With the exception of being cracked, this vessel is entire. It

corresponds, in material and character, with the fragments of pottery

usually found. It is a coarse ware, tempered with quartz or feldspar,

and such as would admit a sudden fire to be built around it. It is some

ten inches in diameter, tulip-shaped, with a bending lip, and without

supports beneath. It was evidently used as retorts in a sand bath, there

being no contrivance for suspending it. I have forwarded this curious

relic entire to the city for examination. I asked the chief who

presented it to me, and who is a man of good sense, well acquainted with

Indian traditions, how long it was since such vessels had been used by

his ancestors. He replied, that he was the seventh generation, in a

direct line, since the French had first arrived in the lakes.

VII.

DETROIT, Sept. 16th, 1843.

There was found, in an island at the west extremity of Lake Huron, an

ancient repository of human bones, which appeared to have been gathered

from their first or ordinary place of sepulture, and placed in this rude

mausoleum. The island is called Isle Ronde by the French, and is of

small dimensions, although it has a rocky basis and affords sugar maple

and other trees of the hard wood species. This repository was first

disclosed by the action of the lake against a diluvial shore, in which

the bones were buried. At the time of my visit, vertebrae, tibiae,

portions of crania and other bones were scattered down the fallen bank,

and served to denote the place of their interment, which was on the

margin of the plain. Some persons supposed that the leg and thigh bones

denoted an unusual length; but by placing them hip by hip with the

living specimen, this opinion was not sustained.

All these bones had been placed longitudinally. They were arranged in

order, in a wide grave, or trench. Contrary to the usual practice of the

present tribes of red men, the skeletons were laid north and south. I

asked several of the most aged Indian chiefs in that vicinity for

information respecting these bones--by what tribe they had been

deposited, and why they had been laid north and south, and not east and

west, as they uniformly bury. But, with the usual result as to early

Indian traditions, they had no information to offer. Chusco, an old

Ottawa prophet, since dead, remarked that they were probably of the time

of the Indian bones found in the caves on the island of Michilimackinac.

In a small plain on the same island, near the above repository, is a

long abandoned Indian burial-ground, in which the interments are made in

the ordinary way. This, I understood from the Indians, is of the era of

the occupation of Old Mackinac, or Peekwutinong, as they continue to

call it--a place which has been abandoned by both whites and Indians,

soldiers and missionaries, about seventy years. I caused excavations to

be made in these graves, and found their statements to be generally

verified by the character of the articles deposited with the skeletons;

at least they were all of a date posterior to the discovery of this part

of the country by the French. There were found the oxydated remains of

the brass mountings of a chief's fusil, corroded fire steels and other

steel implements, vermillion, wampum, and other cherished or valued

articles. I sent a perfect skull, taken from one of these graves, to Dr.

Morton, the author of "Crania," while he was preparing that work. No

Indians have resided on this island within the memory of any white man

or Indian with whom I have conversed. An aged chief whom I interrogated,

called Saganosh, who has now been dead some five or six years, told me

that he was a small boy when the present settlement on the island of

Michilimackinac was commenced, and the English first took post there,

and began to remove their cattle, &c., from the old fort on the

peninsula, and it was about that time that the Indian village of

Minnisains, or Isle Ronde, was abandoned. It had before formed a link,

as it were, in the traverse of this part of the lake (Huron) in canoes

to old Mackinac.

The Indians opposed the transfer of the post to the island of

Michilimackinac, and threatened the troops who were yet in the field.

They had no cannon, but the commanding officer sent a vessel to Detroit

for one. This vessel had a quick trip, down and up, and brought up a

gun, which was fired the evening she came into the harbor. This produced

an impression. I have made some inquiries to fix the date of this

transfer of posts, and think it was at or about the opening of the era

of the American revolution, at which period the British garrison did not

feel itself safe in a mere stockade of timber on the main shore. This

stockade, dignified with the name of a fort, had not been burned on the

taking of it, by surprise, and the massacre of the English troops by the

Indians, during Pontiac's war. This massacre, it will be recollected,

was in 1763--twelve years before the opening of the American war.

VIII.

DETROIT, Oct. 13th, 1843.

The so-called copper rock of Lake Superior was brought to this place, a

day or two since, in a vessel from Sault Ste-Marie, having been

transported from its original locality, on the Ontonagon river, at no

small labor and expense. It is upwards of twenty-three years since I

first visited this remarkable specimen of native copper, in the forests

of Lake Superior. It has been somewhat diminished in size and weight, in

the meantime, by visitors and travellers in that remote quarter; but

retains, very well, its original character and general features.

I have just returned from a re-examination of it in a store, in one of

the main streets of this city, where it has been deposited by the

present proprietor, who designs to exhibit it to the curious. Its

greatest length is four feet six inches; its greatest width about four

feet; its maximum thickness eighteen inches. These are rough

measurements with the rule. It is almost entirely composed of malleable

copper, and bears striking marks of the visits formerly paid to it, in

the evidences of portions which have from time to time been cut off.

There are no scales in the city large enough, or other means of

ascertaining its precise weight, and of thus terminating the uncertainty

arising from the several estimates heretofore made. It has been

generally estimated here, since its arrival, to weigh between six and

seven thousand pounds, or about three and a half tons, and is by far the

largest known and described specimen of native copper on the globe.

Rumors of a larger piece in South America are apocryphal.

The acquisition, to the curious and scientific world, of this

extraordinary mass of native metal is at least one of the practical

results of the copper-mining mania which carried so many adventurers

northward, into the region of Lake Superior, the past summer (1843). The

person who has secured this treasure (Mr. J. Eldred) has been absent, on

the business, since early in June. He succeeded in removing it from its

diluvial bed on the banks of the river, by a car and sectional railroad

of two links, formed of timber. The motive power was a tackle attached

to trees, which was worked by men, from fourteen to twenty of whom were

employed upon it. These rails were alternately moved forward, as the car

passed from the hindmost.

In this manner the rock was dragged four miles and a half, across a

rough country, to a curve of the river below its falls, and below the

junction of its forks, where it was received by a boat, and conveyed to

the mouth of the river, on the lake shore. At this point it was put on

board a schooner, and taken to the falls, or Sault Ste-Marie, and

thence, having been transported across the portage, embarked for

Detroit. The entire distance to this place is a little within one

thousand miles; three hundred and twenty of which lie beyond St. Mary's.

What is to be its future history and disposition remains to be seen. It

will probably find its way to the museum of the National Institute in

the new patent office at Washington. This would be appropriate, and it

is stated that the authorities have asserted their ultimate claim to it,

probably under the 3d article of the treaty of Fond du Lac, of the 5th

of August, 1826.

I have no books at hand to refer to the precise time, so far as known,

when this noted mass of copper first became known to Europeans. Probably

a hundred and eighty years have elapsed. Marquette, and his devoted

companion, passed up the shores of Lake Superior about 1668, which was

several years before the discovery of the Mississippi, by that eminent

missionary, by the way of the Wisconsin. From the letters of D'Ablon at

Sault Ste-Marie, it appears to have been known prior to the arrival of

La Salle. These allusions will be sufficient to show that the rock has a

historical notoriety. Apart from this, it is a specimen which is, both

mineralogically and geologically, well worthy of national preservation.

It is clearly a boulder, and bears marks of attrition from the action of

water, on some parts of its rocky surface as well as the metallic

portions. A minute mineralogical examination and description of it are

required. The adhering rock, of which there is less now than in 1820, is

apparently serpentine, in some parts steatitic, whereas the copper ores

of Keweena Point on that lake, are found exclusively in the amygdaloids

and greenstones of the trap formation. A circular depression of opaque

crystalline quartz, in the form of a semi-geode, exists in one face of

it; other parts of the mass disclose the same mineral. Probably 300 lbs.

of the metal have been hacked off, or detached by steel chisels, since

it has been known to the whites, most of this within late years.

IX.

DETROIT, Oct. 16th, 1843.

In the rapid development of the resources and wealth of the West, there

is no object connected with the navigation of the upper lakes of more

prospective importance than the improvement of the delta, or flats of

the St. Clair. It is here that the only practical impediment occurs to

the passage of heavy shipping, between Buffalo and Chicago. This delta

is formed by deposits at the point of discharge of the river St. Clair,

into Lake St. Clair, and occurs at the estimated distance of about

thirty-six miles above the city. The flats are fan-shaped, and spread,

I am inclined to think, upward of fifteen miles, on the line of their

greatest expansion.

There are three principal channels, besides sub-channels, which carry a

depth of from four to six fathoms to the very point of their exit into

the lake, where there is a bar in each. This bar, as is shown by the

chart of a survey made by officers Macomb and Warner, of the

topographical engineers, in 1842, is very similar to the bars at the

mouths of the upper lake rivers, and appears to be susceptible of

removal, or improvement, by similar means. The north channel carries

nine feet of water over this bar, the present season, and did the same

in 1842, and is the one exclusively used by vessels and steamboats. To

the latter this tortuous channel, which is above ten miles farther round

than the middle channel, presents no impediment, besides the intricacies

of the bar, but increased distance.

It is otherwise, and ever must remain so, to vessels propelled by sails.

Such vessels, coming up with a fair wind, find the bend so acute and

involved at _Point aux Chenes_, at the head of this channel, as to bring

the wind directly ahead. They are, consequently, compelled to cast

anchor, and await a change of wind to turn this point. A delay of eight

or ten days in the upward passage, is not uncommon at this place. Could

the bar of the middle channel, which is direct, be improved, the saving

in both time and distance above indicated would be made. This is an

object of public importance, interesting to all the lake States and

Territories, and would constitute a subject of useful consideration for

Congress. Every year is adding to the number and size of our lake

vessels. The rate of increase which doubles our population in a given

number of years must also increase the lake tonnage, and add new motives

for the improvement of its navigation.

Besides the St. Clair delta, I know of no other impediment in the

channel itself, throughout the great line of straits between Buffalo and

Chicago, which prudence and good seamanship, and well found vessels, may

not ordinarily surmount. The rapids at Black Rock, once so formidable,

have long been obviated by the canal dam. The straits of Detroit have

been well surveyed, and afford a deep, navigable channel at all times.

The rapids at the head of the river St. Clair, at Port Huron, have a

sufficiency of water for vessels of the largest class, and only require

a fair wind for their ascent.

The straits of Michilimackinac are believed to be on the same water

level as Lakes Huron and Michigan, and only present the phenomenon of a

current setting east or west, in compliance with certain laws of the

reaction of water driven by winds. Such are the slight impediments on

this extraordinary line of inland lake navigation, which is carried on

at an average altitude of something less than 600 feet above the tide

level of the Atlantic. When this line of commerce requires to be

diverted north, through the straits of St. Mary's into Lake Superior, a

period rapidly approaching, a short canal of three-fourths of a mile

will be required at the Sault Ste-Marie, and some excavation made, so as

to permit vessels of heavy tonnage to cross the bar in Lake George of

those straits.

X.

DUNDAS, Canada West, Oct. 26th, 1843.

Fortunately for the study of American antiquities the aborigines have,

from the earliest period, practised the interment of their arms,

utensils and ornaments, with the dead, thus furnishing evidence of the

particular state of their skill in the arts, at the respective eras of

their history. To a people without letters there could scarcely have

been a better index than such domestic monuments furnish, to determine

these eras; and it is hence that the examination of their mounds and

burial-places assumes so important a character in the investigation of

history. Heretofore these inquiries have been confined to portions of

the continent south and west of the great chain of lakes and the St.

Lawrence; but the advancing settlements in Canada, at this time, are

beginning to disclose objects of this kind, and thus enlarge the field

of inquiry.

I had, yesterday, quite an interesting excursion to one of these ancient

places of sepulture north of the head of Lake Ontario. The locality is

in the township of Beverly, about twelve miles distant from Dundas. The

rector of the parish, the Rev. Mr. McMurray, had kindly made

arrangements for my visit. We set out at a very early hour, on

horseback, the air being keen, and the mud and water in the road so

completely frozen as to bear our horses. We ascended the mountain and

passed on to the table land, about four miles, to the house of a worthy

parishioner of Mr. McM., by whom we were kindly welcomed, and after

giving us a warm breakfast, he took us on, with a stout team, about six

miles on the Guelph road. Diverging from this, about two miles to the

left, through a heavy primitive forest, with occasional clearings, we

came to the spot. It is in the 6th concession of Beverly.

We were now about seventeen miles, by the road, from the extreme head of

Lake Ontario, at the town of Hamilton, Burlington Bay; and on one of the

main branches of the bright and busy mill-stream of the valley of

Dundas. As this part of the country is yet encumbered with dense and

almost unbroken masses of trees, with roads unformed, we had frequently

to inquire our way, and at length stopped on the skirts of an elevated

beech ridge, upon which the trees stood as large and thickly as in

other parts of the forest. There was nothing at first sight to betoken

that the hand of man had ever been exercised there. Yet this wooded

ridge embraced the locality we were in quest of, and the antiquity of

interments and accumulations of human bones on this height is to be

inferred, from their occurrence amidst this forest, and beneath the

roots of the largest trees.

