Minno and mudjee, good and bad, being of the limited number of personal

adjectives, which modern usage permits being applied, although often

improperly applied, to inanimate objects, they as well as a few other

adjectives, form exceptions to the use of number. Whether we say a

good man or a bad man, good men or bad men, the words minno and

mudjee, remain the same. But all the declinable and coalescing

adjectives--adjectives which join on, and, as it were, melt into the

body of the substantive, take the usual plural inflections, and are

governed by the same rules in regard to their use, as the substantive,

personal adjectives requiring personal plurals, &c.

Adjectives Animate.

_Singular._

Onishishewe mishemin, Good apple.

Kwonaudjewe eekwae, Handsome woman.

Songedaeae inine, Brave man.

Bishegaindaugoozzi peenasee, Beautiful bird.

Ozahwizzi ahmo, Yellow bee.

_Plural._

Onishishewe-wug mishemin-ug, Good apples.

Kwonaudjewe-wug eekwae-wug, Handsome women.

Songedaeae-wug inine-wug, Brave men.

Bishegaindaugoozzi-wug peenasee-wug, Beautiful birds.

Ozahwizzi-wug ahm-oeg, Yellow bees.

Adjectives Inanimate.

_Singular._

Onishishin mittig, Good tree.

Kwonaudj tshemaun, Handsome canoe.

Monaudud ishkoda, Bad fire.

Weeshkobun aidetaig, Sweet fruit.

_Plural._

Onishishin-oen mittig-oen, Good trees.

Kwonaudjewun-oen tshemaun-un, Handsome canoes.

Monaudud-oen ishkod-aen, Bad fires.

Weeshkobun-oen aidetaig-in, Sweet fruits.

Peculiar circumstances are supposed to exist, in order to render the use

of the adjective, in this connexion with the noun, necessary and proper.

But in ordinary instances, as the narration of events, the noun would

precede the adjective, and oftentimes, particularly where a second

allusion to objects previously named became necessary, the compound

expressions would be used. Thus instead of saying the yellow bee,

waeyzahwizzid, would distinctly convey the idea of that insect, _had the

species been before named_. Under similar circumstances kainwaukoozzid,

agausheid soengaunemud, mushkowaunemud, would respectively signify, a

tall tree, a small fly, a strong wind, a hard wind. And these terms

would become plural in _jig_, which, as before mentioned, is a mere

modification of _ig_, one of the five general animate plural inflections

of the language.

Kaegat wahwinaudj abbenoejeeug, is an expression indicating _they are very

handsome children_. Bubbeeweezheewug monetoesug, denotes _small insects_.

Minno neewugizzi, is good tempered, he is good tempered.

Mawshininewugizzi, is bad tempered, both having their plural in _wug_.

Nin nuneenahwaindum, I am lonesome. Nin nuneenahwaindaumin, we

(excluding you) are lonesome. Waweea, is a term generally used to

express the adjective sense of _round_. Kwy, is the scalp. (_Weenikwy_

his scalp.) Hence Weewukwon, hat; Wayweewukwonid, a wearer of the hat;

and its plural Wayeewukwonidjig, wearers of the hats--the usual term

applied to Europeans, or white men generally. These examples go to

prove, that under every form in which the adjective can be traced,

whether in its simplest or most compound state, it is susceptible of

number.

The numerals of the language are converted into adverbs, by the

inflection _ing_, making _one_, _once_, &c. The unit exists in

duplicate.

Paezhik, One, general unit } Aubeding, Once.

Ingoot, One, numerical unit}

Neesh, Two. Neeshing, Twice.

Niswee, Three. Nissing, Thrice.

Neewin, Four. Neewing, Four-times.

Naunun, Five. Nauning, Five-times.

N'goodwaswae, Six. N'goodwautshing, Six-times.

Neeshwauswae, Seven. Neeshwautshing, Seven-times.

Shwauswe, Eight. Shwautshing, Eight-times.

Shongusswe, Nine. Shongutshing, Nine-times.

Meetauswee, Ten. Meetaushing, Ten-times.

These inflections can be carried as high as they can compute numbers.

They count decimally. After reaching ten, they repeat, ten and one, ten

and two, &c. to twenty. Twenty is a compound signifying two tens,

thirty, three tens, &c., a mode which is carried up to one hundred

_n'goodwak_. Wak, then becomes the word of denomination, combining with

the names of the digits, until they reach a thousand, _meetauswauk_,

literally, _ten hundred_. Here a new compound term is introduced made by

prefixing twenty to the last denomination, neshtonnah duswak, which

doubles the last term, thirty triples it, forty quadruples it, &c., till

the computation reaches to ten thousand, n'goodwak dushing n'goodwak,

_one hundred times one hundred_. This is the probable extent of all

certain computation. The term _Gitshee_, (great,) prefixed to the last

denomination, leaves the number indefinite.

There is no form of the numerals corresponding to second, third, fourth,

&c. They can only further say, _nittum_ first, and _ishkwaudj_, last.

LECTURE IV.

Nature and principles of the pronoun--Its distinction

into preformative and subformative classes--Personal

pronouns--The distinction of an inclusive and exclusive

form in the number of the first person

plural--Modifications of the personal pronouns to imply

existence, individuality, possession, ownership, position

and other accidents--Declension of pronouns to answer the

purpose of the auxiliary verbs--Subformatives, how

employed, to mark the persons--Relative pronouns

considered--Their application to the causative

verbs--Demonstrative pronouns--their separation into two

classes, animates and inanimates--Example of their use.

Pronouns are buried, if we may so say, in the structure of the verb. In

tracing them back to their primitive forms, through the almost infinite

variety of modifications which they assume, in connexion with the verb,

substantive and adjective, it will facilitate analysis, to group them

into preformative and subformative, which include the pronominal

prefixes and suffixes, and which admit of the further distinction of

separable and inseparable. By separable is intended those forms, which

have a meaning by themselves, and are thus distinguished from the

inflective and subformative pronouns, and pronominal particles

significant only, in connection with another word.

1. Of the first class, are the personal pronouns Neen (I,) Keen (thou,)

and Ween or O (he or she.) They are declined to form the plural persons

in the following manner:

I, Neen. We Keen owind (in.)

We Neen owind (ex.)

Thou, Keen. Ye Keen owau.

He or She, Ween or O. They Ween owau.

Here the plural persons are formed by a numerical inflection of the

singular. The double plural of the first person, of which both the rule

and examples have been incidentally given in the remarks on the

substantive, is one of those peculiarities of the language, which may,

perhaps, serve to aid in a comparison of it, with other dialects,

kindred and foreign. As a mere conventional agreement, for denoting

whether the person addressed, be included, or excluded, it may be

regarded as an advantage to the language. It enables the speaker, by the

change of a single consonant, to make a full and clear discrimination,

and relieves the narration from doubts and ambiguity, where doubts and

ambiguity would otherwise often exist. On the other hand, by

accumulating distinctions, it loads the memory with grammatical forms,

and opens a door for improprieties of speech. We are not aware of any

inconveniencies in the use of a general plural. But in the Indian it

would produce confusion. And it is perhaps to that cautious desire of

personal discrimination, which is so apparent in the structure of the

language, that we should look for the reason of the duplicate forms of

this word. Once established, however, and both the distinction, and the

necessity of a constant and strict attention to it, are very obvious and

striking. How shall he address the Deity? If he say--"_Our father who

art in heaven_," the inclusive form of "our" makes the Almighty one of

the suppliants, or family. If he use the exclusive form, it throws him

out of the family, and may embrace every living being but the Deity.

