:1] Bunsen dates it about A.D. 200. "Hippolytus and his Age," p.
114. The recently discovered treatise of Hippolytus against all heresies
shews that Noetus must have appeared much earlier than most modern
ecclesiastical historians have reckoned.
[517:2] Routh, "Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Opuscula," tom. i. pp. 49,
50. Oxon, 1858. This extract proves that the Church of Smyrna continued
under presbyterial government long after the time of Polycarp. Other
Churches about this time were in the same position. See Eusebius, v. 16.
[518:1] During the Paschal controversy the Churches of Jerusalem,
Caesarea, and others sided with Rome, and then probably adopted her
ecclesiastical regimen. It had, perhaps, been generally adopted in Asia
Minor during the Montanist agitation.
[518:2] Chapter vii. of this section.
[519:1] The word _catholic_ came now into use. The minister of the Word
was called a _priest_, and the communion table, an _altar_.
[519:2] Euseb. v. 12.
[519:3] Euseb. vi. 10. The word [Greek: cheirotonian] here employed is
indicative of a popular choice. See also the "Chronicon" of Eusebius.
[519:4] Münter's "Primordia Eccles. Afric.," pp. 25, 26.
[520:1] Acts x. 1, 45-48; xxi. 8.
[520:2] "Hist." v. 22.
[520:3] "Hist." v. 23; v. 25; vi. 19; vi. 23; vi. 46; vii. 14, &c, &c.
[520:4] "Annal." p. 332.
[520:5] See Lardner's Works, vii. 99. Edit. London, 1838.
[521:1] Eusebius, vi. 26. Towards the close of his episcopate Demetrius
held several synods in Alexandria, at which a considerable number of
bishops were present.
[523:1] It would appear that the "Ecclesiastical History" of Eusebius
was published shortly after Constantine first publicly recognized
Christianity. That event took place in A.D. 324, and with that year the
history terminates.
[523:2] "Vita Malchi," Opera, iv. pp. 90, 91. Edit. Paris, 1706.
[524:1] "Antequam _Diaboli instinctu_, studia in religione fierent, et
diceretur in populis, Ego sum Pauli, ego Apollo, ego autem Cephae,
communi presbyterorum consilio ecclesiae gubernabantur. Postquam vero
unusquisque eos quos baptizaverat suos putabat esse, non Christi, in
toto orbe decretum est, ut unus de presbyteris, electus superponeretur
caeteris, ad quem omnis ecclesiae cura pertineret, et _schismatum semina
tollerentur_."--_Comment. in Titum._ The language here used bears a
strong resemblance to that employed by Lactantius long before when
treating of the same subject--"Multae haereses extiterunt, et
_instinctibus daemonum_ populus Dei _scissus est_."--_Instit. Divin._,
lib. iv. c. 30.
[525:1] 1 Cor. i. 12.
[525:2] "Hic locus vel maxime adversum Haereticos facit qui pacis
vinculo dissipato atque corrupto, putant se tenere Spiritus unitatem;
quum unitas Spiritus in pacis vinculo conservetur. Quando enim non
idipsum omnes loquimur, et alius dicit _Ego sum Pauli, Ego Apollo, Ego
Cephae_, dividimus Spiritus unitatem, et eam in partes ac membra
discerpimus."-_Comment, in Ephes._, lib. ii. cap. 4. Again, we find him
saying-"Neonon et dissensiones opera carnis sunt, quum quis nequaquam
perfectus, eodem sensu, et eadem sententia dicit. _Ego sum Pauli, et ego
Apollo, et ego Cephae, et ego Christi._ ...Nonnumquam evenit, ut et in
expositionibus Scripturarum oriatur dissensio, _e quibus haereses quoque
quae nunc in carnis opere ponuntur_, ebulliunt."--_Comment, in Epist. ad
Galat._, cap. 5.
[525:3] Philip, i. 1, 2.
[526:1] Acts xx. 17, 28.
[526:2] Our translators, as it would appear acting under instructions
from James I., here render the word "overseers."
[526:3] The Church of Rome, of which Jerome was a presbyter, long
hesitated to receive the Epistle to the Hebrews. Its opposition to
ritualism seems, in the third and fourth centuries, to have been
offensive to the ecclesiastical leaders in the Western metropolis. In
the first century no such doubts respecting it existed among the Roman
Christians. See Period I. sec. ii. chap. i. p. 183.
[526:4] Heb. xiii. 17. The reading of Jerome, here, as well as in the
case of other texts quoted, differs somewhat from that of our authorized
version. He seems to have often quoted from memory.
[527:1] 1 Pet. v. l, 2.
[527:2] It may suffice to give in the original only the conclusion of
this long quotation. "Paulatim vero, ut dissensionum plantaria
evellerentur, ad unum omnem solicitudinem esse delatam. Sicut ergo
presbyteri sciunt se ex ecclesiae consuetudine ei qui sibi praepositus
fuerit esse subjectos; ita episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine quam
dispositionis dominicae veritate presbyteris esse majores."--_Comment,
in Titum_.
[527:3] See Period I. sec. i. chap. 10. p. 157.
[527:4] Thus Dr Burton says that "the Epistles of St John were composed
in the _latter part_ of Domitian's reign."--_Lectures_, i. 382. Jerome
was evidently of this opinion, for he says that, in his First Epistle,
he refers to Cerinthus and Ebion, who appeared towards the close of the
first century. "Jam tunc haereticorum semina pullularent Cerinthi,
Ebionis, et caeterorum qui negant Christum in carne venisse, quos et
ipse in Epistola sua Antichristos vocat."--_Proleg. in Comment, super
Matthaeum_.
[528:1] 2 John 1.
[528:2] 3 John 1.
[528:3] Epist. ci. "Ad Evangelum."
[528:4] Period II. sec. iii. chap. 5. p. 500.
[528:5] Sec. 1.
[528:6] The reader may find the quotations in the preceding chapter, pp.
501, 502.
[528:7] Thus Milner says that "so far as one may judge by Clement's
Epistle," the Church of Corinth, when the letter was written, had Church
governors "_only of two ranks_," presbyters and deacons.--_Hist. of the
Church_, cent. ii. chap. 1.
[528:8] As the letter supplies no trace whatever of the existence of a
bishop in the Church to which it is addressed, Pearson is sadly puzzled
by its testimony, and gravely advances the supposition that _the bishop
of Philippi must have been dead_ when Polycarp wrote! "Vindiciae
Ignatianae," pars ii. cap. 13. Rothe is equally perplexed by the Epistle
of Clement. He says that "in the whole Epistle there is never any
reference to a bishop of the Corinthian community," and he admits that,
when the letter was written, "the Corinthian community had no bishop at
all;" but, to support his favourite theory, he contends, like Pearson,
that the bishop of Corinth must also have been dead! "Die Anfange der
Christlichen Kirche," pp. 403, 404. Strange that the bishop of Corinth
and the bishop of Philippi both happened to be dead at the only time
that their existence would have been of any historical value, and that
_no reference_ is made either to them or their successors!
[529:1] See Euseb. iv. c. 11.
[529:2] Euseb. in. 32, and iv. 22.
[529:3] Euseb. iii. 32. It was probably immediately after the election
of Marcus, as bishop of Jerusalem, that Thebuthis became a heretic. See
Euseb. iv. 22. About that time the sect of the Nazarenes originated.