It is some five or six years since the discovery was made. It happened

from the blowing down of a large tree, whose roots laid bare a quantity

of human bones. Search was then made, and has been renewed at subsequent

times, the result of which has been the disclosure of human skeletons in

such abundance and massive quantities as to produce astonishment. This

is the characteristic feature. Who the people were, and how such an

accumulation should have occurred, are questions which have been often

asked. And the interest of the scene is by no means lessened on

observing that the greater part of these bones are deposited, not in

isolated and single graves as the Indians now bury, but in wide and long

trenches and rude vaults, in which the skeletons are piled

longitudinally upon each other. In this respect they resemble a single

deposit, mentioned in a prior letter, as occurring on _Isle Ronde_, in

Lake Huron. And they would appear, as is the case with the latter, to be

re-interments of bodies, after the flesh had decayed, collected from

their first places of sepulture.

No one--not the oldest inhabitant--remembers the residence of Indians in

this location, nor does there appear to be any tradition on the subject.

It is a common opinion among the settlers that there must have been a

great battle fought here, which would account for the accumulation, but

this idea does not appear to be sustained by an examination of the

skulls, which, so far as I saw, exhibit no marks of violence. Besides,

there are present the bones and crania of women and children, with

implements and articles of domestic use, such as are ordinarily

deposited with the dead. The supposition of pestilence, to account for

the number, is subject to less objection; yet, if admitted, there is no

imaginable state of Indian population in this quarter, which could have

produced such heaps. The trenches, so far as examined, extend over the

entire ridge. One of the transverse deposits, I judged, could not

include less than fifteen hundred square feet. The whole of this had

been once dug over, in search of curiosities, such as pipes, shells,

beads, &c., of which a large number were found. Among the evidences of

interments here since the discovery of Canada, were several brass

kettles, in one of which were five infant skulls.

Could we determine accurately the time required for the growth of a

beech, or a black oak, as they are found on these deposits, of sixteen,

eighteen and twenty inches and two feet in diameter, the date of the

abandonment or completion of the interments might be very nearly fixed.

The time of the growth of these species is, probably, much less, in the

temperate latitudes, and in fertile soils, than is commonly supposed. I

am inclined to think, from a hasty survey, that the whole deposit is the

result of the slow accumulation of both ordinary interment, and the

periodical deposit or re-interment of exhumed bones brought from

contiguous hunting camps and villages. To this, pestilence has probably

added. The ridge is said to be the apex or highest point of the table

lands, and would therefore recommend itself, as a place of general

interment, to the natives. Bands, who rove from place to place, and

often capriciously abandon their hunting villages, are averse to leaving

their dead in such isolated spots. The surrounding country is one which

must have afforded all the spontaneous means of Indian subsistence, in

great abundance. The deer and bear, once very numerous, still abound.

We passed some ancient beaver dams, and were informed that the country

east and north bears similar evidences of its former occupation by the

small furred animals. The occurrence of the sugar maple adds another

element of Indian subsistence. There are certain enigmatical walls of

earth, in this vicinity, which extend several miles across the country,

following the leading ridges of land. Accounts vary in representing them

to extend from five to eight miles. These I did not see, but learn that

they are about six feet high, and present intervals as if for gates.

There is little likelihood that these walls were constructed for

purposes of military defence, remote as they are from the great waters,

and aside from the great leading war-paths. It is far more probable that

they were intended to intercept the passage of game, and compel the deer

to pass through these artificial defiles, where the hunters lay in wait

for them.

Ancient Iroquois tradition, as preserved by Colden, represents this

section of Canada, extending quite to Three Rivers, as occupied by the

Adirondacks; a numerous, fierce, and warlike race, who carried on a

determined war against the Iroquois. The same race, who were marked as

speaking a different type of language, were, at an early day, called by

the French by the general term of Algonquins. They had three chief

residences on the Utawas and its sources, and retired north-westwardly,

by that route, on the increase of the Iroquois power. Whoever the people

were who hunted and buried their dead at Beverly, it is manifest that

they occupied the district at and prior to the era of the discovery of

Canada, and also continued to occupy it, after the French had introduced

the fur trade into the interior. For we find, in the manufactured

articles buried, the distinctive evidences of both periods.

The antique bone beads, of which we raised many, _in situ_, with crania

and other bones, from beneath the roots of trees, are in every respect

similar to those found in the Grave Creek mound, which have been

improperly called "ivory." Amulets of bone and shell, and pipes of fine

steatite and indurated red clay, are also of this early period, and are

such as were generally made and used by the ancient inhabitants prior to

the introduction of European wrought wampum or seawan, and of beads of

porcelain and glass, and ornamented pipes of coarse pottery. I also

examined several large marine shells, much corroded and decayed, which

had been brought, most probably, from the shores of the Atlantic.

Having made such excavations as limited time and a single spade would

permit, we retraced our way to Dundas, which we reached after

night-fall, a little fatigued, but well rewarded in the examination of

an object which connects, in several particulars, the antiquities of

Canada with those of the United States.

ERA OF THE SETTLEMENT OF DETROIT, AND THE STRAITS BETWEEN LAKES ERIE AND

HURON.

The following papers, relative to the early occupancy of these straits,

were copied from the originals in the public archives in Paris, by Gen.

Cass, while he exercised the functions of minister at the court of

France. The first relates to an act of occupancy made on the banks of a

tributary of the Detroit river, called St. Deny's, probably the river

_Aux Canards_. The second coincides with the period usually assigned as

the origin of the post of Detroit. They are further valuable, for the

notice which is incidentally taken of the leading tribes, who were then

found upon these straits.

It will be recollected, in perusing these documents, that La Salle had

passed these straits on his way to "the Illinois," in 1679, that is,

_eight_ years before the act of possession at St. Deny's, and

_twenty-two_ years before the establishment of the post of Detroit. The

upper lakes had then, however, been extensively laid open to the

enterprise of the missionaries, and of the adventurers in the fur trade.

Marquette, accompanied by Alloez, had visited the south shore of Lake

Superior in 1668, and made a map of the region, which was published in

the _Lettres Edifiantes_. This zealous and energetic man established the

mission of St. Ignace at Michilimackinac, about 1669 or 1670, and three

years afterwards, entered the upper Mississippi, from the Wisconsin.

Vincennes, on the Wabash, was established in 1710;[27] St. Louis, not

till 1763.[28]

CANADA, 7th June, 1687.

_A renewal of the taking possession of the territory upon the Straits

[Detroit] between Lakes Erie and Huron, by Sieur de la Duranthaye._

_Oliver Morel, Equerry, Sieur de la Duranthaye, commandant in the name

of the King of the Territory of the Ottawas, Miamis, Pottawatamies,

Sioux, and other tribes under the orders of Monsieur, the Marquis de

Denonsville, Governor General of New France._

This day, the 7th of June, 1687, in presence of the Rev'd Father

Angeleran, Head of the Missions with the Ottawas[29] of Michilimackinac,

the Miamis of Sault Ste-Marie, the Illinois, and Green Bay, and of the

Sioux of Mons. de la Forest, formerly commandant of Fort St. Louis on

the Illinois, of Mons. de Lisle, our Lieutenant, and of Mons. de

Beauvais, Lieutenant of Fort St. Joseph, on the Straits [Detroit]

between Lakes Huron and Erie. We declare to all whom it may hereafter

concern, that we have come upon the banks of the river St. Deny's,

situated three leagues from Lake Erie, in the Straits of the said Lakes

Erie and Huron, on the south of said straits, and also at the entrance

on the north side, for and in the name of the King, that we re-take

possession of the said posts, established by Mons. La Salle for

facilitating the voyages he made or caused to be made in vessels from

Niagara to Michilimackinac, in the years * * * * * * at each of which we

have caused to be set up anew a staff, with the arms of the King, in

order to make the said renewed taking possession, and ordered several

cabins to be erected for the accommodation of the French and the Indians

of the Shawnees and Miamis, who had long been the proprietors of the

said territory, but who had some time before withdrawn from the same for

their greater advantage.

The present act passed in our presence, signed by our hands, and by Rev.

Father Angeleran, of the society of Jesuits, by MM. De la Forest, De

Lisle and De Beauvais, thus in the original:

Angeleran, Jesuite.

De la Duranthaye [la Garduer].

De Beauvais, and

De la Forest.

Compared by me with the original in my hands, Councillor Secretary of

the King, and Register in Chief of the Royal Council at Quebec,

subscribed, and each page _paraphe_.

Collated at Quebec, this 11th September, 1712.

[Signed], BYON ET VANDREUIL.

_Memoir of Monsieur de la Mothe Cadillac, relative to the establishment

of Detroit, addressed to the Minister of Marine, 14th September, 1704:_

_La Mothe Cadillac renders an account of his conduct relative to the

establishment of Detroit, by questions and answers. It is the Minister

who questions, and La Mothe who answers:_

Q. Was it not in 1699 that you proposed to me an establishment in the

Straits which separate Lake Erie from Lake Huron?

A. Yes, my Lord.

Q. What were the motives which induced you to wish to fortify a place

there, and make an establishment?

A. I had several. The first was to make a strong post, which should not

be subject to the revolutions of other posts, by fixing there a number

of French and Savages, in order to curb the Iroquois, who had constantly

annoyed our colonies and hindered their prosperity.

Q. At what time did you leave Quebec to go to Detroit?

A. On the 8th of March, 1701. I reached Montreal the 12th, when we were

obliged to make a change. * * * * I left La Chine the 5th of June with

fifty soldiers and fifty Canadians--Messrs. De Fonty, Captain, Duque and

Chacornach, Lieutenants. I was ordered to pass by the Grand River of the

Ottawas, notwithstanding my remonstrances. I arrived at Detroit _the

24th July_ and fortified myself there immediately; had the necessary

huts made, and cleared up the grounds, preparatory to its being sowed in

the autumn.

Compare these data, from the highest sources, with the Indian tradition

of the first arrival of the French, in the upper lakes, recorded at page

107, ONEOTA, No. 2.

FOOTNOTES:

[27] Nicollet's Report.

[28] Law's Historical Dis.

[29] This is, manifestly, an error. The writer of this act of possession

appears to have mistaken the bank of the St. Mary's, one of the

tributaries of the Miami of the Lakes, in the Miami country, for the

Sault de Ste-Marie, at the outlet of Lake Superior. The latter position

was occupied, at the earliest dates, to which tradition reaches, by a

branch of the Algonquins, to whom the French gave the name, from the

falls of the river at that locality, of _Saulteux_. They are better

known, at this day under the name of Chippewas and Odjibwas.

THE CHOCTAW INDIANS.

The _Vicksburg Sentinel_ of the 18th ult., referring to this tribe of

Indians, has the following:--"The last remnant of this once powerful

tribe are now crossing our ferry on their way to their new homes in the

far West. To one who, like the writer, has been familiar to their bronze

inexpressive faces from infancy, it brings associations of peculiar

sadness to see them bidding here a last farewell perhaps to the old

hills which gave birth, and are doubtless equally dear to him and them

alike. The first playmates of our infancy were the young Choctaw boys of

the then woods of Warren county. Their language was once scarcely less

familiar to us than our mother-English. We know, we think, the character

of the Choctaw well. We knew many of their present stalwart braves in

those days of early life when the Indian and white alike forget

disguise, but in the unchecked exuberance of youthful feeling show the

real character that policy and habit may afterwards so much conceal; and

we know that, under the stolid stoic look he assumes, there is burning

in the Indian's nature a heart of fire and feeling, and an all-observing

keenness of apprehension, that marks and remembers everything that

occurs, and every insult he receives. Cunni-at a hah! They are going

away! With a visible reluctance which nothing has overcome but the stern

necessity they feel impelling them, they have looked their last on the

graves of their sires--the scenes of their youth--and have taken up

their slow toilsome march, with their household gods among them, to

their new home in a strange land. They leave names to many of our

rivers, towns and counties; and so long as our State remains, the

Choctaws, who once owned most of her soil, will be remembered."

A SYNOPSIS OF CARTIER'S VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY AT NORTH AMERICA.

FIRST VOYAGE.

Forty-two years had elapsed from the discovery of America by Columbus,

when Jacques Cartier prepared to share in the maritime enterprise of the

age, by visiting the coast. Cartier was a native of Normandy, and sailed

from the port of St. Malo, in France, on the 20th April, 1534. It will

be recollected that the conquest of Mexico had been completed 13 years

previous. Cartier had two small vessels of 60 tons burden and 61 men

each. The crews took an oath, before sailing, "to behave themselves

truly and faithfully in the service of the most Christian king," Francis

I. After an unusually prosperous voyage of 20 days, he made cape "Buona

Vista" in Newfoundland, which he states to be in north latitude, 48 deg.

30'. Here meeting with ice, he made the haven of St. Catherine's, where

he was detained ten days. This coast had now been known since the voyage

of Cabot, in 1497, and had been frequently resorted to, by fishing

vessels. Jean Denis, a native of Rouen, one of these fishermen, is said

to have published the first chart of it, in 1506. Two years after wards,

Thomas Aubert, brought the first natives from Newfoundland to Paris, and

this is the era, 1508, commonly assigned as the discovery of Canada. The

St. Lawrence remained, however, undiscovered, nor does it appear that

any thing was known, beyond a general and vague, knowledge of the coast,

and its islands. The idea was yet entertained, indeed, it will be seen

by subsequent facts, that America was an island, and that a passage to

the Asiatic continent, existed in these latitudes.