Yet, neither of these forms can be used well in prayer, as they cannot

be applied directly _to_ the object addressed. It is only when speaking

_of_ the Deity, under the name of father, to other persons, that the

inclusive and exclusive forms of the word "our" can be used. The dilemma

may be obviated, by the use of a compound descriptive phrase--Wae oe se

mig o yun, signifying--THOU WHO ART THE FATHER OF ALL. Or, universal

father.

In practice, however, the question is cut short, by those persons who

have embraced Christianity. It has seemed to them, that by the use of

either of the foregoing terms, the Deity would be thrown into too remote

a relation to them, and I have observed, that, in prayer, they

invariably address Him, by the term used by children for the father of a

family, that is, NOSA, my father.

The other personal pronouns undergo some peculiar changes, when employed

as preformatives before nouns and verbs, which it is important to

remark. Thus neen, is sometimes rendered ne or _nin_, and sometimes

_nim_. Keen, is rendered ke or _kin_. In compound words the mere signs

of the first and second pronouns, N and K, are employed. The use of

_ween_ is limited; and the third person, singular and plural, is

generally indicated by the sign, O.

The particle _suh_ added to the complete forms of the disjunctive

pronouns, imparts a verbal sense to them; and appears in this instance,

to be a succedaneum for the substantive verb. Thus Neen, I, becomes

Neensuh, it is I. Keen, thou, becomes Keensuh, it is thou, and Ween, he

or she, Weensuh, it is he or she. This particle may also be added to the

plural forms.

Keenowind suh. It is we (in.)

Neenowind suh. It is we (ex.)

Keenowa suh. It is ye, or you.

Weenowau suh. It is they.

If the word _aittah_ be substituted for suh, a set of adverbial phrases

are formed.

Neen aittah, I only. Neen aittah wind, We &c. (ex.)

Keen aittah wind, We &c. (in.)

Keen aittah, Thou only. Keen aittah wau, You &c.

Ween aittah, He or she only. Ween aittah wau, They &c.

In like manner _nittum_ first, and _ishkwaudj_ last, give rise to the

following arrangement of the pronoun:

Neen nittum, I first.

Keen nittum, You or thou first.

Ween nittum, He or she first.

Keen nittum ewind, We first. (in.)

Neen nittum ewind, We first. (ex.)

Keen nittum ewau, Ye or you first.

Ween nittum ewau, They first.

ISHKWAUDJ.

Neen ishkwaudj, I last.

Keen ishkwaudj, Thou last.

Ween ishkwandj, He or she last.

Keenowind ishkwaudj, We last (in.)

Neenowind ishkwaudj, We last (ex.)

Keenowau ishkwaudj, Ye or you last.

Weenowau ishkwaudj, They last.

The disjunctive forms of the pronoun are also sometimes preserved before

verbs and adjectives.

NEEZHIKA. Alone. (_an._)

Neen neezhika, I alone.

Keen neezhika, Thou alone.

Ween neezhika, He or she alone.

Keenowind neezhika, We alone (in.)

Neenowind neezhika, We alone (ex.)

Keenowau neezhika, Ye or you alone.

Weenowau neezhika, They alone.

To give these expressions a verbal form, the substantive verb, with its

pronominal modifications, must be superadded. For instance, I _am_

alone, &c., is thus rendered:

Neen neezhika nindyau, I am alone, [Symbol: X] aumin.

Keen neezhika keedyau, Thou art alone, [Symbol: X] aum.

Ween neezhika Iyau, He or she is alone, &c. [Symbol: X] wug.

In the subjoined examples the noun ow, body, is changed to a verb, by

the permutation of the vowel, changing ow to auw, which last takes the

letter d before it, when the pronoun is prefixed.

I am a man, Neen nin dauw.

Thou art a man, Keen ke dauw.

He is a man, Ween ah weeh.

We are men, (in.) Ke dauw we min.

We are men, (ex.) Ne dauw we min.

Ye are men, Ke dauw min.

They are men, Weenowau ah weeh wug.

In the translation of these expressions "man" is used as synonymous with

person. If the specific term _inine_, had been introduced in the

original, the meaning thereby conveyed would be, in this particular

connexion, I am a man with respect to _courage_ &c., in opposition to

effeminacy. It would not be simply declarative of _corporeal existence_,

but of existence in a _particular state or condition_.

In the following phrases, the modified forms, or the signs only, of the

pronouns are used:

N' debaindaun, I own it.

Ke debaindaun, Thou ownest it.

O debaindaun, He or she owns it.

N' debaindaun-in, We own it (ex.)

Ke debaindaun-in, We own it (in.)

Ke debaindaun-ewau, Ye own it.

O debaindaun-ewau, They own it.

These examples are cited as exhibiting the manner in which the prefixed

and preformative pronouns are employed, both in their full and

contracted forms. To denote possession, nouns specifying the things

possessed, are required; and, what would not be anticipated, had not

full examples of this species of declension been given in another place,

the purposes of distinction are not effected by a simple change of the

pronoun, as _I_ to _mine_, &c., but by a subformative inflection of the

_noun_, which is thus made to have a reflective operation upon the

pronoun-speaker. It is believed that sufficient examples of this rule,

in all the modifications of inflection, have been given under the head

of the substantive. But as the substantives employed to elicit these

modifications were exclusively _specific_ in their meaning, it may be

proper here, in further illustration of an important principle, to

present a generic substantive under their compound forms.

I have selected for this purpose one of the primitives. IE-AU, is the

abstract term for existing matter. It is in the animate form and

declarative. Its inanimate correspondent is IE-EE. These are two

important roots. And they are found in combination, in a very great

number of derivative words. It will be sufficient here, to show their

connexion with the pronoun, in the production of a class of terms in

very general use.

Animate Forms.

_Singular._ _Plural._

{Nin dye aum, Mine. Nin dye auminaun, Ours. (ex.)

Poss. { Ke dye auminaun, Ours. (in.)

{Ke dye aum, Thine. Ke dye aumewau, Yours.

Obj. O dye aum-un, His or Hers. O dye aumewaun, Theirs.

Inanimate Forms.

_Singular._ _Plural._

{Nin dye eem, Mine. Nin dye eeminaun, Ours. (ex.)

Poss. { Ke dye eeminaun, Ours. (in.)

{Ke dye eem, Thine. Ke dye eemewau, Yours.