[530:1] Origen, "Contra Celsum," iii. § 10, Opera, i. 453, 454.
[530:2] "Dialogue with Trypho," Opera, p. 253.
[530:3] "Contra Haeres." i. 27, § 1.
[530:4] "Strom." p. 764.
[530:5] Epist. lxxiv. Opera, p. 293. The ancient writers speak of all
the early schismatics as heretics. Thus Novatian, though sound in the
faith, is so described. Cyprian, Epist. lxxvi. p. 315. When, therefore,
Jerome speaks of the early schismatics he obviously refers to the
heretics. Irenaeus says of them--"_Scindunt_ et separant unitatem
ecclesiae."--Lib. iv. c. xxvi. § 2. In like manner Cyprian represents
"heresies and schisms" as making their appearance after the apostolic
age, and as inseparably connected. "Cum haereses et schismata postmodum
nata sint, dum conventicula sibi diversa constituunt."--_De Unitate
Eccles._, Opera, p. 400.
[531:1] The existence of heresy in Gaul in the second century is
established by the fact that Irenaeus spent so much time in its
refutation. Had he not been annoyed by it, he never would have thought
of writing his treatise "Contra Haereses."
[531:2] Valentine himself seems to have been a presbyter. He at one time
expected to be made bishop.
[532:1] Such is the statement of Hilary--"Immutata est ratio,
prospiciente concilio, ut non ordo sed meritum crearet episcopum,
multorum sacerdotum judicio constitutum, ne indignus temere usurparet,
et esset multis scandalum."--_Comment. in Eph_. iv.
[532:2] See Period II. sec. i. chap. iv. pp. 333, 334, 349.
[533:1] At an early period, out of three elders nominated by the
presbytery, one was chosen by lot; subsequently, out of three elders
chosen by lot, one was elected by the people. See pp. 333, 349.
[533:2] "Collocatum."
[533:3] Epist. ci. "Ad Evangelum."
[534:1] A few passages of the letter may here be given in the original.
"Manifestissime comprobatur eundem esse episcopum atque presbyterum....
Quod autem _postea_ unus electus est, qui cicteris praeponeretur, in
schismatic remedium factum est, ne unusquisque ad se trahens Christi
ecclesiam rumperet. Nam et Alexandriae à Marco Evangelista usque ad
Heraclam et Dionysium Episcopos, presbyteri semper unum ex se electum in
excelsiori gradu collocatum episcopum nominabant."-Epist. ci. ad
Evangelum.
[535:1] Matt. xx. 26, 27.
[535:2] The view here taken is sustained by the verdict of learned and
candid episcopalians. "When elders were ordained by the apostles in
every Church, through every city, to feed the flock of Christ, whereof
the Holy Ghost had made them overseers: they, to the intent that they
might the better do it by common counsel and consent, did use to
assemble themselves and meet together. In the which meetings, for the
more orderly handling and concluding of things pertaining to their
charge, they chose one amongst them to be the president of their company
and moderator of their actions."--_The Judgment of Doctor Rainoldes
touching the Original of Episcopacy more largely confirmed out of
Antiquity, by James Ussher, Archbishop of Armagh._ Ussher's Works, vii.
p. 75.
[537:1] Pearson has endeavoured to destroy the credit of this
chronology, and has urged against it the authority of the "Annals of
Eutychius!" "De Successione prim. Rom. Episc." He had before laboured to
prove that the testimony of these "Annals" is worthless. "Vindic.
Ignat." pars i. c. xi.
[537:2] The chronology of Eusebius, as arranged by Bower in his "Lives
of the Popes," stands thus:--
Evaristus, A.D. 100 to A.D. 109.
Alexander, A.D. 109 to A.D. 119.
Sixtus (or Xystus), A.D. 119 to A.D. 128.
Telesphorus, A.D. 128 to A.D. 139.
Hyginus, A.D. 139 to A.D. 142.
Pius, A.D. 142 to A.D. 157.
Anicetus, A.D. 157 to A.D. 168.
Soter, A.D. 168 to A.D. 176.
Eleutherius, A.D. 176 to A.D. 192.
Victor, A.D. 192 to A.D. 201.
[538:1] The following is the chronology of Pearson:--
Clement died A.D. 83.
Evaristus, A.D. 83 to A.D. 91.
Alexander, A.D. 91 to A.D. 101.
Xystus, A.D. 101 to A.D. 111.
Telesphorus, A.D. 111 to A.D. 122.
Hyginus, A.D. 122 to A.D. 126.
Pius, A.D. 127 to A.D. 142.
Anicetus, A.D. 142 to A.D. 161.
Soter, A.D. 161 to A.D. 170.
Eleutherius, A.D. 170 to A.D. 185.
Victor, A.D. 185 to A.D. 197.
--"Minor Works," ii. pp. 570; 571.
[539:1] I have endeavoured, from the records of the late Synod of
Ulster, to estimate the medium length of the incumbency of a moderator
for life, being the senior minister of a presbytery of from ten to
fifteen members, and have found that the average of thirty-six
successions amounted to between eight and nine years. In these
presbyteries young ministers generally constituted a considerable
portion of the members. Had they all been persons advanced in life, the
average must have been greatly reduced.
[539:2] During that part of the second century which terminated with the
death of Hyginus, the average duration of the life of a Roman bishop
very little exceeded eight years; whereas, during the remainder of the
century, it amounted to nearly twelve years. According to the chronology
of Pearson the disproportion is still greater, being as eight years and
a fraction to fourteen years. If we insert the episcopate of Anacletus,
it will be nearly as seven to fourteen.
[539:3] In the verses erroneously attributed to Tertullian, the Church
of Rome is represented as in a flourishing state when visited by Cerdo.
"Advenit Romam Cerdo, nova vulnera gestans
Detectus, quoniam voces et verba veneni
Spargebat furtim; quapropter ab agmine pulsus,
Sacrilegum genus hoc genuit spirante dracone.
Constabat pietate vigens Ecclesia Romae
Composita a Petro, cujus successor et ipse
Jamque loco nono cathedram suscepit Hyginus."
[540:1] Euseb. iv. 11. Irenaeus says that Valentine, the most famous and
formidable of the Gnostic teachers, "came to Rome under Hyginus, was in
his prime under Pius, and lived until the time of Anicetus."--_Contra
Haeres._, iii. 4. § 3. Cyprian speaks of "the more _grievous pestilences
of heresy breaking forth_ when Marcion the Pontian emerged from Pontus,
whose master Cerdo came to Rome _during the episcopate of
Hyginus_."--_Epist_. lxxiv. He adds--"But it is acknowledged that
heresies _afterwards became more numerous and worse_."--_Epist_. lxxiv.
Opera, pp. 293, 294.
[540:2] Euseb. iv. 11. See also a fragment attributed to Irenaeus in
Stieren's edition, i. 938.
[540:3] See Mosheim, "Commentaries," by Vidal, ii. 266.
[541:1] Hieronymus, "Comment, in Titum."
[541:2] Ibid.
[541:3] "Tamen postquam in omnibus locis ecclesiae sunt constitutae, et
officia ordinata, aliter composita res est, quam coeperat."--_Comment.
in Epist. ad Ephes._ cap. 4.