On the 21st May, Cartier continued his voyage, sailing "north and by

east" from cape Buona Vista, and reached the Isle of Birds, so called

from the unusual abundance of sea fowl found there, of the young of

which the men filled two boats, "so that" in the quaint language of the

journal, "besides them which we did eat fresh, every ship did powder and

salt five or six barrels." He also observed the godwit, and a larger and

vicious bird, which they named margaulx. While at this island, they

descried a polar bear, which, in their presence leapt into the sea, and

thus escaped. On their subsequent passage to the main land, they again

encountered, as they supposed, the same animal swimming towards land.

They manned their boats, and "by main strength overtook her, whose flesh

was as good to be eaten, as the flesh of a calf two years old." This

bear is described to be, "as large as a cow, and as white as a swan."

On the 27th he reached the harbour of "Carpunt" in the bay "Les

Chastaux," latitude 51 deg., where he was constrained to lay by, on account

of the accumulation of ice, till the 9th of June. The narrator of the

voyage takes this occasion to describe certain parts of the coast and

waters of Newfoundland, the island of St. Catherine, Blanc Sablon,

Brest, the Isle of Birds, and a numerous group of Islands called the

Islets. But these memoranda are not connected with any observations or

discoveries of importance. Speaking of Bird and Brest Islands, he says,

they afford "great store of godwits, and crows, with red beaks and red

feet," who "make their nests in holes underground, even as conies." Near

this locality "there is great fishing."

On the 10th June, he entered a port in the newly named island of Brest,

to procure wood and water. Meantime, boats were dispatched to explore

among the islands, which were found so numerous "that it was not

possible they might be told, for they continued about 10 leagues beyond

the said port." The explorers slept on an island. The next day they

continued their discoveries along the coast, and having passed the

islands, found a haven, which they named St. Anthony: one or two leagues

beyond, they found a small river named St. Servansport, and here set up

a cross. About three leagues further, they discovered another river, of

larger size, in which they found salmon, and bestowed upon it the name

of St. Jacques.

While in the latter position, they descried a ship from Rochelle, on a

fishing voyage, and rowing out in their boats, directed it to a port

near at hand, in what is called "Jaques Cartier's Sound," "which," adds

the narrator, "I take to be one of the best, in all the world." The face

of the country they examined, is, however, of the most sterile and

forbidding character, being little besides "stones and wild crags, and a

place fit for wild beasts, for in all the North Island," he continues,

"I did not see a cart load of good earth, yet went I on shore, in many

places, and in the Island of White Sand, (Blanc Sablon,) there is

nothing else but moss and small thorns, scattered here and there,

withered and dry. To be short, I believe that this was the land that God

allotted to Cain."

Immediately following this, we have the first description of the

natives. The men are described as being "of an indifferent good stature

and bigness, but wild and unruly. They wear their hair tied on the top,

like a wreath of hay, and put a wooden pin within it, or any other such

thing, instead of a nail, and with them, they bind certain birds

feathers. They are clothed with beast skins, as well the men as women,

but that the women go somewhat straiter and closer in their garments,

than the men do, with their waists girded. They paint themselves with

certain roan colours; their boats are made of the bark of birch trees,

with the which they fish, and take great store of seals. And as far as

we could understand, since our coming thither, that is not their

habitation, but they come from the main land, out of _hotter_[30]

countries to catch the said seals, and other necessaries for their

living."

From this exploratory trip, the boats returned to their newly named

harbour of Brest, on the 13th. On the 14th, being the Sabbath, service

was read, and the next day Cartier continued his voyage, steering

southerly, along the coast, which still wore a most barren and cheerless

aspect. Much of this part of the narrative is taken up with distances

and soundings, and the naming of capes and islands of very little

interest at the present day. They saw a few huts upon the cliffs on the

18th, and named this part of the coast "Les Granges," but did not stop

to form any acquaintance with their tenants. Cape Royal was reached and

named the day prior, and is said to be the "greatest fishery of cods

there possibly may be, for in less than an hour we took a hundred of

them." On the 24th they discovered the island of St. John. They saw

myriads of birds upon the group of islands named "Margaulx," five

leagues westward of which they discovered a large, fertile, and

well-timbered island, to which the name of "Brion" was given. The

contrast presented by the soil and productions of this island, compared

with the bleak and waste shores they had before encountered, excited

their warm admiration; and with the aid of this excitement, they here

saw "wild corn," peas, gooseberries, strawberries, damask roses, and

parsley, "with other sweet and pleasant herbs." They here also saw the

walrus, bear, and wolf.

Very little is to be gleaned from the subsequent parts of the voyage,

until they reached the gulf of St. Lawrence. Mists, head winds, barren

rocks, sandy shores, storms and sunshine, alternately make up the

landscape presented to view. Much caution was evinced in standing off

and on an iron bound coast, and the boats were often employed in

exploring along the main land. While thus employed near a shallow

stream, called the "River of Boats," they saw natives crossing the

stream in their canoes, but the wind coming to blow on shore, they were

compelled to retire to their vessels, without opening any communication

with them. On the following day, while the boats were traversing the

coast, they saw a native running along shore after them, who made signs

as they supposed, directing them to return towards the cape they had

left. But as soon as the boat turned he fled. They landed, however, and

putting a knife and a woollen girdle on a staff, as a good-will

offering, returned to their vessels.

The character of this part of the Newfoundland coast, impressed them as

being greatly superior to the portions which they had previously seen,

both in soil and temperature. In addition to the productions found at

Brion's Island, they noticed cedars, pines, white elm, ash, willow, and

what are denominated "ewe-trees." Among the feathered tribes they

mention the "thrush and stock-dove." By the latter term the passenger

pigeon is doubtless meant. The "wild corn" here again mentioned, is said

to be "like unto rye," from which it may be inferred that it was the

zizania, although the circumstance of its being an aquatic plant is not

mentioned.

In running along the coast Cartier appears to have been engrossed with

the idea, so prevalent among the mariners of that era, of finding a

passage to India, and it was probably on this account that he made such

a scrupulous examination of every inlet and bay, and the productions of

the shores. Wherever the latter offered anything favourable, there was a

strong disposition to admiration, and to make appearances correspond

with the theory. It must be recollected that Hudson, seventy-five years

later, in sailing up the North River, had similar notions. Hence the

application of several improper terms to the vegetable and animal

productions of the latitudes, and the constant expectation of beholding

trees bending with fruits and spices, "goodly trees" and "very sweet and

pleasant herbs." That the barren and frigid shores of Labrador, and the

northern parts of Newfoundland, should have been characterised as a

region subject to the divine curse, is not calculated to excite so much

surprise, as the disposition with every considerable change of soil and

verdure, to convert it into a land of oriental fruitfulness. It does not

appear to have been sufficiently borne in mind, that the increased

verdure and temperature, were, in a great measure, owing to the

advancing state of the season. He came on this coast on the 10th of May,

and it was now July. It is now very well known that the summers in high

northern latitudes, although short, are attended with a high degree of

heat.

On the 3d of July Cartier entered the gulf to which the name of St.

Lawrence has since been applied, the centre of which he states to be in

latitude 47 deg. 30'. On the 4th he proceeded up the bay to a creek called

St. Martin, near bay De Chaleur, where he was detained by stress of

weather eight days. While thus detained, one of the ship's boats was

sent ahead to explore. They went 7 or 8 leagues to a cape of the bay,

where they descried two parties of Indians, "in about 40 or 50 canoes,"

crossing the channel. One of the parties landed and beckoned them to

follow their example, "making a great noise" and showing "certain skins

upon pieces of wood"--i.e. fresh stretched skins. Fearing their numbers,

the seamen kept aloof. The Indians prepared to follow them, in two

canoes, in which movement they were joined by five canoes of the other

party, "who were coming from the sea side." They approached in a

friendly manner, "dancing and making many signs of joy, saying in their

tongue 'Nape tondamen assuath.'"[31] The seamen, however, suspected

their intentions, and finding it impossible to elude them by flight, two

shots were discharged among them, by which they were so terrified, that

they fled precipitately ashore, "making a great noise." After pausing

awhile, the "wild men" however, re-embarked, and renewed the pursuit,

but after coming alongside, they were frightened back by the strokes of

two lances, which so disconcerted them that they fled in haste, and made

no further attempt to follow.

This appears to have been the first rencontre of the ship's crew with

the natives. On the following day, an interview was brought on, by the

approach of said "wild men" in nine canoes, which is thus described. "We

being advertised of their coming, went to the point where they were with

our boats; but so soon as they saw us they began to flee, making signs

that they came to traffic with us, showing us such skins as they clothed

themselves withal, which are of small value. We likewise made signs unto

them, that we wished them no evil, and in sign thereof, two of our men

ventured to go on land to them, and carry them knives, with other iron

wares, and a red hat to give unto their captain. Which, when they saw,

they also came on land, and brought some of their skins, and so began to

deal with us, seeming to be very glad to have our iron wares and other

things, dancing, with many other ceremonies, as with their hands to cast

sea water on their heads. They gave us whatever they had, not keeping

any thing, so that they were constrained to go back again naked, and

made us signs, that the next day, they would come again and bring more

skins with them."

Observing a spacious bay extending beyond the cape, where this

intercourse had been opened, and the wind proving adverse to the vessels

quitting their harbour, Cartier despatched his boats to examine it,

under an expectation that it might afford the desired passage--for it is

at all times to be observed that he was diligently seeking the long

sought passage to the Indies. While engaged in this examination, his men

discovered "the smokes and fires" of "wild men" (the term constantly

used in the narrative to designate the natives.) These smokes were upon

a small lake, communicating with the bay. An amiable interview took

place, the natives presenting cooked seal, and the French making a

suitable return "in hatchets, knives and beads." After these

preliminaries, which were conducted with a good deal of caution, by

deputies from both sides, the body of the men approached in their

canoes, for the purpose of trafficking, leaving most of their families

behind. About 300 men women and children were estimated to have been

seen at this place. They evinced their friendship by singing and

dancing, and by rubbing their hands upon the arms of their European

visitors, then lifting them up towards the heavens. An opinion is

expressed that these people, (who were in the position assigned to the

Micmacs in 1600 in Mr. Gallatin's ethnological map,) might very easily

be converted to Christianity. "They go," says the narrator, "from place

to place. They live only by fishing. They have an ordinary time to fish

for their provisions. The country is _hotter_ than the country of Spain,

and the fairest that can possibly be found, altogether smooth and

level." To the productions before noticed, as existing on Brion's island

&c., and which were likewise found here, he adds, "white and red roses,

with many other flowers of very sweet and pleasant smell." "There be

also," says the journalist, "many goodly meadows, full of grass, and

lakes, wherein plenty of salmon be." The natives called a hatchet

_cochi_, and a knife _bacon_[32] It was now near the middle of July, and

the degree of heat experienced on the excursion induced Cartier to name

the inlet, Baie da Chaleur--a name it still retains.

On the 12th of July Cartier left his moorings at St. Martin's creek, and

proceeded up the gulf, but encountering bad weather he was forced into a

bay, which appears to have been Gaspe, where one of the vessels lost her

anchor. They were forced to take shelter in a river of that bay, and

there detained thirteen days. In the mean while they opened an

intercourse with the natives, who were found in great numbers engaged in

fishing for makerel. Forty canoes, and 200 men women and children were

estimated to have been seen, during their detention. Presents of

"knives, combs, beads of glass, and other trifles of small value," were

made to them, for which they expressed great thankfulness, lifting up

their hands, and dancing and singing.

These Gaspe Indians are represented as differing, both in nature and

language, from those before mentioned. They presented a picture of

abject poverty, were partially clothed in "old skins," and lived without

the use of tents. They may, says the journalist, "very well and truly be

called _wild_, because there is no poorer people in the world, for I

think, all they had together, besides their boats and nets, was not

worth five sous." They shaved their heads, except a tuft at the crown;

sheltered themselves at night under their canoes on the bare ground, and

ate their provisions very partially cooked. They were wholly without the

use of salt, and "ate nothing that had any taste of salt." On Cartier's

first landing among them, the men expressed their joy, as those at bay

Chaleur had done, by singing and dancing. But they had caused all their

women, except 2 or 3, to flee into the woods. By giving a comb and a

tin bell to each of the women who had ventured to remain, the avarice of

the men was excited, and they quickly caused their women, to the number

of about 20, to sally from the woods, to each of whom the same present

was made. They caressed Cartier by touching and rubbing him with their

hands; they also sung and danced. Their nets were made of a species of

indigenous hemp; they possessed also, a kind of "millet" called

"kapaige," beans called "Sahu," and nuts called "Cahehya." If any thing

was exhibited, which they did not know, or understand, they shook their

heads saying "Nohda." It is added that they never come to the sea,

except in fishing time, which, we may remark, was probably the cause of

their having no lodges, or much other property about them. They would

naturally wish to disencumber their canoes as much as possible, in these

summer excursions, that they might freight them back with dried fish.