Obj. O dye eem-un, His or Hers. O dye eemewaun, Theirs. _Poss. in._

In these forms the noun is singular throughout. To render it plural, as

well as the pronoun, the appropriate general plurals _ug_ and _un_ or

_ig_ and _in_, must be superadded. But it must be borne in mind, in

making these additions, "that the plural inflection to inanimate nouns

(which have no objective case,) forms the objective case to animates,

which have no number in the third person," [p. 30.] The particle _un_,

therefore, which is the appropriate plural for the inanimate nouns in

these examples, is only the objective mark of the animate.

The plural of I, is _naun_, the plural of thou and he, _wau_. But as

these inflections would not coalesce smoothly with the possessive

inflections, the connective vowels i. and e. are prefixed, making the

plural of I, _inaun_, and of thou, &c. _ewau_.

If we strike from these declensions the root IE, leaving its animate and

inanimate forms AU, and EE, and adding the plural of the noun, we shall

then,--taking the _animate_ declension as an instance, have the

following formula of the pronominal declensions.

Column headings--

A: Place of the Noun.

B: Possessive inflection.

C: Obj. inflec. to the noun sing.

D: Connect. vowel.

E: Plu inflec. of the pronoun.

F: Obj. inflect. n. plu.

G: Plural of the Noun.

________________________________________________________

| | | | | | | | |

| Pron. | | | | | | | |

| Sing. | [A] | [B] | [C] | [D] | [E] | [F] | [G] |

|_______|_____|_____|_____|_______|________|_____|_______|

| | | | | | | | |

| Ne | | aum | | - i - | - naun | | - ig. |

| Ke | | aum | | - e - | - wau | | - g. |

| O | | aum | un | | | | |

| O | | aum | | - e - | - wau | - n | |

|_______|_____|_____|_____|_______|________|_____|_______|

To render this formula of general use, six variations, (five in

addition to the above) of the possessive inflection, are required,

corresponding to the six classes of substantives, whereby aum would be

changed to am, eem, im, oem, and oom, conformably to the examples

heretofore given in treating of the substantive. The objective

inflection, would also be sometimes changed to _een_ and sometimes to

_oan_.

Having thus indicated the mode of distinguishing the person, number,

relation, and gender--or what is deemed its technical equivalent, the

mutation words undergo, not to mark the distinctions of _sex_, but the

presence or absence of _vitality_, I shall now advert to the inflections

which the pronouns take for _tense_, or rather, to form the auxiliary

verbs, have, had, shall, will, may, &c. A very curious and important

principle, and one, which clearly demonstrates that no part of speech

has escaped the transforming genius of the language. Not only are the

three great modifications of time accurately marked in the verbal forms

of the Chippewas, but by the inflection of the pronoun they are enabled

to indicate some of the oblique tenses, and thereby to conjugate their

verbs with accuracy and precision.

The particle _gee_ added to the first, second, and third persons

singular of the present tense, changes them to the perfect past,

rendering I, thou, He, I did--have--or had. Thou didst,--hast--or hadst,

He, or she did--have, or had. If _gah_, be substituted for _gee_, the

first future tense is formed, and the perfect past added to the first

future, forms the conditional future. As the eye may prove an auxiliary

in the comprehension of forms, which are not familiar, the following

tabular arrangement of them, is presented.

_First Person, I._

Nin gee, I did--have--had.

Nin gah, I shall--will.

Nin gah gee, I shall have--will have.

_Second Person, Thou._

Ke gee, Thou didst--hast--hadst.

Ke gah, Thou shalt--wilt.

Ke gah gee, Thou shall have--wilt have.

_Third Person, He, or She._

O gee, He or she did--has--had.

O gah, He or she did--has--had.

O gah gee, He or she shall have--will have.

The present and imperfect tense of the potential mood, is formed by

_dau_, and the perfect by _gee_, suffixed as in other instances.

_First Person, I._

Nin dau, I may--can, &c.

Nin dau gee, I may have--can have, &c.

_Second Person, Thou._

Ke dau, Thou mayst--canst, &c.

Ke dau gee, Thou mayst have--canst have, &c.

_Third Person, He, or She._

O dau, He or she may--can, &c.

O dau gee, He or she may have--can have, &c.

In conjugating the verbs through the plural persons, the singular terms

for the pronoun remain, and they are rendered plural by a retrospective

action of the pronominal inflections of the verb. In this manner the

pronoun-verb auxiliary, has a general application, and the necessity of

double forms is avoided.

The preceding observations are confined to the formative or _prefixed_

pronouns. The inseparable suffixed or subformative are as follows--

Yaun, My.

Yun, Thy.

Id, or d, His, or hers.

Yaung, Our. (ex.)

Yung, Our. (in.)

Yaig, Your.

Waud, Their.

These pronouns are exclusively employed as suffixes,--and as suffixes to

the descriptive compound substantives, adjectives and verbs. Both the

rule and examples have been stated under the head of the substantive, p.

43. and adjective, p. 81. Their application to the verb will be shown,

as we proceed.

2. Relative Pronouns. In a language which provides for the distinctions

of person by particles prefixed or suffixed to the verb, it will

scarcely be expected, that separate and independent relative pronouns

should exist, or if such are to be found, their use, as separate parts

of speech, must, it will have been anticipated, be quite

limited--limited to simple interrogatory forms of expression, and not

applicable to the indicative, or declaratory. Such will be found to be

the fact in the language under review; and it will be perceived, from

the subjoined examples, that in all instances, requiring the relative

pronoun _who_, other than the simple interrogatory forms, this relation

is indicated by the inflections of the verb, or adjective, &c. Nor does

there appear to be any declension of the separate pronoun, corresponding

to _whose_, and _whom_.

* * * * *

The word Ahwaynain, may be said to be uniformly employed in the sense of

_who_, under the limitations we have mentioned. For instance.

Who is there? Ahwaynain e-mah ai-aud?

Who spoke? Ahwaynain kau keegoedood?

Who told you? Ahwaynain kau ween dumoak?

Who are you? Ahwaynain iau we yun?

Who sent you? Ahwaynain waynoenik?

Who is your father? Ahwaynain koes?

Who did it? Ahwaynain kau toedung?

Whose dog is it? Ahwaynain way dyid?

Whose pipe is that? Ahwaynain doepwaugunid en-eu?

Whose lodge is it? Ahwaynain way weegewomid?

Whom do you seek? Ahwaynain nain dau wau bumud?

Whom have you here? Ahwaynain oh omau ai auwaud?

Not the slightest variation is made in these phrases, between who,

whose, and whom.

Should we wish to change the interrogative, and to say, he who is there;

he who spoke; he who told you, &c., the separable personal pronoun ween

(he) must be used in lieu of the relative, and the following forms will

be elicited.

Ween, kau unnoenik, He (who) sent you.

Ween, kau geedood, He (who) spoke.

Ween, ai-aud e-mah, He (who) is there.

Ween, kau weendumoak, He (who) told you.

Ween, kau toe dung, He (who) did it, &c.