[541:4] "Ideo non per omnia conveniunt scripta apostoli ordinationi,
quae nunc in ecclesia est; quia haec _inter ipsa primordia_ sunt
scripta."--Ibid.
[541:5] "Ut non ordo, sed meritum crearet episcopum."--_Ibid._ Hilary
appears to have believed with Jerome that the Church was originally
governed "by the common council of the presbyters," but that, meanwhile,
_with their sanction_, or under peculiar circumstances, deacons might
preach and even laymen baptize. Such, too, seems to have been the
opinion of Tertullian. See Kaye's "Tertullian," pp. 226, 448. Hilary,
however, maintained that this arrangement was soon abrogated. "Coepit
alio ordine et providentia gubernari ecclesia; quia si omnes eadem
possent, irrationabile esset, et vulgaris res, et vilissima videretur."
[543:1] Irenaeus, iii. 3, § 3.
[544:1] See Period II. sec. 1. chap. iv. pp. 334-336.
[544:2] Irenaeus, i. 24, § 1; i. 28, § 1.
[544:3] Thus, Valentine travelled from Alexandria to Rome, and
afterwards settled in Cyprus. Marcion, who was originally connected with
Pontus, and who taught in Rome, is said to have also travelled in Egypt
and the East.
[545:1] "Blondelli Apologia pro Sententia Hieronymi," p. 18. Blondel
makes the vacancy of four years' continuance.
[545:2] Pearson's "Minor Works," ii. p. 571.
[546:1] Epiphanius, "Haeres." 42, Opera, tom. i. p. 302.
[546:2] See Burton's "Lectures," ii. 98.
[546:3] "Speraverat episcopatum Valentinus, quia et ingenio poterat et
eloquio. Sed alium ex martyrii praerogativa loci potitum indignatus de
ecclesia authenticae regulae abrupit."--_Adv. Valent._ c. iv.
[546:4] Tertullian states that Valentine at first believed the doctrine
of the Catholics _in the Church of Rome_. "Be Praescrip." c. 30. When he
came to the city he was admitted to communion. He set up a distinct sect
after Pius was made bishop. It is impossible, therefore, to avoid the
inference that he was mortified because he was not himself chosen.
Tertullian here confounds Eleutherius and Hyginus.
[547:1] The unwillingness even of Tertullian to say anything to its
prejudice has been often remarked. See Neander on a passage in the tract
"De Virg. Veland." in his "Antignostikos," appended to his "History of
the Planting and Training of the Christian Church," in Bohn's edition,
ii. 420. See also the same, p. 429. See also "De Pudicitia," c. 1.
[547:2] They are quoted as genuine by Binius, Baronius, Bona, Thorndike,
Bingham, Salmasius, and many others. Bishop Beveridge speaks of one of
them as of undoubted authority. "In _indubitata_ illius
epistola."--_Annot. in Can. Ap._ See Cotelerius, i. 459. Pearson rejects
them as spurious, whilst contending so valiantly for the Ignatian
Epistles.
[547:3] Such as _Missa_ and _Titulus_. But that Pastor really did erect
a place in which the Christians assembled for worship, as stated in one
of these letters, is not improbable. See Routh's "Reliquiae," i. 430.
Pearson objects to them on the ground that Eleutherius is spoken of in
one of them as a _presbyter_, whereas Hegesippus describes him as
_deacon_ afterwards in the time of Anicetus. See Euseb. iv. 22. But it
is not clear that Hegesippus here uses the word deacon in its strictly
technical sense. He may mean by it _minister_ or _manager_, and may
design to indicate that Eleutherius was the most _prominent official
personage_ under Anicetus, occupying the position afterwards held by the
_archdeacon_.
[548:1] "Presbyteri et Diaconi, non ut majorem, sed ut ministrum Christi
te observent."
[549:1] That, in the time of Marcion, there were Roman presbyters who
had been disciples of the apostles, see Tillemont, "Mémoires," tom. ii.
sec. par. p. 215. Edit. Brussels, 1695.
[550:1] "Presbyteri illi qui ab apostolis educati usque ad nos
pervenerunt, cum quibus simul verbum fidei partiti sumus, a Domino
vocati in cubilibus aeternis clausi tenentur."
[550:2] Pearson ("Vindiciae," par. ii. c. 13) has appealed to a letter
from the Emperor Hadrian to the Consul Servianus as a proof that the
terms _bishop_ and _presbyter_ had distinctive meanings as early as A.D.
134. The passage is as follows:--"Illi qui Serapim colunt, Christiani
sunt; et devoti sunt Serapi, qui se Christi episcopos dicunt. Nemo illic
Archisynagogus Judaeorum, nemo Samarites, nemo Christianorum
Presbyter.... Ipse ille Patriarcha, quum Aegyptum venerit, ab aliis
Serapidem adorare, ab aliis cogitur Christum." Such a testimony only
shews that Pearson was sadly in want of evidence. This same letter has
in fact often been adduced to prove that the terms bishop and presbyter
were still used interchangeably, and such is certainly the more
legitimate inference. See Lardner's remarks on this letter, Works, vol.
vii. p. 99. Edit. London, 1838.
[550:3] "The Philippians appear to have continued to live under the same
aristocratic constitution (of venerable elders) _about the middle of the
second century_, when Polycarp addressed his Epistle to
them."--_Bunsen's Hippolytus_, i. 369.
[551:1] [Greek: proestôs], Opera, pp. 97-99.
[551:2] "Episcopi, _id est, praesides ecclesiarum_."--Lib. iii. simil.
ix. c. 27. There is a parallel passage to this in Tertullian, "De
Baptismo," c. 17--"Summus sacerdos, _qui est episcopus_." This is,
perhaps, the first instance on record in which a bishop is called the
chief priest. Hence the necessity of the interpretation--"qui est
episcopus." Pastor considered an explanation of the title "episcopus"
equally necessary.
[551:3] Neander supposes this work to have been written A.D. 156.
"General History," ii. 443.
[551:4] See Period II. sec. ii. chap. i. p. 368.
[552:1] So high indeed is its authority that many facts taken from it
are recorded in the "Breviary." Even Bunsen appeals to it. See "Analecta
Antenicaena," iii. 52, 53.
[552:2] Binius makes the following abortive attempt to explain the
statement-"Quòd hierarchicus catholicae ecclesiaeae ordo, quo presbyteri
episcopis, diaconi presbyteris, populus presbyteris et diaconis subditus
est, ab Hygino compositus esse hic dicitur, _non aliter intelligi
potest_, quâm quod Hyginus hierarchiae ecclesiasticae jam tempore
apostolorum a Christo Domino constitutae, et a sanctis Patribus ipso
antiquioribus comprobatae, quaedam duntaxat injuria temporum et
scriptorum deperdita addiderit, vel eadem quae Divino jure instituta, et
a patribus comprobata sunt, hac constitutione sua illustraverit."
--_Concilia_, i. 65, 66.
[552:3] "Hic clerum composuit, et distribuit gradus."--_Binii Concil._
i. 65. Baronius, ad annum, 158.
[553:1] When referring to this statement Baronius says--"Porrò quod ad
gradus cujusque ordinis in Ecclesia, quo ecclesiastica habetur composita
hierarchia, jam a temporibus apostolorum haec facta esse, _Ignatio
auctore_ et aliis, tomo primo Annalium demonstravimus; verum _aliqua
antiquae formae ab Hyginio fuisse addita_, vel eadem illustrata, _aequum
est aestimare_."