The language spoken by these Gaspe Indians is manifestly of the Iroquois

type. "Cahehya," is, with a slight difference, the term for fruit, in

the Oneida.

On the 24th July, Cartier set up a cross thirty feet high, inscribed,

"_Vive le Roy de France_." The natives who were present at this

ceremony, seem, on a little reflection, to have conceived the true

intent of it, and their chief complained of it, in a "long oration,"

giving them to understand "that the country was his, and that we should

not set up any cross, without his leave." Having quieted the old chief's

fears, and made use of a little duplicity, to get him to come alongside,

they seized two of the natives for the purpose of taking them to France,

and on the next day set sail, up the gulf. After making some further

examinations of the gulf, and being foiled in an attempt to enter the

mouth of a river, Cartier turned his thoughts on a return. He was

alarmed by the furious tides setting out of the St. Lawrence; the

weather was becoming tempestuous, and under these circumstances he

assembled his captains and principal men, "to put the question as to the

expediency of continuing the voyage." They advised him to this effect.

That, considering that easterly winds began to prevail--"that there was

nothing to be gotten"--that, the impetuosity of the tides was such "That

they did but fall," and that storms and tempests began to reign--and

moreover, that they must either promptly return home, or else remain

where they were till spring, it was expedient to return. With this

counsel he complied. No time was lost in retracing their outward track,

along the Newfoundland coast. They reached the port of "White Sands," on

the 9th of August. On the 15th, being "the feast of the Assumption of

Our Lady," after service, Cartier took his departure from the coast. He

encountered a heavy storm, of three days continuance, "about the middle

of the sea," and reached the port of St. Malo, on the 5th of September,

after an absence of four months and sixteen days.

This comprises the substance of the first voyage of discovery, of which

we have knowledge, ever made within the waters of the St. Lawrence. The

Newfoundland and Nova Scotia coasts, together with the shores of the

North Atlantic generally, had been discovered by Cabot, 37 years before.

The banks of Newfoundland had been resorted to, as is known pretty

freely for the purpose of fishing, for 26 years of this period, and the

natives had been at least, in one instance, taken to Europe. But the

existence of the St. Lawrence appears not to have been known. Cartier,

is, therefore, the true discoverer of Canada, although he was not its

founder. The latter honour was reserved for another. In the two

succeeding voyages made by Cartier, of which it is proposed to make a

synopsis, his title as a discoverer, is still more fully established.

SECOND VOYAGE.

A. D. 1535, May, 19th, Cartier left St. Malo, on his second voyage of

discovery, "to the islands of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay," with

three ships--the "Hermina" of 100 to 120 tons--the "little Hermina" of

60 tons, and the "Hermerillon" of 40 tons, commanded by separate

masters, acting under his orders as "General." He was accompanied by

several gentlemen and adventurers, among whom the narrator of the voyage

mentions, "Master Claudius de Pont Briand, son to the Lord of

Montceuell, and cup-bearer to the Dauphin of France; Charles of

Pomerais, and John Powlet." He suffered a severe gale on the outward

passage, in which the ships parted company. Cartier reached the coast of

Newfoundland on the 7th July, and was not rejoined by the other vessels

till the 26th, on which day the missing vessels entered "the port of

White Sands" in the _bay des Chasteaux_, the place previously designated

for their general rendezvous.

On the 27th he continued his voyage along the coast, keeping in sight of

land, and consequently running great risks, from the numerous shoals he

encountered in seeking out anchorages. Many of the islands and headlands

named in the previous voyage, were observed, and names were bestowed

upon others, which had before escaped notice. Soundings and courses and

distances, are detailed with the tedious prolixity, and probably, with

the uncertainty of the era. Nothing of importance occurred until the 8th

of August, when Cartier entered the gulf, where he had previously

encountered such storms, and which he now named ST. LAWRENCE. From

thence on the 12th, he pursued his voyage westward "about 25 leagues" to

a cape named "Assumption," which appears to have been part of the Nova

Scotia coast. It is quite evident that the idea of a continuous

continent was not entertained by Cartier at this period, although the

Cabots had discovered and run down the coast nearly 40 years before

(1497,) He constantly speaks of his discoveries as "islands" and the

great object of anxiety seems to have been, to find the long sought

"passage" so often mentioned in his journals.

The two natives whom he had seized on the previous voyage, now told him,

that cape Assumption was a part of the "southern coast," or main,--that

there was an island north of the passage to "Honguedo" where they had

been taken the year before, and that "two days journey from the said

cape, and island, began the kingdom of Saguenay."

In consequence of this information, and a wish to revisit "the land he

had before espied," Cartier turned his course towards the north, and

re-entering the Gulf of St. Lawrence, came to the entrance of the river,

which is stated to be "about thirty leagues" across. Here, the two

natives told him, was the commencement of "Saguenay,"--that it was an

inhabited country, and produced "red copper." They further informed him,

that this was the mouth of the "great river of Hochelaga, and ready way

to Canada,"--that it narrowed in the ascent towards Canada, the waters

becoming fresh; that its sources were so remote that they had never

heard of any man who had visited them, and that boats would be required

to complete the ascent.

This information appears to have operated as a disappointment on

Cartier, and he determined to explore northward from the gulf, "because

he would know" to use the quaint language of the narrator, "if between

the lands towards the north any passage might be discovered." No such

passage could however be found, and after devoting ten or twelve days to

re-examinations of points and islands before but imperfectly discovered,

or to the discovery of others, he returned to the river St. Lawrence,

which he began to ascend: and on the 1st Sept. he came to the entrance

of the Saguenay river, which is described as a bold and deep stream,

entering the St. Lawrence, between bare, precipitous rocks, crowned with

trees. Here they encountered four canoes of Indians, who evinced their

characteristic caution and shyness. On being hailed, however, by the two

captive natives, who disclosed to them, their names, they came along

side. But the journal records no further particulars of this interview.

They proceeded up the river next day. The tides are noticed as being

"very swift and dangerous," and the "current" is described as equalling

that at Bordeaux. Many tortoises were seen at the "Isle of Condres," and

a species of fish, which are described of equalling a porpoise in size,

with a head resembling a greyhound's, and of unspotted whiteness. It may

be vague to offer a conjecture from such a description as to the species

of fish intended, but as the natives reported them to be "very savoury

and good to be eaten," it may be inferred, that the sturgeon was meant.

Many of the descriptions of the animal productions of America, given by

Cartier, appear to be drawn up, rather with a view to excite wonder, in

an age when wonders were both industriously sought, and readily

credited, than to convey any accurate idea of their true characters and

properties.

On the 7th of Sept. they reached the island now called Orleans, where,

it is said "the country of Canada beginneth." This island is stated to

be ten leagues long, and five broad, being inhabited by natives who

lived exclusively by fishing. Having anchored his vessels in the

channel, he made a formal landing in his boats, taking the two captives,

Domaigaia, and Taignoagny, as interpreters. The natives at first fled,

but hearing themselves addressed in their own tongue, and finding the

captives to be their own countrymen, friendly intercourse at once

ensued. The natives evinced their joy by dancing, and "showing many

sorts of ceremonies." They presented Cartier, "eels and other sorts of

fishes, with two or three burdens of great millet, wherewith they make

their bread, and many great mush mellons." This "great millet" appears

to have been zea mais, which is here for the first time noticed, amongst

the northern Indians. The report of the arrival of their lost countrymen

D. and T. seemed to have put all the surrounding villages in commotion,

and Cartier found himself thronged with visitors, to whom he gave

presents, trifling in themselves, but of much value in the eyes of the

Indians. The utmost harmony and good feeling appear to have prevailed.

On the following day Donnacona, who is courteously styled the Lord of

Agouhanna, visited the ships, with 12 boats, or canoes--ten of which

however, he directed to stay at a distance, and with the other two and

16 men approached the vessels. A friendly conference ensued. The chief,

when he drew near the headmost vessel began "to frame a long oration,

moving all his body and members after a strange fashion." When he

reached Cartier's ship, the captives entered into free discourse with

him, imparting the observations they had made in France, and the kind

treatment they had experienced. At this recital Donnacona was so much

pleased, that he desired Cartier to reach him his arm, that he might

kiss it. He not only kissed it, but "laid it about his neck, for so they

use to do, when they will make much of one." Cartier then entered into

the chief's boat, "causing bread and wine to be brought," and after

eating and drinking with him and his followers, the interview terminated

in mutual satisfaction.

The advanced state of the season, and the determination to visit

Hochelaga (now Montreal) before the ice formed, admonished Cartier to

look for a harbour, which would afford a safe anchorage for his largest

vessels during the winter. He selected "a little river and haven,"

opposite the head of the island, to which he gave the name of "Santa

Croix," being in the vicinity of Donnacona's village. No time was lost

in bringing up and mooring the vessels, and driving piles into the

harbour for their better security. While engaged in this work, further

acquaintance was made with the natives, and their opinion of Cartier's

visit, began to manifest itself, by which it appeared, that the

friendship established with him was rather apparent, than real. About

this time Taignoagny and Domaigaia were suffered to return to their

villages, and it soon became apparent, that the knowledge they had

acquired of the French, would be wielded to put their countrymen on

their guard against encroachments upon their soil. Taignoagny, in

particular, rendered himself obnoxious to the French, by his sullen and

altered conduct, and the activity he afterwards manifested in thwarting

Cartier's design of visiting the island of Hochelaga, although it

appears, he had, previous to leaving the vessels, promised to serve as a

guide on the expedition.

Donnacona himself opposed the projected visit, by argument, by artifice,

and finally, by the extraordinary resource of human gifts. His aversion

to it first evinced itself by keeping aloof, and adopting a shy and

suspicious demeanour. Cartier finding this chief, with T. and D. and a

numerous retinue in his vicinity, "under a point or nook of land,"

ordered a part of his men to follow him, and suddenly presented himself

in the midst of them. After mutual salutations, Taignoagny got up and

addressed him, in behalf of Donnacona, complaining that they came armed,

to which Cartier replied that, it was the custom of his country, and a

custom he could not dispense with. The bustle and heat of the

introduction being over, Cartier played the part of a politic

diplomatist, and was met by Donnacona and his counsellors on his own

grounds, and the whole interview, though it resulted in what is called

"a marvellous steadfast league of friendship" can only be looked upon,

as a strife, in which it is the object of both parties to observe the

most profound dissimulation. This "league" was ratified by the natives,

with three loud cries, "a most horrible thing to hear" says the

narrator.

On the very next day Donnacona, attended with T. and D. and 10 or 12 "of

the chiefest of the country, with more than 500 persons, men, women and

children," came on board of the vessels, at their moorings, to protest

against the intended voyage of exploration. Taignoagny opened the

conference, by saying to Cartier, that Donnacona regretted his design of

visiting Hochelaga, and had forbid any of his people from accompanying

him, because the river itself "was of no importance." Cartier replied

that his decision was made, and urged the speaker to go with him, as he

had promised, offering to make the voyage every way advantageous to him.

A prompt refusal, on the part of T. and the sudden withdrawal of the

whole collected multitude, terminated this interview.

On the next day Donnacona re-appeared with all his followers, bringing

presents of fish, singing and dancing. He then caused all his people to

pass to one side, and drawing a circle in the sand, requested Cartier

and his followers, to enter into it. This arrangement concluded, he

began an address, "holding in one of his hands a maiden child ten or

twelve years old," whom he presented to Cartier, the multitude at the

same time giving three shouts. He then brought forward two male

children, separately, presenting them in the same manner, and his

people at each presentation, expressing their assent by shouts.

Taignoagny, who by this time had drawn upon himself the epithet of

"crafty knave" told the "captain" (as Cartier is all along termed,) that

one of the children was his own brother, and that the girl was a

daughter of Donnacona's "own sister," and that this presentation, was

made to him, solely with a view of dissuading him from his expedition.

Cartier persisted in saying, that his mind was made up, and could not be

altered. Here, Domaigaia interposed, and said, that the children were

offered as "a sign and token of good will and security," and not with

any specific purpose of dissuading him from the expedition. High words

passed between the two liberated captives, from which it was evident

that one, or the other, had either misconceived or misrepresented the

object of the gift. Cartier however, took the children, and gave

Donnacona "two swords and two copper basins," for which he returned

thanks, and "commanded all his people to sing and dance," and requested

the captain to cause a piece of artillery to be discharged for his

gratification. Cartier readily improved this hint, to show them the

destructive effects of European artillery, and at a signal, ordered

twelve pieces, charged with ball, to be fired into the contiguous

forest, by which they were so astounded that they "put themselves to

flight, howling, crying, and shrieking, so that it seemed hell was broke

loose."