If we object that, that in these forms, there is no longer the relative

pronoun _who_, the sense being simply, he sent you, he spoke, &c., it is

replied that if it be intended only to say, he sent you, &c., and not he

_who_ sent you, &c., the following forms are used.

Ke gee unnoenig. He (sent) you.

Ainnoezhid, He (sent) me.

Ainnoenaud, He (sent) him, &c.

Iau e-mau, He is there.

Ke geedo, He (spoke.)

Kegeeweendumaug, He (told) you.

Ke to dum, He did it.

We reply, to this answer of the native speaker, that the particle _kau_

prefixed to a verb denotes the past tense,--that in the former series of

terms, in which this particle appears, the verbs are in the perfect

indicative,--and in the latter, they are in the present indicative,

marking the difference only between _sent_ and _send_, _spoke_ and

_speak_, &c. And that there is absolutely no relative pronoun, in either

series of terms. We further observe, that the personal pronoun ween,

prefixed to the first set of terms, may be prefixed with equal

propriety, to the second set, and that its use or disuse, is perfectly

optional with the speaker, as he may wish to give additional energy or

emphasis to the expression. To these positions, after reflection,

discussion and examination, we receive an assent, and thus the

uncertainty is terminated.

We now wish to apply the principle thus elicited to verbs causative, and

other compound terms--to the adjective verbs, for instance--and to the

other verbal compound expressions, in which the objective and the

nominative persons, are incorporated as a part of the verb, and are not

prefixes to it. This may be shown in the causative verb, _To make

Happy_.

Mainwaindumeid, He (who) makes _me_ happy.

Mainwaindumeik, He (who) makes _thee_ happy.

Mainwaindumeaud, He (who) makes _him_ happy.

Mainwaindumeinung, He (who) makes _us_ happy. (inclusive.)

Mainwaindumeyaug, He (who) makes _us_ happy. (exclusive.)

Mainwaindumeinnaig, He (who) makes _ye_ or _you_ happy.

Mainwaindumeigowaud, He (who) makes _them_ happy.

And so the forms might be continued, throughout all the objective

persons.--

Mainwaindumeyun, Thou (who) makest me happy, &c.

The basis of these compounds is _minno_, good, and _aindum_, the mind.

Hence minwaindum, he happy. The adjective in this connexion, cannot be

translated "good," but its effect upon the noun, is to denote that state

of the mind, which is at rest with itself. The first change from this

simple compound, is to give the adjective a verbal form; and this is

effected by a permutation of the vowels of the first syllable--a rule of

very extensive application--and by which, in the present instance, the

phrase _he happy_, is changed to _he makes happy_, (mainwaindum.) The

next step is to add the suffix personal pronouns, id, ik, aud, &c.,

rendering the expressions, he makes _me_ happy, &c. But in adding these

increments, the vowel e, is thrown between the adjective-verb, and the

pronoun suffixed, making the expression, not mainwaindum-yun, but

mainwaindumeyun. Generally the vowel e in this situation, is a

connective, or introduced merely for the sake of euphony. And those who

maintain that it is here employed as a personal pronoun, and that the

relative _who_, is implied by the final inflection; overlook the

inevitable inference, that if the marked e, stands for _me_ in the first

phrase, it must stand for _thee_ in the second, _he_ in the third, _us_

in the fourth, &c. As to the meaning and office of the final inflections

id, ik, &c.--whatever they may, in an involuted sense _imply_, it is

quite clear, by turning to the list of _suffixed personal pronouns_ and

_animate plurals_, that they mark the persons, I, thou, he, &c., we, ye,

they, &c.

Take for example, minwaindumeigowaud. He (who) makes them happy. Of this

compound, minwaindum, as before shown, signifies _he makes happy_. But

as the verb is in the singular number, it implies that but _one person_

is made happy, and the suffixed personal pronouns _singular_, mark the

distinctions between _me_, _thee_, and he, or him.

Minwaindum-e-ig is the verb plural, and implies that several persons

are made happy, and, in like manner, the suffixed personal pronouns

_plural_, mark the distinctions between we, ye, they, &c. For it is a

rule of the language, that a strict concordance must exist between the

number of the verb, and the number of the pronoun. The termination of

the verb consequently always indicates, whether there be one or many

objects, to which its energy is directed. And as animate verbs can be

applied only to animate objects, the numerical inflections of the verb,

are understood to mark the number of persons. But this number is

indiscriminate, and leaves the sense vague, until the pronominal

suffixes are superadded. Those who, therefore, contend for the sense of

the relative pronoun "who," being given in the last mentioned phrase,

and all phrases similarly formed, by a succedaneum, contend for

something like the following form of translation:--He makes them

happy--him! or Him--he (meaning who) makes them happy.

The equivalent for what, is _Waygonain_.

What do you want? Waygonain wau iauyun?

What have you lost? Waygonain kau wonetoeyun?

What do you look for? Waygonain nain dahwaubundamun?

What is this? Waygonain ewinain maundun?

What will you have? Waygonain kau iauyun?

What detained you? Waygonain kau oon dahme egoeyun?

What are you making? Waygonain wayzhetoeyun?

What have you there? Waygonain e-mau iauyun?

The use of this pronoun, like the preceding, appears to be confined to

simple interrogative forms. The word _auneen_, which sometimes supplies

its place, or is used for want of the pronoun _which_, is an adverb, and

has considerable latitude of meaning. Most commonly it may be considered

as the equivalent for _how_, in what manner, or at what time.

What do you say? Auneen akeedoeyun?

What do you call this? Auneen aizheneekaudahmun

maundun?(i.)

What ails you? Auneen aindeeyun?

What is your name? Auneen aizheekauzoyun?

Which do you mean; this or that?(an.) Auneen ah-owainud, woh-ow gaemau

ewidde?

Which do you mean; this or that?(in.) Auneen eh-eu ewaidumun oh-oo

gamau ewaidde?

Which boy do you mean? Auneen ah-ow-ainud?

By adding to this word, the particle _de_, it is converted into an

adverb of place, and may be rendered _where_.

Where do you dwell? Auneende aindauyun?

Where is your son? Auneende ke gwiss?

Where did you see him? Auneende ke waubumud?

becomes quite necessary in writing the language. And in the following

sentences, the substantive is properly employed after the pronoun.

This dog is very lean, Gitshee bukaukdoozo woh-ow annemoosh.

These dogs are very lean, Gitshee bukauddoozowug o-goo annemooshug.

Those dogs are fat, Ig-eu annemooshug ween-in-oawug.

That dog is fat, Ah-ow annemoosh ween-in-ao.

This is a handsome knife, Gagait onishishin maundun mokomahn.

These are handsome knives, Gagait wahwinaudj o-noo mokomahnun.

Those are bad knives, Monaududoen in-euwaidde mokomahnun.

Give me that spear, Meezhishin eh-eu ahnitt.

Give me those spears, Meezhishin in-eu unnewaidde ahnitteen.

That is a fine boy, Gagait kwonaudj ah-ow kweewezains.