[554:1] See Kaye's "Tertullian," p. 414.
[555:1] 1 Tim. v. 17.
[555:2] Euseb. iv. 11; iv. 19. Dr Burton has well observed that
Alexandria and Antioch were "the hotbeds from which nearly all the
mischief arose, which, under the name of philosophy, inundated the
Church in the second century."--_Lectures_, vol. ii. p. 103.
[556:1] Period II. sec. iii. chap. v. pp. 516, 517.
[556:2] "Quanquam sunt inter scriptores ecclesiasticos qui putaverint
Polycarpum Romam venissè, ut quaereret de festo paschatis: ex his
Irenaei verbis luco clarius elucet, _ob alias causas_ Ioannis apostoli
discipulum Romam profectum esse."--_Stieren's Irenaeus_, i. p. 826,
note.
[557:1] Euseb. v. 24.
[557:2] Stieren's "Irenaeus," i. 827.
[557:3] First, as his senior; and secondly, as a disciple of the
apostles.
[557:4] It was a standing rule of the Church that a strange bishop
should be thus treated. See "Didascalia," by Platt, p. 97.
[559:1] "_Paulatim_ vero, ut dissensionum plantaria evellerentur, ad
unum omnem solicitudinem esse delatam."--_Comment. in Tit_.
[560:1] Period II. sec. iii. chap. 5, pp. 510, 512, 516, 520.
[560:2] But the presiding elders now began generally to be called
bishops.
[560:3] Thus, though, as we may infer from the testimony of Tertullian,
Christianity was planted in North Britain in the second century, the
universal tradition is that originally there were no bishops in that
country. According to an ancient MS. belonging to the former bishops of
St Andrews, and to be found in the "Life of William Wishart," one of
their number who lived in the thirteenth century, the first bishop
created in Scotland was elected in A.D. 270. See Jamieson's "Culdees,"
pp. 101, 101.
[561:1] Song of Solomon, vi. 9; Ps. xlv. 9. "Sub Apostolis nemo
Catholicus vocabatur.....Cum post Apostolos haereses extitissent,
diversisque nominibus columbam Dei atque reginam lacerare per partes et
scindere niterentur; nonno cognomen suum ecclesia postulabat, quae
incorrupti populi distingueret unitatem?"
[562:1] Pacian, "Epist. to Sympronian," secs. 5 and 8. Pacian is said to
have been bishop of Barcelona. He died A.D. 392.
[562:2] Epist. lxix. 265, 266.
[563:1] Justin Martyr, Opera, p. 99.
[563:2] According to the "Apostolic Constitutions" the deacons were not
at liberty to baptize. Lib. viii. c. 28.
[563:3] "De Baptismo," c. 17.
[563:4] Tertullian thus corroborates the testimony of Jerome.
[563:5] "In the sixth century the clergy of Italy complained to
Justinian that, _owing to the vacancy of sees_, 'an immense multitude of
people died without baptism.' Even so late as the time of Hinemar (the
ninth century) baptisms were still performed by the bishop, and _they
alone were considered canonical_."--_Palmer's Episcopacy Vindicated_, p.
35, note.
[564:1] "It appears to have been the custom at Rome and other places to
send from the cathedral church the bread consecrated to the several
parish churches."--_Stillingfleet's Irenicum_, pp. 369, 370.
"Thomassinus shown that in the fifth century the presbyters of Rome did
not consecrate the Eucharist in their respective churches, but it was
sent to them from the principal church."--_Palmer_, p. 35, note.
[564:2] Thus Rome is called the "principal Church" in regard to
Carthage. Cyprian, Epist. lv. p. 183.
[564:3] Tertullian apparently refers to this when he says--"Una omnes
probant unitate _communicatio pacis_ et appellatio fraternitatis, et
contesseratio hospitalitatis."--_De Praescrip_. c. 20.
[564:4] "Ecclesiis apostolicis matricibus et originalibus fidei."
[565:1] "Cathedrae apostolorum suis locis praesident." These words
clearly indicate that the Churches founded by the apostles were now
recognized as centres of unity for the surrounding Christian
communities.
[565:2] It is worthy of note that, in the second canonical epistle ever
written by Paul, he warns this Church of the coming of the Man of Sin.
(2 Thess. ii. 3.) It appears from the text that thus early it was
identified with the system which resulted in the establishment of the
Papacy. It is equally remarkable that the bishop of Thessalonica was the
first _Papal Vicar_ ever appointed. See Bower's "History of the Popes,"
Damasus, thirty-sixth bishop; and Gieseler, i. 264.
[565:3] "De Praescrip." xxi., xxxvi.
[565:4] The tendency of "Church principles" to terminate in the
recognition of a universal bishop has appeared in modern as well as in
ancient times. "What other step," says a noble author, "remains to stand
between those who held those principles and Rome? _Only one:_ that the
priesthood so constituted, invested with such powers, is organized under
one head--a Pope....The space to be traversed in arriving at it is so
narrow, and so unimpeded by any positive barrier, _either of logic or of
feeling_, that the slightest influence of sentiment or imagination, of
weakness or of superstition, is sufficient to draw men across."--_Letter
from the Duke of Argyll to the Bishop of Oxford_, p. 23. London, Moxon,
1851.
[566:1] Tertullian says that John, as well as Peter and Paul, had been
in Rome. "De Praescrip." xxxvi.
[567:1] "Contra Haeres." iii. c. iii. § 2.
[567:2] "Maximae et antiquissimae et omnibus cognitae, a gloriosissimis
duobus apostolis Petro et Paulo Romae fundatae et constitutae
ecclesiae."--_Irenaeus_, iii. c. iii. § 2.
[567:3] We find this designation in some of the early canons. See
Bunsen's "Hippolytus," iii. 50.
[567:4] Euseb. v. 24.
[568:1] See the statement of Cyprian in the Council of Carthage,
"Opera," p. 597; and Jerome, in his Epistle to Evangelus, "Opera," iv.
secund. pars. p. 803.
[568:2] "Pontifex scilicet Maximus, quod est episcopus episcoporum,
edicit: Ego et moechiae et fornicationis delicta poenitentia functis
dimitto."--_Tertullian, De Pudicitia_, c. 1. "Neque enim quisquam
nostrum episcopum se esse episcoporum constituit."--_Cyprian, Con. Car.,
Opera_, 597.
[569:1] "Ecclesiae catholicae radicem et matricem."--_Epist_. xlv. p.
133.
[569:2] "Navigare audent et ad Petri cathedram atque ad ecclesiam
principalem unde unitas sacerdotalis exorta est."--_Epist_. lv. p. 183.
"Nam Petro primum Dominus, super quem aedificavit ecclesiam, et unde
unitatis originem instituit et ostendit, potestatem istam
dedit."--_Epist_. lxxiii. p. 280. See also _Epist_. lxx.-"Una ecclesia a
Christo Domino super Petrum origine unitatis et ratione fundata."
[570:1] The word _catholic_ first occurs in the Epistle of the Church of
Smyrna giving an account of the martyrdom of Polycarp, but that letter
was probably not written until at least twenty years after the event
which it records. See Period II. sec. i. chap. iv. p. 337. It is
remarkable that the word is not found in Irenaeus, or used by his Latin
interpreter. The pastor of Lyons, however, recognizes the distinction
indicated by the word catholic, for he speaks of the _ecclesiastici_ or
churchmen, and of those "_qui sunt undique_." Stieren's "Irenaeus," i.