These attempts to frustrate the purposed voyage, having failed, the

natives endeavoured to put the captain's credulity to the test, and

operate upon his fears. For this purpose three natives were disguised to

play the part of "devils," wrapped in skins, besmeared, and provided

with horns. Thus equipped they took advantage of the tide, to drop down

along side Cartier's vessels, uttering words of unintelligible import as

they passed, but keeping their faces steadfastly directed toward the

wood. At the same time Donnacona, and his people rushed out of the wood

to the shore,--attracting the attention of the ships' crews in various

ways, and finally seized the mock "devils" at the moment of their

landing, and carried them into the woods, where their revelations were

uttered.

The result of this clumsy trick, was announced by Taignoagny and

Domaigaia, who said, that their god "Cudruaigny had spoken in

Hochelaga"--importing ill tidings to the French, and that he had sent

these three men to inform them that, there was so much ice and snow in

the country, that whoever entered it, must die. After some

interrogatives pro and con, in the course of which the power of "his

Priests" was oddly contrasted by the French commander with that of the

"devils," both Taignoagny and Domaigaia coincided in finally declaring

that Donnacona, "would by no means permit that any of them should go

with him to Hochelaga," unless he would leave hostages in his hands.

All these artifices appear to have had but little effect on Cartier's

plan. He told his freed interpreters, that if they would not go

willingly, they might stay, and he would prosecute the voyage without

them. Accordingly, having finished mooring his vessels, on the 19th

September he set out to explore the upper portions of the river, taking

his smallest vessel and two boats with fifty mariners, and the

supernumerary gentlemen of his party. A voyage of ten days brought him

to an expansion of the river, which he named the lake of Angolesme, but

which is now known under the name of St. Peter. Here the shallowness of

the water, and rapidity of the current above, induced him to leave the

"Hermerillon," and he proceeded with the two boats and twenty-eight

armed men. The fertility of the shore, the beauty and luxuriance of the

forest trees, mantled as they often were, with the vine loaded with

clusters of grapes, the variety of water fowl, and above all the

friendly treatment they every where received from the Indians, excited

unmingled admiration. One of the chiefs whom they encountered presented

Cartier with two children, his son and daughter, the latter of whom,

being 7 or 8 years old, he accepted. On another occasion he was carried

ashore by one of a party of hunters, as "lightly and easily as if he had

been a child of five years old." Presents of fish were made, at every

point, where he came in contact with the natives, who seemed to vie with

each other in acts of hospitality.

These marks of welcome and respect continued to be manifested during the

remainder of the journey to Hochelaga, where he arrived on the 2d of

October. A multitude of both sexes and all ages had collected on the

shore to witness his approach, and welcome his arrival. They expressed

their joy by dancing, "clustering about us, making much of us, bringing

their young children in their arms only to have our captain and his

company touch them." Cartier landed, and spent half an hour in receiving

their caresses, and distributed tin beads to the women, and knives to

some of the men, and then "returned to the boats to supper." The natives

built large fires on the beach, and continued dancing, and merry making

all night, frequently exclaiming Aguiaze, which is said to signify

"mirth and safety."

Early the next morning Cartier having "very gorgeously attired himself,"

and taking 20 mariners, with his officers and supernumeraries, landed

for the purpose of visiting the town, taking some of the natives for

guides. After following a well beaten path, leading through an oak

forest, for four or five miles, he was met by a chief, accompanied by a

retinue, sent out to meet him, who by signs gave him to understand, that

he was desired to rest at that spot, where a fire had been kindled, a

piece of civility, which it may be supposed, was something more than an

empty compliment on an October morning. The chief here made "a long

discourse," which, of course, was not understood, but they inferred it

was expressive of "mirth and friendship." In return Cartier gave him 2

hatchets, 2 knives and a cross, which he made him kiss, and then put it

around his neck.

This done the procession advanced, without further interruption, to the

"city of Hochelaga," which is described as seated in the midst of

cultivated fields, at the distance of a league from the mountain. It was

secured by three ramparts "one within another," about 2 rods in height,

"cunningly joined together after their fashion," with a single gate

"shut with piles and stakes and bars." This entrance, and other parts of

the walls, had platforms above, provided with stones for defensive

operations. The ascent to these platforms was by ladders.

As the French approached, great numbers came out to meet them. They were

conducted by the guides, to a large square enclosure in the centre of

the town, "being from side to side a good stone's cast." They were first

greeted by the female part of the population, who brought their children

in their arms, and rushed eagerly to touch or rub the faces and arms of

the strangers, or whatever parts of their bodies they could approach.

The men now caused the females to retire, and seated themselves formally

in circles upon the ground; as if, says the narrator, "some comedy or

show" was about to be rehearsed. Mats were then brought in by the women,

and spread upon the ground, for the visitors to sit upon. Last came the

"Lord and King" Agouhanna, a palsied old man, borne upon the shoulders

of 9 or 10 attendants, sitting on a "great stag skin." They placed him

near the mats occupied by Cartier and his party. This simple potentate

"was no whit better apparelled than any of the rest, only excepted, that

he had a certain thing made of the skins of hedgehogs, like a red

wreath, and that was instead of his crown."

After a salutation, in which gesticulation awkwardly supplied the place

of language, the old chief exhibited his palsied limbs, for the purpose

of being touched, by the supposed celestial visitants. Cartier, although

he appeared to be a man of sense and decision, on other occasions, was

not proof against the homage to his imputed divinity; but quite

seriously fell to rubbing the credulous chiefs legs and arms. For this

act, the chief presented him his fretful "crown." The blind, lame, and

impotent, of the town were now brought in, and laid before him, "some so

old that the hair of their eyelids came down and covered their cheeks,"

all of whom he touched, manifesting his own seriousness by reading the

Gospel of St. John, and "praying to God that it would please him to open

the hearts of this poor people, and to make them know his holy word, and

that they might receive baptism and christendom." He then read a portion

of the catholic service, with a loud voice, during which the natives

were "marvellously attentive, looking up to heaven and imitating us in

gestures." Some presents of cutlery and trinkets were then distributed,

trumpets sounded, and the party prepared to return to their boats. When

about to leave their place, the women interposed, inviting them to

partake of the victuals they had prepared--a compliment which was

declined, "because the meats had no savour at all of salt." They were

followed out of the town by "divers men and women," who conducted the

whole party to the top of the mountain, commanding a wide prospect of

the plain, the river and its islands, and the distant mountains.

Transported with a scene, which has continued to afford delight to the

visitors of all after times, Cartier bestowed the name of "Mount Royal"

upon this eminence--a name which has descended, with some modifications,

to the modern city. Having satisfied their curiosity, and obtained such

information respecting the adjoining regions, as their imperfect

knowledge of the Indian language would permit, they returned to their

boats, accompanied by a promiscuous throng of the natives.

Thus ended, on the 3rd Oct. 1535, the first formal meeting between the

French and the Indians of the interior of Canada, or what now began to

be denominated _New France_. As respects those incidents in it, in which

the Indians are represented as looking upon Cartier in the light of a

divinity, clothed with power to heal the sick and restore sight to the

blind, every one will yield the degree of faith, which his credulity

permits. The whole proceeding bears so striking a resemblance to "Christ

healing the sick," that it is probable the narrator drew more largely

upon his New Testament, than any certain knowledge of the faith and

belief of a savage people whose traditions do not reach far, and whose

language, granting the most, he but imperfectly understood. As respects

the description of a city with triple walls, those who know the manner

in which our Indian villages are built, will be best enabled to judge

how far the narrator supplied by fancy, what was wanting in fact. A

"walled city" was somewhere expected to be found, and the writer found

no better place to locate it. Cartier no sooner reached his boats, than

he hoisted sail and began his descent, much to the disappointment of the

Indians. Favoured by the wind and tide, he rejoined his "Pinnace" on the

following day. Finding all well, he continued the descent, without

meeting much entitled to notice, and reached the "port of the Holy

Cross," on the 11th of the month. During his absence the ships' crews

had erected a breastwork before the vessels, and mounted several pieces

of ships' cannon for their defence. Donnacona renewed his acquaintance

on the following day, attended by Taignoagny, Domaiga, and others, who

were treated with an appearance of friendship, which it could hardly be

expected Cartier could sincerely feel. He, in return visited their

village of Stadacona, and friendly relations being thus restored, the

French prepared for the approach of winter.

Winter came in all its severity. From the middle of Nov. to the middle

of March, the vessels were environed with ice "two fathoms thick," and

snow upwards of four feet deep, reaching above the sides of the vessels.

And the weather is represented as being "extremely raw and bitter." In

the midst of this severity, the crews were infected with "a strange and

cruel disease," the natural consequence of a too licentious intercourse

with the natives. The virulence of this disorder exceeded any thing that

they had before witnessed, though it is manifest, from the journal, that

it was in its virulence only, that the disease itself presented any new

features. A complete prostration of strength marked its commencement,

the legs swelled, the "sinews shrunk as black as any coal." The

infection became general, and excited the greatest alarm. Not more than

10 persons out of 110 were in a condition to afford assistance to the

sick by the middle of February. Eight had already died, and 50 were

supposed to be past recovery.

Cartier, to prevent his weakness being known, as well as to stop further

infection, interdicted all intercourse with the natives. He caused that

"every one should devoutly prepare himself by prayer, and in remembrance

of Christ, caused his image to be set upon a tree, about a flight shot

from the fort, amid the ice and snow, giving all men to understand that

on the Sunday following, service should be said there, and that

whosoever could go, sick or whole, should go thither in procession,

singing the seven psalms of David, and other Litanies, praying, &c."

The disorder, however, continued to spread till there were not "above

three sound men in the ships, and none was able to go under hatches to

draw drink for himself, nor for his fellows." Sometimes they were

constrained to bury the dead under the snow, owing to their weakness and

the severity of the frost, which rendered it an almost incredible labour

to penetrate the ground. Every artifice was resorted to by Cartier, to

keep the true state of his crews from the Indians, and he sought

unremittingly for a remedy against the disorder.

In this his efforts were at last crowned with success, but not till he

had lost 25 of his men. By using a decoction of the bark and leaves of a

certain tree, which is stated to be "the Sassafras tree,"[33] the

remainder of his crews were completely recovered. The decoction was

drank freely, and the dregs applied externally, agreeably to the

directions of Domaigaia, to whom he was indebted for the information,

and who caused women to bring branches of it, and "therewithal shewed

the way how to use it."

The other incidents of the winter were not of a character to require

notice. Mutual distrust existed. Cartier was in constant apprehension of

some stratagem, which the character and movements of his savage

neighbours gave some grounds for. He was detained at the bay of the Holy

Cross till the 6th May, 1536. The narrator takes the opportunity of this

long season of inaction to give descriptions of the manners and customs,

ceremonies and occupations of the Indians, and to detail the information

derived from them, and from personal observations respecting the

geographical features and the productions of the country.

Touching the faith of the Indians, it is said, they believed no whit in

God, but in one whom they call "Cudruiagni," to whom, they say, they are

often indebted for a foreknowledge of the weather. And when he is angry,

his displeasure is manifested by casting dust in their eyes. They

believe that, after death, they go into the stars, descending by degrees

towards the horizon, and are finally received into certain green fields,

abounding in fruits and flowers.

They are represented as possessing all property in common, and as being

"indifferently well stored" with the useful "commodities" of the

country--clothing themselves imperfectly in skins, wearing hose and

shoes of skins in winter, and going barefooted in summer. The men labour

little, and are much addicted to smoking. The condition of the women is

one of drudgery and servitude. On them the labour of tilling the

grounds, &c., principally devolves. The young women live a dissolute

life, until marriage, and married women, after the death of their

husbands, are condemned to a state of perpetual widowhood. Polygamy is

tolerated. Both sexes are represented as very hardy, and capable of

enduring the most intense degree of cold. In this there is little to

distinguish the native of 1536 from that of the present day, if we

substitute the blanket for the _muttatos_,[34] and except the remark

respecting the condition of widows, the accuracy of which, as it was

made upon slight acquaintance, may be reasonably doubted. It may also be

remarked, that the condition of young women, as described by Cartier,

was more degraded and vitiated than it is now known to be among any of

the North American tribes.

The geographical information recorded respecting the St. Lawrence and

its tributaries is generally vague and confused. But may be referred to

as containing the first notice published by the French of the Great

Lakes. Cartier was told by Donnacona and others that the river

originated so far in the interior, that "there was never man heard of

that found out the end thereof," that it passed through "two or three

great lakes," and that there is "a sea of fresh water," alluding,

probably, to Superior.

At what time the ice broke up, is not distinctly told. It is stated that

"that year the winter was very long," and a scarcity of food was felt

among the Indians, so much so, that they put a high price upon their

venison, &c., and sometimes took it back to their camps, rather than

part with it "any thing cheap." Donnacona and many of his people

withdrew themselves to their hunting grounds, under a pretence of being

absent a fortnight, but were absent two months. Cartier attributed this

long absence to a design of raising the country, and attacking him in

his fortified positions--a design which no cordiality of friendship on

the part of D. would prevent his entertaining, and which the latter gave

some colour to by neglecting to visit Cartier on his return with great

numbers of natives not before seen, and by evading the attempts made to

renew an intercourse, by feigning sickness as the cause of his neglect.