Those are fine boys, Gagait wahwinaudj ig-euwaidde

kweewezainsug.

This boy is larger than that, Nahwudj mindiddo woh-ow kweewezains

ewaidde dush.

That is what I wanted, Meeh-eu wau iauyaumbaun.

This is the very thing I wanted, Mee-suh oh-oo wau iauyaumbaun.

In some of these expressions, the pronoun combines with an adjective, as

in the compound words, ineuwaidde, and igeuwaidde, _those yonder_, (in.)

and _those yonder_ (an.) Compounds which exhibit the full pronoun in

coalescence with the word _Ewaidde_ yonder.

CHRONOLOGY.

Columbus discovered the West Indies Oct. 12, 1492.

Americo Vespucio, discovered the coast of South America, 1497.

Cabot discovered the North American coast 1497.

De Leon discovered Florida 1512.

Cortes, enters the city of Mexico, after a siege, Aug. 13, 1521.

Verrizani, is said to have entered the bay of New York, 1524.

Cartier discovered the St. Lawrence, 1534.

Jamestown, in Virginia, is founded, 1608.

Acknowledged date of the settlement of Canada, 1608.

Hudson discovers the river bearing his name, 1609.

The Dutch build a fort near Albany, 1614.

The Pilgrims land at Plymouth Dec. 22, 1620.

New Amsterdam taken from the Dutch by the Duke of York

and Albany and named New York 1664.

La Salle discovers the Illinois in upper Louisiana 1678.

discovers Lower Louisiana, and is killed 1685.

THE ERA OF THE ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH IN THE UPPER LAKES.

KE-WA-KONS, a chief of the straits of St. Mary's, told me, during an

interview, in 1827, that but seven generations of red men had passed

away, since the French first appeared on those straits. If we take the

date of Cartier's first visit to the St. Lawrence, as the era of their

acquaintance with this nation, A. D. 1534, we should have 56 years as

the period of an Indian generation. Should we take, instead of this, the

time of La Salle's first arrival on the upper lakes, 1778, there would,

on the contrary, be but a fraction over 22 years for a generation. But

neither of these periods, can be truly said to coincide with the

probable era of the chief's historical reminiscences. The first is too

early, the last too late. An average of the two, which is required to

apply the observation properly, gives 38 years as the Indian generation.

This nearly assimilates it to the results among Europeans, leaving 8

years excess. Further data would probably reduce this; but it is a

department in which we have so little material, that we must leave it

till these be accumulated. It may be supposed that the period of Indian

longevity, before the introduction of ardent spirits, was equal,

perhaps, a little superior, to that of the European; but it did not

exceed it, we think, by 8 years.

Ke-wa-kons, whom I knew very well, was a man of shrewd sense, and

respectable powers of observation. He stated, at the same interview,

that his tribe, who were of the Odjibwa type of the Algonquins, laid

aside their Akeeks, or clay cooking-vessels, at _that time_, and adopted

in lieu of them, the light brass kettle, which was more portable and

permanent. And from that time, their skill in pottery declined, until,

in our day, it is entirely lost. It is curious to reflect, that within

the brief period of 150 years, a living branch of coarse manufacture

among them, has thus been transferred into an object of antiquarian

research. This fact, should make historians cautious in assigning very

remote periods of antiquity to the monumental evidences of by-gone

generations.

It is by such considerations that we get a glimpse of some of the

general principles which attended the early periods of discovery and

settlement, in all parts of the continent. Adventurers came to find

gold, or furs, to amass wealth, get power, or to perform mere exploits.

Nobody cared much for the native race, beyond the fact of their being

the medium to lead to these specified objects. There were none, to

record accurately, their arts, and other peculiarities, which now excite

intense interest. They died away very fast, whole tribes becoming

extinct within a generation or two. The European fabrics, then

introduced, were so much superior to their own, that they, at once,

discontinued such rude arts as they practised, at least in our northern

latitudes. New adventurers followed in the track of Columbus, Amerigo,

Cabot, and their compeers and followers, who, in the lapse of time,

picked up, from the soil, pieces of coarse pottery, pestles and such

like things, and holding them up, said,--"See these!--here are evidences

of very great skill, and very high antiquity."

It is not the intention by any means, to assert, that there were not

antiquities of a far higher era, and nobler caste, but merely to impress

upon inquirers, the necessity of discriminating the different eras in

the chronology of our antiquities. All Indian pottery, north of the

capes of Florida and the Gulf of Mexico, is of, or preceding the era of

the discovery; but there is found in graves, a species of pottery, and

vitrified ware, which was introduced, in the early stages of traffic, by

Europeans. Of this transition era between the dying away of the Indian

arts, and the introduction of the European, are the rude pastes, enamel

and glass beads, and short clay pipes of coarse texture, found in Indian

cemeteries, but not in the tumuli. In place of these, our ancient

Indians used wrought and unwrought sea shells of various species, and

pipes carved out of seatites and other soft materials.

* * * * *

Mr. Anderson remarks in his biography of Catharine Brown, that "the

Cherokees are said to possess a language, which is more precise and

powerful than any into which learning has poured richness of thought, or

genius breathed the enchantments of fancy and eloquence."

David Brown, in one of his letters, in the same volume, terms his people

the Tsallakee, of which we must therefore take "Cherokee," to be a

corruption. It is seen by the Cherokee alphabet, that the sound of _r_

does not occur in that language.

FAITH.

When Chusco was converted to Christianity at the mission of

Michilinackinac, he had planted a field of potatoes on one of the

neighbouring islands in lake Huron. In the fall he went over in his

canoe, with his aged wife, to dig them--a labour which the old woman set

unceremoniously about, as soon as they got into the field. "Stop!" cried

the little old man, who had a small tenor voice and was bent nearly

double by age,--"dare you begin to dig, till we have thanked the Lord

for their growth." They then both knelt down in the field, while he

lifted up his voice, in his native language, in thanks.

SHINGABA-WOSSINS, OR IMAGE STONES.

The native tribes who occupy the borders of the great lakes, are very

ingenious in converting to the uses of superstition, such masses of

loose rock, or boulder stones, as have been fretted by the action of

water into shapes resembling the trunks of human bodies, or other

organic forms.

There appears, at all times, to have been a ready disposition to turn

such masses of rude natural sculpture, so to call them, to an idolatrous

use; as well as a most ingenious tact, in aiding the effect of the

natural resemblance, by dots or dabs of paint, to denote eyes, and other

features, or by rings of red ochre, around their circumference, by way

of ornament.

In the following figures, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, some of these masses are

represented.