430, 502, note. The word catholic was obviously quite current in the
time of Tertullian.
[570:2] Particularly Matt. xvi. 18. Clemens Alexandrinus says that our
Lord baptized Peter only, and that Peter then baptized other apostles.
See Kaye's "Clement," p. 442; and Bunsen's "Analecta Antenic." i. p.
317. See also Origen, "Opera," ii. 245; and Firmilian's "Epistle."
[571:1] Even Polycrates of Ephesus admits that he had been requested by
Victor to convene a synod. Euseb. v. 24. About sixty years afterwards
Cyprian writes to Stephen of Rome requesting him to send letters into
Gaul that Marcianus the bishop, who had sided with Novatian, "being
excommunicated, another may be substituted in his room."--_Cyprian,
Epist_. lxvii. pp. 248, 249.
[572:1] Thus he says--"For neither did Peter, _whom the Lord chose
first, and on whom He built His Church_, when Paul afterwards disputed
with him about circumcision, claim or assume anything insolently and
arrogantly to himself, so as _to say that he held the primacy_."--Epist.
lxxi. p. 273.
[573:1] Gen. xi. 4.
[573:2] Book I. vision iii. § 3, &c.
[574:1] Rev. xiv. 6-8.
[575:1] 1 Tim. v. 17.
[576:1] See Bunsen's "Hippolytus," ii. 305, and iii. 35, 36.
[576:2] Bunsen's "Hippolytus," iii. 36.
[576:3] "Apost. Constit." ii. 57.
[576:4] [Greek: kai oute ho panu dunatos en logô tôn en tais ekklêsiais
proestôtôn, hetera toutôn erei (oudeis gar huper ton didaskalon) oute ho
asthenês en tô logo elattôsei tên paradosin].--_Contra Haereses_, i. c.
10. § 2.
[576:5] "Optatus adv. Donat." vii. 6.
[576:6] 1 Cor. xiv. 5, 24, 26, 31.
[577:1] Euseb. vi. 19. It is to be observed that these laymen, having
the sanction of the ecclesiastical authorities, were thus virtually
licensed to preach.
[577:2] "Apost. Constit." vii. 46. There was a Church at Cenchrea in the
time of the apostles. Rom. xvi. 1. Strabo calls Cenchrea a village, lib.
viii.
[577:3] See Bingham, iii. 129.
[577:4] Cyprian, "Council of Carthage." Girba, Mileum, Badias, and
Carpi, the sees of these bishops, were all small places with, no doubt,
a still smaller Christian population.
[578:1] Cyprian, "Council of Carthage."
[578:2] Euseb. vii. 30.
[578:3] See Sage's "Vindication of the Principles of the Cyprianic Age,"
p. 348. Edit., London, 1701.
[578:4] See Period II. sec. i. chap. v. pp. 355, 356.
[578:5] See Bingham, i. 41, 43.
[579:1] Bunsen's "Hippolytus," i. 129; and Wordsworth, p. 257. It would
appear from Celsus that not a few of the Church teachers in the second
century supported themselves by manual labour. See Origen, Opera, i.
484.
[579:2] "Adleguntur in ordinem ecclesiasticum artifices idolorum."--_De
Idololatria_, c. vii. Malchion, one of the presbyters of Antioch in the
time of Paul of Samosata, was the head-master of one of the principal
schools in the place. Euseb. vii. 29.
[579:3] Cyprian, Epist. lxvi. p. 246. In after times the bishop himself
was the grand-executor, having the charge of all the wills of his
diocese!
[581:1] Council of Elvira, A.D. 305, 18th canon.
[581:2] Period II. sec. iii. chap. vi. p. 533.
[581:3] "Nam et Alexandria à Marco Evangelista usque ad Heraclam et
Dionysium Episcopos, presbyteri semper unum ex se electum, in excelsiori
gradu collocatum Episcopum nominabant; quomodo si exercitus Imperatorem
faciat; aut Diaconi eligant de se quem industrium noverint, et
Archidiaconum vocent."--_Epist. ad Evangelum_.
[581:1] Heraclas now succeeded him. The immediate successor of Heraclas
was Dionysius.
[581:2] "_Apud nos_ quoque et _fere_ per provincias universas
tenetur."--_Cyprian_, Epist. lxviii. p. 256. The arrangement of which
Cyprian speaks was now, perhaps, pretty generally established in the
West, but he may have understood, through his intercourse with
Firmilian, that in some parts of the East a different usage still
prevailed.
[581:3] "Nam _et_ Alexandriae."
[582:1] Eutychius, the celebrated patriarch of Alexandria who flourished
in the beginning of the tenth century, makes this assertion. According
to this writer there were originally twelve presbyters connected with
the Alexandrian Church; and, when the patriarchate became vacant, they
elected "one of the twelve presbyters, _on whose head the remaining
eleven laid hands_, and blessed him and created him patriarch."--_See
the original passage in Selden's Works_, ii. c. 421, 422; London, 1726.
This passage furnishes a remarkable confirmation of the testimony of
Jerome as to the fact that the Alexandrian presbyters originally made
their bishops, but it is probably not very accurate as to the details.
As to the laying on of hands it is not supported by Jerome.
[582:2] The case is different with the modern English archdeacon who is
a presbyter.
[583:1] "A fratribus constitutus et colobio episcoporum vestitus."
[583:2] "Saluta _omne collegium fratrum_, qui tecum sunt in Domino."
[583:3] The practice seems to have continued longer at Alexandria than
at Rome and various other places.
[583:4] The statement of Jerome is not inconsistent with the fact that
the senior elder was originally the president or bishop, for he was
recognized as such by mutual agreement. Neither is it at variance with
the idea that the elders sometimes made a selection _by lot_ out of
three of their number previously put in nomination. There are good
grounds for believing that even after bishops begun to be elected by
general suffrage, the people were in some places restricted to certain
candidates chosen from among the elders by lot. Cyprian apparently
refers to this circumstance when he says that he was chosen _by "the
judgment of God"_ as well as by the vote of the people. Epist. xl. p.
119. The people of Alexandria, towards the close of the third and
beginning of the fourth century, are said to have been restricted to
certain candidates. See p. 333, Period II. sec. i. chap. iv. Cornelius
of Rome is said to have been made bishop by "the judgment of God and of
his Christ" and by the votes of the people. Cyprian, Epist. lii. pp.
150, 151.
[584:1] Euseb. v. 24.
[585:1] "Contra Haereses," iv. c. 26, secs. 2, 4. "Quapropter eis qui in
ecclesia sunt, _presbyteris_ obaudire oportet, his qui successionem
habent ab apostolis, sicut ostendimus; qui _cum episcopatus successione_
charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum Patris acceperunt; reliquos
vero, qui absistunt a principali successione, et quocunque loco
colligunt, suspectos habere vel quasi haereticos et malae sententiae....
Ab omnibus igitur talibus absistere oportet; adhaerere vero his qui et
apostolorum, sicut praediximus, doctrinam custodiunt, et _cum
presbyterii ordine_ sermonem sanum et conversationem sine offensa
praestant."