Cartier felt his own weakness, from the death of so many of his crew and

the sickness of others, and has recorded for his government on this

occasion the proverb, that "he that takes heed and shields himself from

all men, may hope to escape from some." He determined to abandon one of

his vessels, that he might completely man and re-fit the others, and

appears to have been diligent in making early preparations to return.

While thus engaged, Donnacona (April 22,) appeared with a great number

of men at Stadacona, and John Powlet, "who being best believed of those

people," he sent to reconnoitre them in their principal villages,

reported that he saw so many people, that "one could not stir for

another, and such men as they were never wont to see." Taignoagny, whom

he saw on this occasion, requested him to beseech Cartier to take off "a

lord of the country," called Agonna, who probably stood in the way of

his own advancement. Cartier availed himself of this request to bring on

an interview with Taignoagny, and by flattering his hopes, finally

succeeded in the execution of a project he appears to have previously

entertained. This was nothing less than the seizure of Donnacona,

Taignoagny, Domaigaia, (his previous captives,) and "two more of the

chiefest men," whom, with the children before received, making ten

persons in all, he conveyed to France.

This seizure was made on the 3d of May, being "Holyrood day," at a time

when Cartier had completed his preparations for sailing. He took formal

possession of the country, under the name of New France, by erecting a

cross "thirty-five feet in height," bearing a shield with the arms of

France, and the following inscription:

"Franciscus primum dei gratia Francorum Rex regnat,"

a sentence upon which this unjustifiable outrage formed a practical

comment. Three days afterwards he sailed from the port of the Holy

Cross, leaving crowds of the natives to bewail the loss of their chiefs.

And whose kindness led them to send on board a supply of provisions,

when they found they could not effect their liberation. Finding the

current of the St. Lawrence much swoln, he came to anchor at the isle of

Filberds, near the entrance of the Sagnenay, where he was detained nine

days. In the meantime many of the natives of Sagnenay visited the ships,

and finding Donnacona a prisoner, they presented him three packs of

beaver. On the 17th May, he made an unsuccessful attempt to proceed, but

was forced back and detained four days longer, waiting "till the

fierceness of the waters" were past. He entered and passed out of the

gulph on the 21st, but encountering adverse winds, did not take his

final departure from the Newfoundland coast till the 19th June. He then

took advantage of a favorable wind, and performed the homeward voyage

in 17 days. He entered the port of St. Malo, July 6, 1536, having been

absent less than 14 months, 8 of which had been passed in the St.

Lawrence.

THIRD VOYAGE.

The reports and discoveries of Cartier were so well received by the King

of France (Francis I), that he determined to colonize the newly

discovered country, and named John Francis de la Roche, Lord of

Roberval, his "Lieutenant and Governor in the countries of Canada and

Hochelaga." Cartier retained his former situation as "Captain General

and leader of the ships," and to him was entrusted the further

prosecution of discoveries. Five vessels were ordered to be prepared at

St. Malo, and measures appear to have been taken to carry out settlers,

cattle, seeds, and agricultural implements. Much delay, however, seems

to have attended the preparations, and before they were completed,

Donnacona and his companions, who had been baptized, paid the debt of

nature. A little girl, ten years old, was the only person surviving out

of the whole number of captives.

It is seldom that a perfect harmony has prevailed between the leaders of

naval and land forces, in the execution of great enterprises. And though

but little is said to guide the reader in forming a satisfactory opinion

on the subject, the result in this instance proved that there was a

settled dissatisfaction in the mind of Cartier respecting the general

arrangements for the contemplated voyage. Whether he thought himself

neglected in not being invested with the government of the country he

had discovered, or felt unwilling that another should share in the

honors of future discoveries, cannot now be determined. It should be

recollected that the conquest of Mexico had then but recently been

accomplished (1520), and it is not improbable that Cartier, who had

taken some pains to exalt Donnacona into another Montezuma, thought

himself entitled to receive from Francis, rewards and emoluments in some

measure corresponding to those which his great rival, Charles, had

finally bestowed upon Cortez.

Whatever were the causes, four years elapsed before the ships were

prepared, and M. La Roche, on visiting the vessels in the road of St.

Malo, ready for sea, then informed Cartier that his artillery,

munitions, and "other necessary things" which he had prepared, were not

yet arrived from Champaigne and Normandy. Cartier, in the meantime, had

received positive orders from the King to set sail. In this exigency, it

was determined that Cartier should proceed, while the King's Lieutenant

should remain "to prepare a ship or two at Honfleur, whither he thought

his things were come."

This arrangement concluded, La Roche invested Cartier with full powers

to act until his arrival, and the latter set sail with five ships, "well

furnished and victualled for two years," on the 23d of May, 1540. Storms

and contrary winds attended the passage. The ships parted company, and

were kept so long at sea, that they were compelled to water the cattle,

&c., they took out for breed, with cider. At length, the vessels

re-assembled in the harbor of Carpunt in Newfoundland, and after taking

in wood and water, proceeded on the voyage, Cartier not deeming it

advisable to wait longer for the coming of La Roche. He reached the

little haven of Saincte Croix (where he wintered in the former voyage),

on the 23d of August. His arrival was welcomed by the natives, who

crowded around his vessels, with Agona at their head, making inquiries

after Donnacona and his companions in captivity. Cartier replied, that

Donnacona was dead, and his bones rested in the ground--that the other

persons had become great lords, and were married, and settled in France.

No displeasure was evinced by the intelligence of Donnacona's death.

Agona, on the contrary, seemed to be well pleased with it, probably, as

the journalist thinks, because it left him to rule in his stead. He took

off his head-dress and bracelets, both being of yellow leather edged

with wampum, and presented them to Cartier. The latter made a suitable

return to him and his attendants in small presents, intimating that he

had brought many new things, which were intended for them. He returned

the chieftain's simple "crown." They then ate, drank, and departed.

Having thus formally renewed intercourse with the natives, Cartier sent

his boats to explore a more suitable harbor and place of landing. They

reported in favor of a small river, about four leagues above, where the

vessels were accordingly moored, and their cargoes discharged. Of the

spot thus selected for a fort and harbor, as it was destined afterwards

to become celebrated in the history of Canada, it may be proper to give

a more detailed notice of Cartier's original description. The river is

stated to be fifty paces broad, having three fathoms water at full tide,

and but a foot at the ebb, having its entrance towards the south, and

its course very serpentine. The beauty and fertility of the lands

bordering it, the vigorous growth of trees, and the rapidity of

vegetation, are highly and (I believe) very justly extolled. Near it,

there is said to be "a high and steep cliff," which it was necessary to

ascend by "a way in manner of a pair of stairs," and below it, and

between it and the river, an interval sufficiently extensive to

accommodate a fort. A work of defence was also built upon the cliff, for

the purpose of keeping the "nether fort and the ships, and all things

that might pass, as well by the great, as by this small river." Upon the

cliff a spring of pure water was discovered near the fort, "adjoining

whereunto," says the narrator, "we found good store of stones, which we

esteemed to the diamonds" (limpid quartz). At the foot of the cliff,

facing the St. Lawrence, they found iron, and at the water's edge

"certain leaves of fine gold (mica) as thick as a man's nail."

The ground was so favorable for tillage, that twenty men labored at an

acre and a half in one day. Cabbage, turnip, and lettuce seed, sprung up

the eighth day. A luxurious meadow was found along the river, and the

woods were clustered with a species of the native grape. Such were the

natural appearance and advantages of a spot which was destined to be the

future site of the city and fortress of Quebec,[35] "but to which he

gave the name of 'Charlesbourg Royal.'"

Cartier lost no time in despatching two of his vessels to France, under

command of Mace Jollobert and Stephen Noel, his brother-in-law and

nephew, with letters to the king, containing an account of his voyage

and proceedings, accompanied with specimens of the mineral treasures he

supposed himself to have discovered; and taking care to add "how Mons.

Roberval had not yet come, and that he feared that by occasion of

contrary winds and tempests, he was driven back again into France."

These vessels left the newly discovered town and fort of "Charlesbourg

Royal" on the 2d of September. And they were no sooner despatched, than

Cartier determined to explore the "Saults" or rapids of the St.

Lawrence, which had been described to him, and partly pointed out,

during his ascent to the mountain of Montreal. Leaving the fort under

the command of the Viscount Beaupre, he embarked in two boats on the 7th

of September, accompanied by Martine de Painpont and other "gentlemen,"

with a suitable complement of mariners. The only incident recorded of

the passage up, is his visit to "the Lord of Hochelay"--a chief who had

presented him a little girl, on his former visit, and evinced a

friendship during his stay in the river, which he was now anxious to

show that he preserved the recollection of. He presented the chief a

cloak "of Paris red," garnished with buttons and bells, with two basins

of "Laton" (pewter), and some knives and hatchets. He also left with

this chief two boys to acquire the Indian language.

Continuing the ascent, he reached the lower "Sault" on the 11th of the

month, and, on trial, found it impossible to ascend it with the force of

oars. He determined to proceed by land, and found a well-beaten path

leading in the desired course. This path soon conducted him to an Indian

village, where he was well received, and furnished with guides to visit

the second "Sault." Here he was informed that there was another Sault at

some distance, and that the river was not navigable--a piece of

information that meant either that it was not navigable by the craft

Cartier had entered the river with, or was intended to repress his

further advance into the country. The day being far spent, he returned

to his boats, where four hundred natives awaited his arrival. He

appeased their curiosity, by interchanging civilities, and distributing

small presents, and made all speed to return to Charlesbourg Royal,

where he learned that the natives, alarmed by the formidable defences

going on, had intermitted their customary visits, and evinced signs of

hostility. This inference was confirmed by his own observations on the

downward passage, and he determined to use the utmost diligence and

precaution to sustain himself in his new position.

The rest of this voyage is wanting. Hackluyt has, however, preserved two

letters of Jacques Noel, a relative of Cartier, written at St. Malo in

1587, with the observations of latitude, courses, and distances, made by

"John Alphonso of Xanctoigne," who carried out La Roche, Lord of

Roberval, to Canada, in 1542, and a fragment of Roberval's narrative,

which indicated the sequel of Cartier's third and last voyage. From the

latter, it appears that Roberval entered the harbor of Belle Isle in

Newfoundland, on the 8th of June, 1542, on his way to Canada; and while

there, Cartier unexpectedly entered the same harbor, on his return to

France. He reported that he was unable "with his small company" to

maintain a footing in the country, owing to the incessant hostility of

the natives, and had resolved to return to France. He presented the

limpid quartz, and gold yellow mica, which he had carefully cherished,

under a belief that he had discovered in these resplendent minerals, the

repositories of gold and diamonds. An experiment was made the next day,

upon what is denominated "gold ore," by which term the journalist does

not probably refer to the "mica," considered, in an age in which

mineralogy had not assumed the rank of a science, as "leaves of gold,"

but to pieces of yellow pyrites of iron, which it is mentioned in the

description of the environs of "Charlesbourg Royal" Cartier had

discovered in the slate rock. And the ore was pronounced "good"--a proof

either of gross deception, or gross ignorance in the experimenter.

Cartier spoke highly of the advantages the country presented for

settlement, in point of fertility. He had, however, determined to leave

it. He disobeyed Roberval's order to return, and "both he and his

company" secretly left the harbor, and made the best of their way to

France, being "moved," as the journalist adds, "with ambition, because

they would have all the glory of the discovery of these parts to

themselves."

January 21st, 1829.

FOOTNOTES:

[30] I underscore the word "hotter," to denote the prevalent theory.

They were searching for China or the East India.

[31] In Mr. Gallatin's comparative vocabulary, "Napew" means man, in the

Sheshatapoosh or Labrador. It is therefore fair to conclude that these

were a party of Sheshatapoosh Indians, whose language proves them to be

of the kindred of the great Algonquin family.

[32] Koshee and Bahkon. These are not the terms for a hatchet and a

knife in the Micmac, nor in the old Algonquin, nor in the Wyandot.

[33] As the tree is afterwards stated to be "as big as any oak in

France," it was probably the _box elder_, and not the sassafras, which

never attained to much size.

[34] Robe of beaver skins. Eight skins of two year old beaver are

required to make such a robe.

[35] Query--Is not the word Quebec a derivative from the Algonquin

phrase _Kebic_--a term uttered in passing by a dangerous and rocky

coast?

THE INFLUENCE OF ARDENT SPIRITS ON THE CONDITION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN

INDIANS.

AN ADDRESS READ BEFORE THE CHIPPEWA COUNTY TEMPERANCE SOCIETY, AT SAULT

STE-MARIE, MAY 8th, 1832.

The effects of intemperance on the character of nations and individuals

have been often depicted, within a few years, in faithful colors, and by

gifted minds. "Thoughts that breathe and words that burn" were once

supposed to be confined, exclusively, to give melody to the lyre, and

life to the canvass. But the conceptions of modern benevolence have

dispelled the illusion, and taught us that genius has no higher objects

than the promotion of the greatest amount of good to man--that these

objects come home to the "business and bosoms" of men in their every day

avocations--that they lie level to every capacity, and never assume so

exalted a character, as when they are directed to increase the sum of

domestic happiness and fire-side enjoyment--

"To mend the morals and improve the heart."