[Illustration]

Number 3. was brought to the office of the Indian Agent at

Michilimackinac in 1839, and placed among objects of analagous interest

to visitors. It consisted of a portion of a vein or mass of gneiss or

granite, from which both mica and feldspar were nearly absent, existing

only in trace, while the quartzy portion predominated, and had, by its

superior hardness, resisted the elemental action. The mode of the

formation of such masses is very well known to geologists, resulting, in

almost every case, from the unequal degree of hardness of various parts

of a mass, submitted to an equal force of attrition, such as is

ordinarily given by the upheaving and rolling force of waves on a lake,

or ocean beach. To the natives, who are not prone to reason from cause

to effect, such productions appear wonderful. All that is past

comprehension, or wonderful, is attributed by them to the supernatural

agency of spirits. The hunter or warrior, who is travelling along the

coast, and finds one of these self-sculptured stones, is not sure that

it is not a direct interposition of his God, or guardian Manito, in his

favour. He is habitually a believer in the most subtle forms of

mysterious power, which he acknowledges to be often delegated to the

native priests, or necromancers. He is not staggered by the most

extraordinary stretch of fancy, in the theory of the change or

transformation of animate into inanimate objects, and vice versa. All

things, "in heaven and earth," he believes to be subject to this subtle

power of metamorphosis. But, whatever be the precise operating cause of

the respect he pays to the imitative rolled stones, which he calls

Shingaba-wossins, and also by the general phrase of Muz-in-in-a-wun, or

images, he is not at liberty to pass them without hazarding something,

in his opinion, of his chance of success in life, or the fortune of the

enterprize in hand.

If the image be small, it is generally taken with him and secreted in

the neighborhood of his lodge. If large and too heavy for this purpose,

it is set up on the shore, generally in some obscure nook, where an

offering of tobacco, or something else of less value, may be made _to_

it, or rather _through_ it, to the spirit.

In 1820 one of these stones (No. 2.) was met by an expedition of the

government sent north, that year, for the purpose of interior discovery

and observation, at the inner Thunder Bay island, in Lake Huron. It was

a massy stone, rounded, with a comparatively broad base and entablature

but not otherwise remarkable. It was set up, under a tree on the island,

which was small, with the wide and clear expanse of the lake in plain

view. The island was one of those which were regarded as desert, and was

probably but seldom stopped at. It was, indeed, little more than a few

acres of boulders and pebbles, accumulated on a limestone reef, and

bearing a few stunted trees and shrubs. The water of the lake must, in

high storms, have thrown its spray over this imaged stone. It was, in

fine, one of those private places which an Indian might be supposed to

have selected for his secret worship.

In No. 3. is figured an object of this kind, which was found in 1832, in

the final ascent to the source of the Mississippi, on the right cape, in

ascending this stream into lac Traverse--at the distance of about 1000

miles above the falls of St. Anthony. I landed at the point to see it,

having heard, from my interpreter, that such an object was set up and

dedicated to some unknown Manito there. It was a pleasant level point of

land shaded with trees, and bearing luxuriant grass and wild shrubbery

and flowers. In the middle of this natural parterre the stone was

placed, and was overtopped by this growth, and thus concealed by it. A

ring of red paint encircled it, at the first narrowed point of its

circumference, to give it the resemblance of a human neck; and there

were some rude dabs to denote other features. The Indian is not precise

in the matter of proportion, either in his drawing, or in his attempts

at statuary. He seizes upon some minute and characteristic trait, which

is at once sufficient to denote the _species_, and he is easily

satisfied about the rest. Thus a simple cross, with a strait line from

shoulder to shoulder, and a dot, or circle above, to serve for a head,

is the symbol of the human frame; and without any adjunct of feet, or

hands, it could not have been mistaken for any thing else--certainly for

any other object in the animal creation.

MNEMONIC SYMBOLS OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.

CHAPTER I.

PRELIMINARY REMARKS.--SYMBOLICAL REPRESENTATIONS AND HIEROGLYPHICS, ONE

OF THE EARLIEST OBSERVED TRAITS IN THE CUSTOMS AND ARTS OF THE AMERICAN

ABORIGINES; BUT THIS ART NOT SUSPECTED TO HAVE A SYSTEMATIC FORM AMONG

THE RUDE HUNTER TRIBES OF NORTH AMERICA, UNTIL THE YEAR 1820, WHEN IT

WAS DISCOVERED ON THE SOURCE OF THE MISSISSIPPI. THIS INSTANCE GIVEN,

WITH A DRAWING; THE HINT PURSUED.

The practice of the North American tribes, of drawing figures and

pictures on skins, trees, and various other substances, has been noticed

by travellers and writers from the earliest times. Among the more

northerly tribes, these figures are often observed on that common

substitute for the ancient papyrus, among these nations, the bark of the

_betula papyracea_, or white birch: a substance possessing a smooth

surface, easily impressed, very flexible, and capable of being preserved

in rolls. Often these devices are cut, or drawn in colours on the trunks

of trees, more rarely on rocks or boulders. According to Colden and

Lafitou records of this rude character were formerly to be seen on the

blazed surface of trees, along some of the ancient paths and portages

leading from the sources of the Atlantic rivers into the interior, or in

the valley of the St. Lawrence; but these, after satisfying a transient

curiosity, have long since yielded to the general fate of these simple

and unenduring monuments. Pictures and symbols of this kind are now to

be found only on the unreclaimed borders of the great area west of the

Alleghanies and the Lakes, in the wide prairies of the west, or along

the Missouri and the upper Mississippi. It is known that such devices

were in use, to some extent, at the era of the discovery, among most of

the tribes, situated between the latitudes of the capes of Florida, and

Hudson's Bay, although they have been considered as more particularly

characteristic of the tribes of the Algonquin type. In a few instances,

these pictorial inscriptions have been found to be painted or stained on

the faces of rocks, or on loose boulders, and still more rarely, devices

were scratched or pecked into the surface, as is found to be the case

still at Dighton and Venango. Those who are intent on observations of

this kind, will find figures and rude hieroglyphics invariably at the

present time, on the grave posts which mark the places of Indian

sepulchre at the west and north. The nations who rove over the western

prairies, inscribe them on the skins of the buffalo. North of latitude

42 deg., the bark of the birch, which furnishes at once the material of

canoes, tents, boxes, water-dippers, and paper, constitutes the common

medium of their exhibition. Tablets of hard wood are confined to such

devices as are employed by their priests and prophets, and medicine-men;

and these characters uniformly assume a more mystical or sacred import.

But the recent discovery, on one of the tributaries of the Susquehanna,

of an Indian map, drawn on stone, with intermixed devices, a copy of

which appears in the 1st volume of the collections of the Historical

Committee of the American Philosophical Society, proves that stone was

also employed in that branch of inscription. This discovery was on the

area occupied by the Lenapees.

Colden, in his history of the Five Nations,[23] informs us that when, in

1696, the Count de Frontenac marched a well appointed army into the

Iroquois country, with artillery and all other means of regular military

offence, he found, on the banks of the Onondaga, now called Oswego

river, a tree, on the trunk of which the Indians had depicted the French

army, and deposited two bundles of cut rushes at its foot, consisting of

1434 pieces--an act of defiance on their part, which was intended to

inform their invaders, that they would have to encounter this number of

warriors. In speaking in another passage of the general traits of the

Five Nations, he mentions the general custom prevalent among the Mohawks

going to war, of painting, with red paint, on the trunk of a tree, such

symbols, as might serve to denote the object of their expedition. Among

the devices was a canoe pointed towards the enemies' country. On their

return, it was their practice to visit the same tree, or precinct, and

denote the result: the canoe being, in this case, drawn with its bows in

the opposite direction. Lafitou, in his account of the nations of

Canada, makes observations on this subject to which we shall more

particularly refer hereafter, which denote the general prevalence of the

custom in that quarter. Other writers, dating as far back as Smith and

de Bre, bear a passing testimony to the existence of this trait among

the northern tribes. Few have however done more than notice it, and none

are known to have furnished any amount of connected details.