[585:2] This was long the received doctrine. Thus, the author of the
"Questions on the Old and New Testament" says--"Quid est episcopus nisi
_primus presbyter_?"--_Aug. Quaest._ c. 101.
[585:3] "Onmis potestas et gratia in ecclesia constituta sit, ubi
praesident majores natu, qui et baptizandi et manum imponendi et
ordinandi possident potestatem."--_Firmilian, Epist. Cyprian_, Opera, p.
304.
[586:1] See Bunsen's "Hippolytus," ii. 351-357. See also Fabricius,
"Biblioth. Graecae," liber v. p. 208. Hamburg, 1723.
[586:2] The earliest of these canons was probably framed only a few
years before the middle of the third century. They were called
apostolical perhaps because concocted by some of the bishops of the
so-called apostolic Churches.
[586:3] The collection to which it belongs bears the designation of the
"Canons of _Abulides_,"--the name of _Hippolytus in Abyssinian_, as
their calendar shews. Bunsen, ii. 352. The canons edited by Hippolytus
were, no doubt, at one time acknowledged by the Western Church.
[586:4] Bunsen's "Hippolytus," iii. 43, and "Analecta Antenicaena," iii.
415.
[587:1] Eutychius intimates that the Alexandrian presbyters continued to
ordain their own bishop until the time of the Council of Nice. It is not
improbable that, until then, some of them may have continued to take
part in the ordination, and the statement of the Alexandrian patriarch
may be so far correct.
[587:2] See Bunsen, iii. 45.
[587:3] Where the bishop, as in the case contemplated in a canon quoted
in the text, had to depend for his official income on the contributions
of twelve families, it is plain that the elders could expect no
remuneration for their services. As the hierarchy advanced these ruling
elders disappeared. Hence Hilary says--"The synagogue, and afterwards
_the Church_, had elders, without whose counsel nothing was done in the
Church, which, by what negligence _it grew into disuse_ I know not;
unless, perhaps, by the sloth, or rather by the pride of the teachers,
while they alone wished to appear something."--_Comment on 1 Tim._ v. 1.
Some late writers have contended that these elders (_seniores_) were not
ecclesiastical officers at all, but civil magistrates of municipal
corporations peculiar to Africa. It must, however, be recollected that
Hilary was a _Roman_ deacon of the fourth century, and that he speaks of
them as belonging _to the Church_ before the civil establishment of
Christianity.
[590:1] Thus, Firmilian speaks of "seniores et _praepositi_," and of the
Church "ubi _praesident_ majores natu."--_Cyprian_, Opera, p. 302 and
304.
[590:2] Justin Martyr, Opera, p. 99.
[590:3] In the days of Origen the episcopal office was not unfrequently
coveted for its wealth. Origen, Opera, iii. p. 501. See also Cyprian,
Epist. lxiv. p. 240.
[591:1] Comment, in Matt., Opera, iii. p. 723.
[591:2] See Period II. sec. i. chap. v. p. 354.
[592:1] Euseb. vi. 43.
[592:2] Tertullian, "Praescrip. Haeret." c. 41. This office, even in the
fourth century, was often committed to mere children--a sad proof that
the importance of reading the Word effectively was not duly appreciated.
[592:3] Origen makes mention of them, Opera, ii. p. 453; and Firmilian,
Cyprian, Epist. 1xxv. p. 306.
[592:4] Cyprian, Epist. lii. p. 150.
[592:5] As in the case of Fabian of Rome. Euseb. vi. 29.
[593:1] Bingham, i. 356, 359.
[593:2] Cyprian, Epist. lv. pp. 177, 178; xl. pp. 119, 120.
[593:3] Epist. xxxiii. p. 105.
[594:1] Epist. xxiv. pp. 79, 80.
[594:2] Epist. xxxiv. pp. 107, 108.
[594:3] Epist. xxxv. p. 111.
[595:1] Bishops and presbyters appear to have continued to ordain
bishops in the time of Origen. His "Commentaries on Matthew," written
according to his Benedictine editor in A.D. 245 (see Delarue's "Origen,"
iii. Praef.), speak of _bishops and presbyters_ "committing whole
churches to unfit persons and _constituting incompetent
governors_."--_Opera_, iii. p. 753.
[595:2] It would appear that the five presbyters who opposed Cyprian
constituted the majority of the presbytery. Cyprian, Epist. xl. pp. 119,
120. See also Sage's "Vindication of the Principles of the Cyprianic
Age," p. 348.
[595:3] Euseb. vi. 29.
[596:1] Cyprian, Epist. xxxi. pp. 99, 100.
[596:2] Cyprian, Epist. iv. p. 31.
[596:3] Cyprian, Epist. xxxiii. p. 106, xxxiv. p. 107, lviii. p. 207,
lxxi. p. 271, lxxvii. p. 327. Euseb. vii. 5.
[596:4] Thus we find him going so far as to complain that his presbyters
"with contempt and dishonour of the bishop arrogate sole authority to
themselves."--_Epist._ ix. p. 48.
[596:5] Epist. xlix. p. 143. See Neander's "General History," i. 307,
and Burton's "Lectures on the Ecc. Hist, of the First Three Centuries,"
ii. 331. Burton repudiates the attempts of Bingham and others to explain
away this proceeding.
[597:1] They are called so for the first time in the Council of Ancyra.
They had before always been called simply bishops. It has been remarked
that we never find any _chorepiscopi_ among the African bishops, though
many of them occupied as humble a position as those so designated
elsewhere.
[597:2] Canon xiii., "Canones Apost. et Concil. Berolini," 1839.
[598:1] In the case of Novatian. Euseb. vi. 43.
[599:1] These presbyters were called _Doctores_. Cyprian, Epist. xxxiv.
p. 80.
[599:2] It would appear that, even at the time of the Council of
Carthage held A.D. 397, a bishop had sometimes only one presbyter under
his care. See Dupin's account of the Council.
[599:3] Bingham, i. 198; and Beveridge, "Cotelerius," tom. ii. App. p.
17.
[600:1] See Period II. sec. i. chap. ii. p. 302, and p. 355.
[601:1] Euseb. vi. 43.
[601:2] Bunsen's "Hippolytus," iii. 50. Another canon says--"_He who is
worthy out of the bishops_ ... putteth his hand upon him whom they have
made bishop, praying over him."--Bunsen, iii. 42.
[601:3] See chapter viii. of this section, pp. 565, 567.
[602:1] Bunsen, iii. 111.
[602:2] Euseb. viii. 1.
[603:1] The following observation of a distinguished writer of the
Church of England is well worthy of consideration. "The remains of
ancient ecclesiastical literature, especially those of the Latin Church,
teach us that the corruption of Christianity of which Romanism is the
full development, manifested itself, in the first instance, _not in the
doctrines which relate to the spiriting life of the individual_, but in
those connected with _the constitution and authority_ of the Christian
society."--_Litton's Church of Christ_, p. 12.
[604:1] "Can. Apost." xiv. "Concil. Nic." xv.
[604:2] Euseb. "Martyrs of Palestine," c. 12.
[604:3] Euseb. viii. i.
[605:1] Acts xxvi. 16-18.
[605:2] Such was the case with the churches mentioned Acts xiv. 23, and
Titus i. 5.
[606:1] Trajan regarded with great suspicion all associations, even fire
brigades and charitable societies. See Pliny's "Letters," book x.,
letters 43 and 94.