It is this consideration that gives to the temperance effort in our day,

a refined and expansive character--

"Above all Greek, above all Roman fame"--

which has enlisted in its cause sound heads and glowing hearts, in all

parts of our country--which is daily augmenting the sphere of its

influence, and which has already carried its precepts and examples from

the little seaboard village,[36] where it originated, to the foot of

Lake Superior. And I have now the pleasure of seeing before me a

society, assembled on their first public meeting, who have "banded

together," not with such mistaken zeal as dictated the killing of Paul,

or assassinating Caesar, but for giving their aid in staying the tide of

intemperance which has been rolling westward for more than three

centuries, sweeping away thousands of white and red men in its

course--which has grown with the growth of the nation, and strengthened

with its strength, and which threatens with an overwhelming moral

desolation all who do not adopt the rigid maxim--

"Touch not, taste not, handle not."

The British critic of the last century little thought, while moralizing

upon some of the weaknesses of individual genius, that he was uttering

maxims which would encourage the exertions of voluntary associations of

men to put a stop to intemperance. It was as true then as now, that "in

the bottle, discontent seeks for comfort, cowardice for courage, and

bashfulness for confidence." It was as true then, as now, that the

"negligence and irregularity" which are the fruits of this habit, "if

long continued, will render knowledge useless, wit ridiculous, and

genius contemptible." "Who," he exclaims, "that ever asked succors from

Bacchus, was able to preserve himself from being enslaved by his

auxiliary?"[37] And is there a species of servitude more pernicious in

its influence, more degrading in its character, more destructive of all

physical and intellectual power, than the slavery of inebriation? The

rage of the conflagration--the devastation of the flood--the fury of the

tempest, are emblematic of the moral fury of the mind under the

influence of alcohol. It is equally ungovernable in its power, and

destructive in its effects. But its devastations are more to be

deplored, because they are the devastations of human faculties--of

intellectual power--of animal energy--of moral dignity--of social

happiness--of temporal health--of eternal felicity.

Intemperance is emphatically the parent of disease, mental and physical.

Its direct effects are to blunt the faculty of correct thinking, and to

paralyze the power of vigorous action. Nothing more effectually takes

away from the human mind, its ordinary practical powers of

discrimination and decision, without which man is like a leaf upon the

tempest, or the chaff before the wind. Dr. Darwin has aptly compared the

effects of spirituous liquors upon the lungs to the ancient fable of

Prometheus stealing fire from heaven, who was punished for the theft by

a vulture gnawing on the liver.[38] A striking allegory: but one which

is not inaptly applied to characterize the painful and acute diseases

which are visited upon the inebriate. Dr. Rush was an early advocate of

the cause. He likened the effects of the various degrees of alcohol, in

spirituous drinks, to the artificial mensuration of heat by the

thermometer, and took a decided stand in pointing out its poisonous

effects upon the system, in the generation of a numerous class of

diseases, acute and chronic.

If unhealthy food had been the cause of such disorders, the article

would be rigidly shunned. No man would choose to eat twice of the

cicuta; to use bread having a portion of lime in it; or to drink

frequently of a preparation of sugar of lead. Even the intemperate would

fear to drink of alcohol, in its state of _chemical_ purity, for its

effects would certainly be to arrest the functions of life. Yet he will

drink of this powerful drug, if diluted with acids, saccharine and

coloring matter, water and various impurities, under the disguised names

of wine, brandy, rum, malt liquors, whisky, cordials, and mixed

potations, which all tend to pamper the natural depravity of the human

heart, and poison its powers of healthful action.

Alcohol is one of the preparations which were brought to light in the

age of the Alchemysts--when the human mind had run mad in a philosophic

research after two substances which were not found in nature--the

philosopher's stone, and the universal panacea. One, it was believed,

was to transmute all substances it touched into gold, and the other, to

cure all diseases. The two great desires of the world--_wealth_ and

_long life_, were thus to be secured in a way which Moses and the

Prophets had never declared. A degree of patient ascetic research was

devoted to the investigation of natural phenomena, which the world had

not before witnessed; and modern science is indebted to the mistaken

labors of this race of chemical monks, for many valuable discoveries,

which were, for the most part, stumbled on. So far as relates to the

discovery of the alcoholic principle of grains, a singular reversal of

their high anticipations has ensued. They sought for a substance to

enrich mankind, but found a substance to impoverish them: they sought a

power to cure all diseases, but they found one to cause them. Alcohol is

thus invested with great talismanic power: and this power is not to

create, but to destroy--not to elevate, but to prostrate--not to impart

life, but death.

How extensive its uses are, as a re-agent and solvent, in medicine and

the arts--or if its place could be supplied, in any instances, by other

substances--are questions to be answered by physicians and chemists. But

admitting, what is probable to my own mind, that its properties and uses

in pharmacy and the arts are indispensable in several operations, in the

present state of our knowledge--does this furnish a just plea for its

ordinary use, as a beverage, in a state of health? No more than it

would, that because the lancet and the probe are useful in a state of

disease, they should be continued in a state of health. And do not every

class of men who continue the use of ardent spirits, waste their blood

by a diurnal exhaustion of its strength and healthy properties, more

injurious than a daily depletion; and probe their flesh with a fluid too

subtle for the physician to extract?

The transition from temperate to intemperate drinking, is very easy. And

those who advocate the _moderate_ use of distilled spirits are indeed

the _real_ advocates of intemperance. No man ever existed, perhaps, who

thought himself in danger of being enslaved by a practice, which he, _at

first_, indulged in moderation. A habit of relying upon it is

imperceptibly formed. Nature is soon led to expect the adventitious aid,

as a hale man, accustomed to wear a staff, may imagine he cannot do

without it, until he has thrown it aside. If it communicates a partial

energy, it is the energy of a convulsion. Its joy is a phrenzy. Its hope

is a phantom. And all its exhibitions of changing passion, so many

melancholy proofs of

"the reasonable soul run mad."

Angelic beings are probably exalted above all human weaknesses.--But if

there be anything in their survey of our actions which causes them to

weep, it is the sight of a drunken father in the domestic circle.

Instructed reason, and sound piety, have united their voices in decrying

the evils of intemperance. Physicians have described its effects in

deranging the absorbent vessels of the stomach, and changing the healthy

organization of the system. Moralists have portrayed its fatal influence

on the intellectual faculties. Divines have pointed out its destructive

powers on the soul. Poetry, philosophy and science, have mourned the

numbers who have been cut down by it. Common sense has raised up its

voice against it. It is indeed--

"----a monster of so frightful mien,

That to be _hated_, needs but to be _seen_."

Like the genie of Arabic fable, it has risen up, where it was least

expected, and stalked through the most secret and the most public

apartments. And wherever it has appeared, it has prostrated the human

mind. It has silenced the voice of eloquence in the halls of justice and

legislation. It has absorbed the brain of the scientific lecturer. It

has caused the sword to drop from the hand of the military leader. It

has stupefied the author in his study, and the pastor in his desk. It

has made the wife a widow in her youth, and caused the innocent child to

weep upon a father's grave. We dare not look beyond it. Hope, who has

attended the victim of intemperance through all the changes of his

downward fortune, and not forsaken him in any other exigency, has

forsaken _here_. Earth had its vanities to solace him, but eternity has

none.

"Wounds of the heart--care, disappointment, loss,

Love, joy, and friendship's fame, and fortune's cross,

The wound that mars the flesh--the instant pain

That racks the palsied limb, or fever'd brain,

All--all the woes that life can _feel_ or miss,

All have their hopes, cures, palliatives, but _this_--

This _only_--mortal canker of the mind,

Grim Belial's _last_ attempt on human kind."

If such, then, are the effects of ardent spirits upon the condition of

civilized man, who has the precepts of instructed reason to enlighten

him, and the consolations of Christianity to support him, what must be

the influence of intemperate habits upon the aboriginal tribes? I

propose to offer a few considerations upon this subject. And in so doing

I disclaim all intention of imputing to one nation of the European

stock, more than the other, the national crime of having introduced

ardent spirits among the American Indians. Spaniards, Portuguese,

Swedes, Dutch, Italians, Russians, Germans, French and English, all come

in for a share of the obloquy. They each brought ardent spirits to the

New World--a proof, it may be inferred, of their general use, as a drink

in Europe, at the era of the discovery. Whatever other articles the

first adventurers took to operate upon the hopes and fears of the new

found people, distilled or fermented liquor appears to have been, in no

instance, overlooked or forgotten. It would be easy to show the use made

of them in the West Indies, and in the southern part of our hemisphere.

But our object is confined to the colonies planted in the North. And in

this portion of the continent the English and French have been the

predominating powers. It had been well, if they had predominated in

everything else--if they had only been rivals for courage, wisdom and

dominion. If they had only fought to acquire civil power--conquered to

spread Christianity--negotiated to perpetuate peace. But we have too

many facts on record to show, that they were also rivals in spreading

the reign of intemperance among the Indians; in gleaning, with

avaricious hand, the furs from their lodges; in stimulating them to

fight in their battles, and in leaving them to their own fate, when the

battles were ended.

Nor do we, as Americans, affect to have suddenly succeeded to a better

state of feelings respecting the natives than our English ancestry

possessed. They were men of sterling enterprise; of undaunted

resolution; of high sentiments of religious and political liberty. And

we owe to them and to the peculiar circumstances in which Providence

placed us, all that we are, as a free and a prosperous people. But while

they bequeathed to us these sentiments as the preparatives of our own

national destiny, they also bequeathed to us their peculiar opinions

respecting the Indian tribes. And these opinions have been cherished

with obstinacy, even down to our own times. The noble sentiments of

benevolence of the 19th century had not dawned, when we assumed our

station in the family of nations. If they were felt by gifted

individuals, they were not felt by the body of the nation. Other

duties--the imperious duties of self-existence, national poverty, wasted

resources, a doubtful public credit, a feeble population, harassing

frontier wars, pressed heavily upon us. But we have seen all these

causes of national depression passing away, in less than half a century.

With them, it may be hoped, have passed away, every obstacle to the

exercise of the most enlarged charity, and enlightened philanthropy,

respecting the native tribes.

Nationality is sometimes as well characterized by small as by great

things--by names, as by customs. And this may be observed in the

treatment of the Indians, so far as respects the subject of ardent

spirits. Under the French government they were liberally supplied with

brandy. Under the English, with Jamaica rum. Under the Americans, with

whisky. These constitute the fire, the gall, and the poison ages of

Indian history. Under this triple curse they have maintained an

existence in the face of a white population. But it has been an

_existence_ merely. Other nations are said to have had a golden age. But

there has been no golden age for them. If there ever was a state of

prosperity among them, which may be likened to it, it was when their

camps were crowned with temporal abundance--when the races of animals,

furred and unfurred, placed food and clothing within the reach of

all--and when they knew no intoxicating drink. To counterbalance these

advantages, they were, however, subject to many evils. They were then,

as they are now, indolent, improvident, revengeful, warlike. Bravery,

manual strength, and eloquence, were the cardinal virtues. And their own

feuds kept them in a state of perpetual insecurity and alarm. The

increased value given to furs, by the arrival of Europeans, created a

new era in their history, and accelerated their downfall. It gave an

increased energy and new object to the chase. To reward their activity

in this employment, ardent spirits became the _bounty_, rather than the

_price_. A twofold injury ensued. The animals upon whose flesh they had

subsisted became scarce, and their own constitutions were undermined

with the subtle stimulant.

Historical writers do not always agree: but they coincide in their

testimony respecting the absence of any intoxicating drink among the

northern Indians, at the time of the discovery. It is well attested that

the Azteeks, and other Mexican and Southern tribes, had their _pulque_,

and other intoxicating drinks, which they possessed the art of making

from various native grains and fruits. But the art itself was confined,

with the plants employed, to those latitudes. And there is no historical

evidence to prove that it was ever known or practised by the tribes

situated north and east of the Gulf of Mexico. Dr. Robertson, an able

and faithful describer of Indian manners, fully concurs with the Jesuit

authors, in saying that no such beverage was known in the north, until

Europeans found it for their pecuniary interest to supply it. After

which, intoxication became as common among the northern as the southern

tribes.[39]

Three hundred and forty years ago there was not a white man in America.

Columbus discovered the West India Islands; but Cabot and Verrizani were

the discoverers of North America. Cartier and Hudson followed in the

track. The first interview of Hudson with the Mohegan tribes, took place

at the mouth of the river which now bears his name. It is remarkable as

the scene of the first Indian intoxication among them. He had no sooner

cast anchor, and landed from his boat, and passed a friendly salutation

with the natives, than he ordered a bottle of ardent spirits to be

brought. To show that he did not intend to offer them what he would not

himself taste, an attendant poured him out a cup of the liquor, which he

drank off. The cup was then filled and passed to the Indians. But they

merely smelled of it and passed it on. It had nearly gone round the

circle untasted, when one of the chiefs, bolder than the rest, made a

short harangue, saying it would be disrespectful to return it untasted,

and declaring his intention to drink off the potion, if he should be

killed in the attempt. He drank it off. Dizziness and stupor

immediately ensued. He sank down and fell into a sleep--the sleep of

death, as his companions thought. But in due time he awoke--declared the

happiness he had experienced from its effects--asked again for the cup,

and the whole assembly followed his example.[40]

Nor was the first meeting with the New England tribes very dissimilar.