A single element in the system attracted early notice. I allude to the

institution of the Totem, which has been well known among the Algonquin

tribes from the settlement of Canada. By this device, the early

missionaries observed, that the natives marked their division of a tribe

into clans, and of a clan into families, and the distinction was thus

very clearly preserved. Affinities were denoted and kept up, long after

tradition had failed in its testimony. This distinction, which is

marked with much of the certainty of heraldic bearings in the feudal

system, was seen to mark the arms, the lodge, and the trophies of the

chief and warrior. It was likewise employed to give identity to the

_clan_ of which he was a member, on his ad-je-da-teg or grave-post. This

record went but little farther; a few strokes or geometric devices were

drawn on these simple monuments, to denote the number of men he had

slain in battle.

It has not been suspected in any notices to which I have had access,

that there was a pictorial alphabet, or a series of homophonous figures,

in which, by the juxtaposition of symbols representing acts, as well as

objects of action, and by the introduction of simple adjunct signs, a

series of disjunctive, yet generally connected ideas, were denoted; or

that the most prominent incidents of life and death could be recorded so

as to be transmitted from one generation to another, as long at least as

the monument and the people endured. Above all, it was not anticipated

that there should have been found, as will be observed in the subsequent

details, a system of symbolic notation for the songs and incantations of

the Indian metas and priests, making an appeal to the memory for the

preservation of language.

Persons familiar with the state of the western tribes of this continent,

particularly in the higher northern latitudes, have long been aware that

the songs of the Indian priesthood, and wabenoes, were sung from a kind

of pictorial notation, made on bark. It is a fact which has often come

to the observation of military officers performing duties on those

frontiers, and of persons exercising occasional duties in civil life,

who have passed through their territories. But there is no class of

persons to whom the fact of such notations being made, is so well known,

as the class of Indian traders and interpreters who visit or reside a

part of the season at the Indian villages. I have never conversed with

any of this latter class of persons to whom the fact of such

inscriptions, made in various ways, was not so familiar as in their view

to excite no surprise or even demand remark.

My attention was first called to the subject in 1820. In the summer of

that year I was on an exploring journey through the lake country. At the

mouth of the small river Huron, on the banks of Lake Superior, there was

an Indian grave fenced around with saplings, and protected with much

care. At its head stood a post, or tabular stick, upon which was drawn

the figure of the animal which was the symbol of the clan to which the

deceased chief belonged. Strokes of red paint were added to denote,

either the number of war parties in which he had been engaged, or the

number of scalps which he had actually taken from the enemy. The

interpreter who accompanied us, and who was himself tinctured with

Indian blood, gave the latter, as the true import of these marks.

On quitting the river St. Louis, which flows into the head of the lake

at the Fond du Lac, to cross the summit dividing its waters from those

of the Mississippi, the way led through heavy and dense woods and

swamps and the weather proved dark and rainy, so that, for a couple of

days together, we had scarcely a glimpse of the sun.

The party consisted of sixteen persons, with two Indian guides; but the

latter, with all their adroitness in threading the maze, were completely

at fault for nearly an entire day. At night we lay down on ground

elevated but a few inches above the level of the swamp. The next morning

as we prepared to leave the camp, a small sheet of birch bark containing

devices was observed elevated on the top of a sapling, some 8 or 10 feet

high. One end of this pole was thrust firmly into the ground leaning in

the direction we were to go. On going up to this object, it was found,

with the aid of the interpreter, to be a symbolic record of the

circumstances of our crossing this summit, and of the night's encampment

at this spot. Each person was appropriately depicted, distinguishing the

soldiers from the officer in command, and the latter from the scavans of

the party. The Indians themselves were depicted without hats, this

being, as we noticed, the general symbol for a white man or European.

The entire record, of which a figure is annexed, accurately symbolized

the circumstances, and they were so clearly drawn, according to their

conventional rules, that the intelligence would be communicated thereby

to any of their people who might chance to travel or wander this way.

This was the object of the inscription.

[Illustration]

Fig. No 1. represents the subaltern officer in command of the party of

the U. S. troops. He is drawn with a sword to denote his official rank.

No. 2 denotes the person who officiated in quality of Secretary. He is

represented holding a book. No. 3 denotes the geologist and mineralogist

of the party. He is drawn with a hammer. Nos. 4 and 5 are attaches; No.

6, the interpreter.

The group of figures marked 9 represents eight infantry soldiers, each

of whom, as shown in group No. 10, was armed with a musket. No. 15

denotes that they had a separate fire, and constituted a separate mess.

Figures 7 and 8 are the two Chippewa guides, the principal of whom,

called Chamees, or the Pouncing-hawk, led the way over this dreary

summit. These are the only human figures on this unique bark letter, who

are drawn without a hat. This was the characteristic seized on, by them,

and generally employed by the tribes, to distinguish the Red from the

white race. Figures 11 and 12 represent a prairie hen, and a green

tortoise, which constituted the sum of the preceding day's chase, and

were eaten at the encampment. The inclination of the pole, was designed

to show the course pursued from that particular spot: there were three

hacks in it, below the scroll of bark, to indicate the estimated length

of this part of the journey, computing from water to water, that is to

say, from the head of the portage Aux Couteaux on the St. Louis river,

to the open shores of Sandy lake, the Ka-ma-ton-go-gom-ag of the

Odjibwas.

The story was thus briefly and simply told; and this memorial was set up

by the guides, to advertise any of their countrymen, who might chance to

wander in that direction, of the adventure--for it was evident, both

from this token, and from the dubiousness which had marked the prior

day's wanderings, that they regarded the passage in this light, and were

willing to take some credit for the successful execution of it.

Before we had penetrated quite to this summit, we came to another

evidence of their skill in this species of knowledge, consisting of one

of those contrivances which they denominate Man-i-to-wa-teg, or Manito

Poles. On reaching this our guides shouted, whether from a superstitious

impulse, or the joy of having found a spot they certainly could

recognize, we could not tell. We judged the latter. It consisted of

eight poles, of equal length, shaved smooth and round, painted with

yellow ochre, and set so as to enclose a square area. It appeared to

have been one of those rude temples, or places of incantation or

worship, known to the metas, or priests, where certain rites and

ceremonies are performed. But it was not an ordinary medicine lodge.

There had been far more care in its construction.