[607:1] Such as Mosheim, "Instit." i. 149, 150; Neander, "General
History," i. 281.
[607:2] During the first forty years of the second century Gnosticism
did not excite much notice, and as the Church courts must have been
occupied chiefly with matters of mere routine, it is not remarkable that
their proceedings have not been recorded.
[607:3] We have no contemporary evidence to prove that _ordinations_
took place in the former half of the second century, and yet we cannot
doubt their occurrence.
[608:1] Acts xx. 17.
[608:2] "In Mileto enim convocatis episcopis et presbyteris, qui erant
ab Epheso et a reliquis proximis civitatibus."--_Contra Haeres_, iii. c.
14. § 2.
[608:3] Cyprian, Epist. lxviii. § 256.
[608:4] The new bishop was often chosen before the interment of his
predecessor; and even when the senior elder was the president, it is
probable that the neighbouring pastors assembled to attend the funeral
of the deceased pastor, and to be present at the inauguration of his
successor.
[609:1] See Chapter vi. of this Section, p. 524.
[609:2] The old writer called Praedestinatus speaks of several synods
held in reference to the Gnostics before the middle of the second
century. He may have had access to some documents now lost, but the
testimony of a witness who lived in the fifth or sixth century is not of
much value.
[610:1] "In toto orbe decretum est ut unus de presbyteris electus
superponeretur caeteris."--_Com. in Titum_.
[610:2] Euseb. v. 16.
[610:3] See Routh's "Reliquiae," ii. 183, 195.
[611:1] Mosheim ("Commentaries" by Vidal, ii. 105) has made a vain
attempt to set aside the Latin translation of this passage by Valesius,
as he saw that it completely upsets his favourite theory. But any one
who carefully examines the Greek of Eusebius may see that the rendering
complained of is quite correct. It cannot be necessary to point out to
the intelligent reader the transparent sophistry of nearly all that
Mosheim has written on this subject.
[611:2] Euseb. v. 23.
[612:1] See Period II. sec. iii. chap. v. p. 509.
[612:2] Tertullian, "De Jejun," c. xiii.
[613:1] "Aguntur praeterea _per Graecias_ illa certis in locis concilia
ex universis ecclesiis."
[613:2] "Ipsa repraesentatio totius nominis Christiani magna veneratione
celebratur." Mosheim argues from these words that the bishops attended
these assemblies, not by right of office, but as _representatives of the
people_! He might, with more plausibility, have contended that they were
held only once a year. "Ista _sollemnia_ quibus tunc praesens
patrocinatus est sermo."
[614:1] Euseb. v. 24. Hippolytus complains of a bishop of Rome that he
was "ignorant of the _ecclesiastical rules_,"--a plain proof, not only
that synods were in existence in the West, but also that a knowledge of
canon law was considered an important accomplishment. See Bunsen, ii.
223.
[614:2] Cyprian (Epist. lxxiii.) speaks of a large council held "many
years" before his time "under Agrippinus," one of his predecessors. This
bishop appears to have been contemporary with Tertullian.
[614:3] In his book "De Pudicitia," c. 10, he speaks of the "Pastor" of
Hermas as classed among apocryphal productions "_ab omni concilio
ecclesiarum_"--implying that it had been condemned by African councils,
as well as others.
[614:4] The prevalence of the Montanistic spirit in Asia Minor may
account for this.
[615:1] See Potter's "Antiquities of Greece," i. 106.
[615:2] See Mosheim's "Commentaries," cent. ii. sect. 22.
[616:1] "Per singulos annos seniores et praepositi in unum conveniamus."
[616:2] Cyprian, Epist. lxxv. pp. 302, 303.
[616:3] In Africa, however, this arrangement was not established even in
the fifth century. There, the senior bishop still continued president.
[617:1] This canon somewhat differs from the fifth of the Council of
Nice, as the latter requires the first meeting to be held "before Lent."
It is somewhat doubtful which canon is of higher antiquity.
[619:1] "Seniores et praepositi."--_Epist. Cypriani, Opera_, p. 302.
[619:2] "The Councils of the Church," by Rev. E.B. Pusey, D.D., p. 34
Oxford, 1857.
[619:3] Pusey, p. 58.
[619:4] Ibid. p. 66.
[619:5] Ibid. p. 95.
[619:6] As in the case of Athanasius at the Council of Nice.
[619:7] As witnesses and commissioners may still be heard by Church
courts.
[619:8] "Graviter commoti sumus ego et collegae mei qui praesentes
aderant et _compresbyteri nostri qui nobis assidebant"--Cyprian_, Epist.
lxvi. p. 245. "_Residentibus_ etiam viginti et sex _presbyteris,
adstantibus diaconibus et omni plebe."--Concil. Illiberit_.
[620:1] Euseb. vii. 30.
[621:1] Prov. xi. 14.
[621:2] Mosheim's "Institutes," by Soames, i. 150.
[624:1] See Mosheim's "Commentaries," cent. ii. sec. 39; American
edition by Murdock.
[624:2] Acts xxiv. 5.
[624:3] Euseb. iv. 5.
[625:1] The English name _Easter_ is derived from that of a Teutonic
goddess whose festival was celebrated by the ancient Saxons in the month
of April, and for which the Paschal feast was substituted.
[626:1] Pentecost, called Whitsunday or White-Sunday, on account of the
white garments worn by those who then received baptism, was observed as
early as the beginning of the third century. Origen, "Contra Celsum,"
book viii. Tertullian, "De Idololatria," c. 14. We have then no trace of
the observation of Christmas. See Kaye's "Tertullian," p. 413.
[626:2] See Mosheim's "Commentaries," by Murdock, cent. ii. sec. 71. Dr
Schaff seems disposed to deny this, but he assigns no reasons. See his
"Hist. of the Christ. Church," p. 374.
[626:3] Even as to this point there is not unanimity--some alleging that
our Lord partook of the Paschal lamb on the night preceding that on
which it was eaten by the Jews.
[627:1] This is distinctly asserted by Irenaeus. "Anicetus and Pius,
Hyginus with Telesphorus and Xystus, neither did themselves observe, nor
did they permit those after them to observe it. And yet though they
themselves did not keep it, they were not the less at peace with those
from churches where it was kept, whenever they came to them, although to
keep it then was so much the more in opposition to those who did
not."--_Euseb._ v. 24.
[629:1] It would appear that the Armenians, the Copts, and others, still
observe this rite. Mosheim's "Comment." cent. ii. sec. 71. As to the
continuance of this custom at Rome, see Bingham, v. 36, 37.
[629:2] Socrates, an ecclesiastical historian of the fifth century, has
expressed himself with remarkable candour on this subject. "It appears
to me," says he, "that neither the ancients nor moderns who have
affected to follow the Jews have had any rational foundation for
contending so obstinately about it (Easter). For they have altogether
lost sight of the fact that when our religion superseded the Jewish
economy, the obligation to observe the Mosaic law and the ceremonial
types ceased.... The Saviour and His apostles have enjoined us by no law
to keep this feast: nor in the New Testament are we threatened with any
penalty, punishment, or curse for the neglect of it, as the Mosaic law
does the Jews."--_Ecc. Hist._ v. c. 22.
[629:3] This system seems to have been in existence in the time of
Tertullian. See Tertullian, "Ad. Martyr." c. 1., and "De Pudicitia,"
c. 22.