It took place at Plymouth, in 1620. Massasoit, the celebrated chief of

the Pokanokets, came to visit the new settlers, not long after their

landing. He was received by the English governor with military music and

the discharge of some muskets. After which, the Governor kissed his

hand. Massasoit then kissed him, and they both sat down together. "A pot

of strong water," as the early writers expressed it, was then ordered,

from which both drank. The chief, in his simplicity, drank so great a

draught that it threw him into a violent perspiration during the

remainder of the interview.[41]

The first formal interview of the French with the Indians of the St.

Lawrence is also worthy of being referred to, as it appears to have been

the initial step in vitiating the taste of the Indians, by the

introduction of a foreign drink. It took place in 1535, on board one of

Cartier's ships, lying at anchor near the Island of Orleans, forty-nine

years before the arrival of Amidas and Barlow on the coast of Virginia.

Donnaconna, a chief who is courteously styled the "Lord of Agouhanna,"

visited the ship with twelve canoes. Ten of these he had stationed at a

distance, and with the other two, containing sixteen men, he approached

the vessels. When he drew near the headmost vessel, he began to utter an

earnest address, accompanied with violent gesticulation. Cartier hailed

his approach in a friendly manner. He had, the year before, captured two

Indians on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and he now addressed the chief

through their interpretation. Donnaconna listened to his native language

with delight, and was so much pleased with the recital they gave, that

he requested Cartier to reach his arm over the side of the vessel, that

he might kiss it. He was not content with this act of salutation, but

fondled it, by drawing the arm gently around his neck. His watchful

caution did not, however, permit him to venture on board. Cartier,

willing to give him a proof of his confidence, then descended into the

chief's canoe, and ordered bread and wine to be brought. They ate and

drank together, all the Indians present participating in the banquet,

which appears to have been terminated in a temperate manner.[42]

But like most _temperate_ beginnings in the use of spirits, it soon led

to intemperance in its most repulsive forms. The taste enkindled by

wine, was soon fed with brandy, and spread among the native bands like a

wildfire. It gave birth to disease, discord, and crime, in their most

shocking forms. Too late the government and the clergy saw their error,

and attempted to arrest it; but it was too deeply seated among their own

countrymen, as well as among the Indians. Every effort proved

unsuccessful; and the evil went on until the Canadas were finally

transferred to the British crown, with this "mortal canker" burning upon

the northern tribes. Those who have leisure and curiosity to turn to the

early writers, will see abundant evidence of its deep and wide-spread

influence. It became the ready means of rousing to action a people

averse to long continued exertion of any kind. It was the reward of the

chase. It was the price of blood. It was the great bar to the successful

introduction of Christianity. It is impossible that the Indian should

both drink and pray. It was impossible _then_, and it is impossible

_now_: and the missionary who entered the forest, with the Bible and

crucifix in one hand, and the bottle in the other, might say, with the

Roman soliloquist, who deliberated on self-murder,

"My bane and antidote are both before me:

While _this_ informs me I shall never die,

_This_ in a moment brings me to my end."

National rivalry, between the English and French governments, gave a

character of extreme bitterness to the feelings of the Indians, and

served to promote the passion for strong drink. It added to the horrors

of war, and accumulated the miseries of peace. It was always a struggle

between these nations which should wield the Indian power; and, so far

as religion went, it was a struggle between the Catholic and Protestant

tenets. It was a power which both had, in a measure, the means of

putting into motion: but neither had the _complete_ means of controlling

it, if we concede to them the _perfect_ will. It would have mitigated

the evil, if this struggle for mastering the Indian mind had terminated

with a state of war, but it was kept up during the feverish

intermissions of peace. Political influence was the ever-present weight

in each side of the scale. Religion threw in her aid; but it was trade,

the possession of the fur trade, that gave the preponderating weight.

And there is nothing in the history of this rivalry, from the arrival of

Roberval to the death of Montcalm, that had so permanently pernicious an

influence as the sanction which this trade gave to the use of ardent

spirits.

We can but glance at this subject; but it is a glance at the track of a

tornado. Destruction lies in its course. The history of the fur trade is

closely interwoven with the history of intemperance among the Indians.

We know not how to effect the separation. Look at it in what era you

will, the barter in ardent spirits constitutes a prominent feature. From

Jamestown to Plymouth--from the island of Manhattan to the Lake of the

Hills, the traffic was introduced at the earliest periods. And we cannot

now put our finger on the map, to indicate a spot where ardent spirits

is not known to the natives. Is it at the mouth of the Columbia, the

sources of the Multnomah, or the Rio del Norde--the passes of the Rocky

Mountains on Peace River, or the shores of the Arctic Sea? it is known

at all these places. The natives can call it by name, and they place a

value on its possession. We do not wish to convey the idea that it is

abundant at these remote places. We have reason to believe it is seldom

seen. But we also believe that in proportion as it is scarce--in

proportion as the quantity is small, and the occasion of its issue rare,

so is the price of it in sale, and the value of it in gift, enhanced.

And just so far as it is used, it is pernicious in effect, unnecessary

in practice, unwise in policy.

The French, who have endeared themselves so much in the affections of

the Indians, were earlier in Canada than the English upon the United

States' coast. Cartier's treat of wine and bread to the Iroquois of the

St. Lawrence, happened eighty-five years before the landing of the

Pilgrims. They were also earlier to perceive the evils of an

unrestrained trade, in which nothing was stipulated, and nothing

prohibited. To prevent its irregularities, licenses were granted by the

French government to individuals, on the payment of a price. It was a

boon to superannuated officers, and the number was limited. In 1685, the

number was twenty-five. But the remedy proved worse than the disease.

These licenses became negotiable paper. They were sold from hand to

hand, and gave birth to a traffic, which assumed the same character in

_temporal_ affairs, that "indulgences" did in _spiritual_. They were, in

effect, licenses to commit every species of wrong, for those who got

them at last, were generally persons under the government of no high

standard of moral responsibility; and as they may be supposed to have

paid well for them, they were sure to make it up by excessive exactions

upon the Indians. _Courier du bois_, was the term first applied to them.

_Merchant voyageur_, was the appellation at a subsequent period. But

whatever they were called, one spirit actuated them--the spirit of

acquiring wealth by driving a gainful traffic with an ignorant people,

and for this purpose ardent spirits was but too well adapted. They

transported it, along with articles of necessity, up long rivers, and

over difficult portages. And when they had reached the borders of the

Upper Lakes, or the banks of the Sasketchawine, they were too far

removed from the influence of courts, both judicial and ecclesiastical,

to be in much dread of them. Feuds, strifes, and murders ensued. Crime

strode unchecked through the land. Every Indian trader became a

legislator and a judge. His word was not only a law, but it was a law

which possessed the property of undergoing as many repeals and mutations

as the interest, the pride, or the passion of the individual rendered

expedient. If wealth was accumulated, it is _not_ intended to infer that

the pressing wants of the Indians were not relieved--that the trade was

not a very acceptable and important one to them, and that great peril

and expense were not encountered, and a high degree of enterprise

displayed in its prosecution. But it is contended, that if _real_ wants

were relieved, _artificial_ ones were created--that if it substituted

the gun for the bow, and shrouds and blankets in the place of the more

expensive clothing of beaver skins, it also substituted ardent spirits

for water--intoxication for sobriety--disease for health.

Those who entertain the opinion that the fall of Quebec, celebrated in

England and America as a high military achievement, and the consequent

surrender of Canada, produced any very important improvement in this

state of things, forget that the leading principles and desires of the

human heart are alike in all nations, acting under like circumstances.

The desire of amassing wealth--the thirst for exercising power--the

pride of information over ignorance--the power of vicious over virtuous

principles, are not confined to particular eras, nations, or latitudes.

They belong to mankind, and they will be pursued with a zeal as

irrespective of equal and exact justice, wherever they are not

restrained by the ennobling maxims of Christianity.

Whoever feels interested in looking back into this period of our

commercial Indian affairs, is recommended to peruse the published

statistical and controversial volumes, growing out of the Earl of

Selkirk's schemes of colonization, and to the proceedings of the North

West Company. This iron monopoly grew up out of private adventure. Such

golden accounts were brought out of the country by the Tods, the

Frobishers, and the M'Tavishes, and M'Gillvrays, who first visited it,

that every bold man, who had either talents or money, rushed to the

theatre of action. The boundary which had been left to the French, as

the limit of trade, was soon passed. The Missinipi, Athabasca, Fort

Chipewyan, Slave lake, Mackenzie's and Copper Mine Rivers, the Unjigah

and the Oregon, were reached in a few years. All Arctic America was

penetrated. The British government is much indebted to Scottish

enterprise for the extension of its power and resources in this quarter.

But while we admire the zeal and boldness with which the limits of the

trade were extended, we regret that a belief in the necessity of using

ardent spirits caused them to be introduced, in any quantity, among the

North West tribes.

Other regions have been explored to spread the light of the gospel. This

was traversed to extend the reign of intemperance, and to prove that the

love of gain was so strongly implanted in the breast of the white man,

as to carry him over regions of ice and snow, woods and waters, where

the natives had only been intruded on by the Musk Ox and the Polar bear.

Nobody will deem it too much to say, that wherever the current of the

fur trade set, the nations were intoxicated, demoralized, depopulated.

The terrible scourge of the small pox, which broke out in the country

north-west of Lake Superior in 1782, was scarcely more fatal to the

natives, though more rapid and striking in its effects, than the power

of ardent spirits. Nor did it produce so great a moral affliction. For

those who died of the varioloid, were spared the death of ebriety. Furs

were gleaned with an iron hand, and rum was given out with an iron

heart. There was no remedy for the rigors of the trade; and there was no

appeal. Beaver was sought with a thirst of gain as great as that which

carried Cortez to Mexico, and Pizarro to Peru. It had deadened the ties

of humanity, and cut asunder the cords of private faith.[43] Like the

Spaniard in his treatment of Capolicon, when the latter had given him

the house full of gold for his ransom, he was himself basely executed.

So the northern chief, when he had given his all, gave himself as the

victim at last. He was not, however, consumed at the _stake_, but at the

_bottle_. The sword of his executioner was _spirits_--his gold, _beaver

skins_. And no mines of the precious metals, which the world has ever

produced, have probably been more productive of wealth, than the

fur-yielding regions of North America.

But while the products of the chase have yielded wealth to the white

man, they have produced misery to the Indian. The latter, suffering for

the means of subsistence, like the child in the parable, had asked for

bread, and he received it; but, with it, he received a scorpion. And it

is the sting of the scorpion, that has been raging among the tribes for

more than two centuries, causing sickness, death, and depopulation in

its track. It is the venom of this sting, that has proved emphatically

"----the blight of human bliss!

Curse to all _states_ of man, but most to _this_."

Let me not be mistaken, in ascribing effects disproportionate to their

cause, or in overlooking advantages which have brought along in their

train, a striking evil. I am no admirer of that sickly philosophy, which

looks back upon a state of nature as a state of innocence, and which

cannot appreciate the benefits the Indian race have derived from the

discovery of this portion of the world by civilized and Christian

nations. But while I would not, on the one hand, conceal my sense of the

advantages, temporal and spiritual, which hinge upon this discovery, I

would not, on the other, disguise the evils which intemperance has

caused among them; nor cease to hold it up, to the public, as a great

and destroying evil, which was early introduced--which has spread

extensively--which is in active operation, and which threatens yet more

disastrous consequences to this unfortunate race.

Writers have not been wanting, who are prone to lay but little stress

upon the destructive influence of ardent spirits, in diminishing the

native population, and who have considered its effects as trifling in

comparison to the want of food, and the enhanced price created by this

want.[44] The abundance or scarcity of food is a principle in political

economy, which is assumed as the primary cause of depopulation. And, as

such, we see no reason to question its soundness. If the value of labor,

the price of clothing and other necessary commodities, can be referred

to the varying prices of vegetable and animal food, we do not see that

the fact of a people's being civilized or uncivilized, should invalidate

the principle; and when we turn our eyes upon the forest we see that it

does not. A pound of beaver, which in 1730, when animal food was

abundant, was worth here about a French crown, is now, when food is

scarce and dear, worth from five to six dollars; and consequently, one

pound of beaver _now_ will procure as much food and clothing as five

pounds of the like quality of beaver _then_. It is the failure of the

race of furred animals, and the want of industry in hunting them, that

operate to produce depopulation. And what, we may ask, has so powerful

an effect in destroying the energies of the hunter, as the vice of

intemperance? Stupefying his mind, and enervating his body, it leaves

him neither the vigor to provide for his temporary wants, nor the

disposition to inquire into those which regard eternity. His natural

affections are blunted, and all the sterner and nobler qualities of the

Indian mind prostrated. His family are neglected. They first become

objects of pity to our citizens, and then of disgust. The want of

wholesome food and comfortable clothing produce disease. He falls at

last himself, the victim of disease, superinduced from drinking.