[630:1] Cyprian speaks of a confessor spending his time "in drunkenness
and revealing," (_Epist._ vi. p. 37,) and of some guilty of "fraud,
fornication, and adultery." (_De Unit. Ecc._ p. 404.)
[630:2] Thus Cyprian says--"Lucianus, not only while Paulus was still in
prison, gave letters in his name _indiscriminately_ written with his own
hand, but _even after his decease_ continued to do the same in his name,
saying that he had been ordered to do so by Paulus."--_Epist._ xxii.
p. 77.
[630:3] Cyprian, Epist. x. p. 52.
[631:1] Apostasy in time of persecution was considered a mortal sin.
Adultery was placed in the same category. Cyprian, Epist. lii. p. 155.
At one time Cyprian himself held the sentiments of the stricter party.
See his "Scripture Testimonies against the Jews," book iii. § 28, p. 563.
[633:1] Cyprian, Epist. lxxiii. p. 279, and lxxiv. p. 295.
[633:2] Cyprian, Epist. lxxiii. p. 277, 278.
[634:1] In Stieren's "Irenaeus," i. 824, there is a different reading of
this passage, according to which some continued the fast forty days.
[634:2] Euseb. v. 24.
[636:1] John x. 11, 27, 28.
[636:2] Eph. v. 25-27.
[636:3] Matt, xxviii. 20.
[636:4] 1 Pet. i. 5.
[636:5] Matt. xvi. 18.
[637:1] Eph. iv. 3.
[637:2] Eph. iv. 13.
[637:3] Eph. iv. 13.
[637:4] No writer since the Reformation has discussed the subject of the
Church with more learning and ability than the Rev. Dr Hodge of
Princeton. Those who wish to be thoroughly acquainted with all the
bearings of the question should consult his "Essays and Reviews," New
York, 1857. Also the "Princeton Review." See also an article of his
taken from the "Princeton Review" in the "British and Foreign
Evangelical Review" for Sept. 1854.
[637:5] Matt. xiii. 47-50.
[638:1] 1 Cor. i. 11, 12.
[638:2] Gal. i. 6, iii. 1.
[638:3] Rev. iii. 1.
[639:1] Thus, Melito of Sardis is said to have written a work "On the
Church." Euseb. iv. 26.
[639:2] Apostles' Creed. For another form see Bunsen's "Hippolytus,"
iii. 25, 27.
[640:1] 3 John 9, 10.
[640:2] He appears, for certain reasons now unknown, to have been
dissatisfied with some disciples who had been engaged in missionary
work; and he had influence sufficient to procure the excommunication of
the brethren who entertained them.
[640:3] He would be a bold man who would assert that all the pious
members of the Society of Friends are in a hopeless condition.
[641:1] Heb. xii. 23.
[641:2] See Rothe's "Anfange der Christlichen Kirche," p. 575.
[641:3] Cyprian, Epist. lxxvi. p. 316.
[641:4] Epist. lxix. p. 265.
[641:5] Epist. lxii. p. 221.
[642:1] "De Unit. Ecc." p. 397. See also Lactantius, "De Vera
Sapientia," lib. iv. p. 282.
[642:2] Eph. iv. 12.
[642:3] Acts xx. 32.
[643:1] Rev. i. 6.
[644:1] If our authorized version of the English Bible is to be regarded
as a standard of correct usage, the word priest cannot be properly
employed to designate a Christian minister. In the New Testament, as
stated in the text, a minister of the word is never called a _priest_
([Greek: hiereus]), and the latter term, when used in reference to an
official personage in our English Bible, always denotes an individual
_who offers sacrifice_. To call a gospel minister a priest is,
therefore, at once to adopt an incorrect expression and to insinuate a
false doctrine. The English word priest is derived, not as some say,
from the Greek [Greek: presbuteros] through the French _prêtre_, but
from the Greek [Greek: proestôs], in Latin _praestes_, and in Saxon
_preost_. See Webster's "Dictionary of the English Language."
[644:2] Epist. lxix. p. 264.
[644:3] Thus, Tertullian speaks of the "ordo sacerdotalis." "De Exhor.
Cast." c. vii.
[645:1] Cyprian, Epist. lxiii. p. 230; lxiv. p. 239.
[645:2] Cyprian, Epist. lxix. p. 264. Cotelerius, i. 442. The Eucharist
is called a sacrifice by Justin Martyr (see his Dialogue with Trypho.,
"Opera," p. 260) apparently in a figurative sense, but when dispensed by
a minister called a _priest_, such language became exceedingly liable to
misconception.
[645:3] In proof of this see Cyprian, Epist. lvi. p. 200, and lxiii.
p. 231. In the former place Cyprian says--"Mindful of the Eucharist,
the hand which has received _the Lord's body_ may embrace the _Lord
himself_."
[645:4] Heb. v. 4; Acts xx. 28, xxvi. 16.
[646:1] Cyprian, Epist. xlvi. p. 136.
[646:2] Epist. lxix. p. 262. See also Epist. lv. p. 177. "If any amount
of difference of opinion as to the truth or untruth of the teaching of a
geographical priesthood, will justify separation under another Christian
ministry, then it at once ceases to be true that there _can_ be but one
bishop, or one priest, over any given area in which such differences
exist; there then _may_ obviously be as many bishops, or as many
priests, as there may be different bodies of men differing from each
other's teaching in what they deem sufficiently essential points to
justify separation."--_Letter from the Duke of Argyll to the Bishop of
Oxford_, p. 8.
[647:1] Epist. lxix. p. 264.
[647:2] Acts x. 48.
[648:1] Jerome, "Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers."
[648:2] Some of those called heretics had many martyrs. Euseb. v. 16.
[648:3] "De Unit. Ecc." Opera, p. 399.
[648:4] "De Unit. Ecc." p. 401.
[648:5] "De Unit. Ecc." p. 401.
[649:1] Jeremiah xxiii. 21, 22.
[649:2] Phil. i. 15, 18. See also Mark ix. 38, 39.
[649:3] Cyprian himself makes this admission. Epist. lxxvi. p. 319.
[649:4] Epist. lii. p. 156.
[649:5] Epist. lxxvi. p. 319.
[650:1] Rom. x. 13,17.
[650:2] Tertullian did not hold the doctrine of her perpetual virginity.
See "De Monog." c. 8, and "De Carne Christi," c. 23. Neither did he
believe in her immaculate conception. See Kaye's "Tertullian," p. 338.
[652:1] One of the most distinguished and sagacious of modern
missionaries has called attention to this fact. See Livingstone's
"Missionary Travels in South Africa," p. 107.
[654:1] Maximian, in his famous edict of toleration, lays great stress
on this circumstance. "De Mortibus Persecutorum," c. 34.
[654:2] Cornelius to Cyprian, Epist. xlvi. p. 136.
[654:3] "De Unit. Eccles." p. 397.
[654:4] Epist. lii. p. 156.
[654:5] Matt. xvi. 18.
[654:6] Cyprian, Epist. xl. pp. 120, 121.
[656:1] 2 Cor. iii. 17.
[656:2] Isa. xl. 4, 5.
[656:3] Isa. lii. 8.
[656:4] Zech. xiv. 9.
End of Project Gutenberg's The Ancient Church, by W.D. [William Dool] Killen