On reaching the village of Sandy lake, on the upper Mississippi, the

figures of animals, birds, and other devices were found, on the rude

coffins, or wrappings of their dead, which were scaffolded around the

precincts of the fort, and upon the open shores of the lake. Similar

devices were also observed, here, as at other points in this region,

upon their arms, war-clubs, canoes, and other pieces of moveable

property, as well as upon their grave posts.

In the descent of the Mississippi, we observed such devices painted on a

rock, below and near the mouth of Elk river, and at a rocky island in

the river, at the Little Falls. In the course of our descent to the

Falls at St. Anthony, we observed another bark letter, as the party now

began to call these inscriptions, suspended on a high pole, on an

elevated bank of the river, on its west shore. At this spot, where we

encamped for the night, and which is just opposite a point of highly

crystalized hornblende rock, called the Peace Rock, rising up through

the prairie, there were left standing the poles or skeletons of a great

number of Sioux lodges. It is near and a little west of the territorial

boundary of the Sioux nation; and on inspecting this scroll of bark, we

found it had reference to a negociation for bringing about a permanent

peace between the Sioux and Chippewas. A large party of the former, from

St. Peter's, headed by their chief, had proceeded thus far, in the hope

of meeting the Chippewa hunters, on their summer hunt. They had been

countenanced, or directed in this step, by Col. Leavenworth, the

commanding officer of the new post, just then about to be erected. The

inscription, which was read off at once, by the Chippewa Chief

Babesacundabee, who was with us, told all this; it gave the name of the

Chief who had led the party, and the number of his followers, and gave

that chief the first assurance he had, that his mission for the same

purpose, would be favourably received.

After our arrival at St. Anthony's Falls, it was found that this system

of picture writing was as familiar to the Dacotah, as we had found it

among the Algonquin race. At Prairie du Chien, and at Green Bay, the

same evidences were observed among the Monomonees, and the Winnebagoes,

at Chicago among the Pottowottomies, and at Michilimakinac, among the

Chippewas and Ottawas who resort, in such numbers, to that Island. While

at the latter place, on my return, I went to visit the grave of a noted

chief of the Monomonee tribe, who had been known by his French name of

Toma, i.e. Thomas. He had been buried on the hill west of the village;

and on looking at his Ad-je-da-tig or grave post, it bore a pictorial

inscription, commemorating some of the prominent achievements of his

life.

These hints served to direct my attention to the subject when I returned

to the country in 1822. The figures of a deer, a bear, a turtle, and a

crane, according to this system, stand respectively for the names of

men, and preserve the language very well, by yielding to the person

conversant with it, the corresponding words, of Addick, Muckwa,

Mickenock, and Adjeejauk. Marks, circles, or dots, of various kinds, may

symbolize the number of warlike deeds. Adjunct devices may typify or

explain adjunct acts. If the system went no farther, the record would

yield a kind of information both gratifying and useful to one of his

countrymen who had no letters and was expert in the use of symbols; and

the interpretation of it, would be easy and precise in proportion as the

signs were general, conventional, and well understood. There was

abundant evidence in my first year's observation, to denote that this

mode of communication was in vogue, and well understood by the northern

tribes; but it hardly seemed susceptible of a farther or extended use.

It was not till I had made a personal acquaintance with one of their

Medas--a man of much intelligence, and well versed in their customs,

religion, and history, that a more enlarged application of it appeared

to be practicable. I observed in the hands of this man a tabular piece

of wood, covered over on both sides, with a series of devices cut

between parallel lines, which he referred to, as if they were the notes

of his medicine and mystical songs. I heard him sing these songs, and

observed that their succession was fixed and uniform. By cultivating his

acquaintance, and by suitable attention and presents, such as the

occasion rendered proper, he consented to explain the meaning of each

figure, the object symbolized, and the words attached to each symbol. By

this revelation, which was made with closed doors, I became a member or

initiate of the Medicine Society, and also of the Wabeno Society. Care

was taken to write each sentence of the songs and chants in the Indian

language, with its appropriate devices, and to subjoin a literal

translation in English. When this had been done, and the system

considered, it was very clear that the devices were mnemonic--that any

person could sing from these devices, very accurately, what he had

previously committed to memory, and that the system revealed a curious

scheme of symbolic notation.

All the figures thus employed, as the initiatory points of study,

related exclusively to either the medicine dance, or the wabeno dance;

and each section of figures, related exclusively to one or the other.

There was no intermixture or commingling of characters, although the

class of subjects were sometimes common to each. It was perceived,

subsequently, that this classification of symbols extended to the songs

devoted to war, to hunting, and to other specific topics. The entire

inscriptive system, reaching from its first, rudimental characters, in

the ad-je-da-tig, or grave board, to the extended roll of bark covered

with the incriptions of their magicians and prophets, derived a new

interest from this feature. It was easy to perceive that much

comparative precision was imparted to interpretations in the hands of

the initiated, which before, or to others, had very little. An interest

was thus cast over it distinct from its novelty. And in truth, the

entire pictorial system was thus invested with the character of a

subject of accurate investigation, which promised both interest and

instruction.

It has been thought that a simple statement of these circumstances,

would best answer the end in view, and might well occupy the place of a

more formal or profound introduction. In bringing forward the elements

of the system, after much reflection, it is thought, however, that a few

remarks on the general character of this art may not be out of place.

For, simple as it is, we perceive in it the native succedaneum for

letters. It is not only the sole graphic mode they have for

communicating ideas, but it is the mode of communicating all classes of

ideas commonly entertained by them--such as their ideas of war, of

hunting, of religion, and of magic and necromancy. So considered, it

reveals a new and unsuspected mode of obtaining light on their opinions

of a deity, of the structure or cosmogony of the globe, of astronomy,

the various classes of natural objects, their ideas of immortality and a

future state, and the prevalent notions of the union of spiritual and

material matter. So wide and varied, indeed, is the range opened by the

subject, that we may consider the Indian system of picture writing as

the thread which ties up the scroll of the Red man's views of life and

death, reveals the true theory of his hopes and fears, and denotes the

relation he bears, in the secret chambers of his own thoughts, to his

Maker. What a stoic and suspicious temper would often hold him back from

uttering to another, and what a limited language would sometimes prevent

his fully revealing, if he wished, symbols and figures can be made to

represent and express. The Indian is not a man prone to describe his

god, but he is ready to depict him, by a symbol. He may conceal under

the figures of a serpent, a turtle, or a wolf, wisdom, strength, or

malignity, or convey under the picture of the sun, the idea of a

supreme, all-seeing intelligence. But he is not prepared to discourse

upon these things. What he believes on this head, he will not declare to

a white man or a stranger. His happiness and success in life, are

thought to depend upon the secrecy of that knowledge of the Creator and

his system in the Indian view of benign and malignant agents. To reveal

this to others, even to his own people, is, he believes, to expose

himself to the counteracting influence of other agents known to his

subtle scheme of necromancy and superstition, and to hazard success and

life itself. This conduces to make the Red man eminently a man of fear,

suspicion, and secrecy. But he cannot avoid some of these disclosures in

his pictures and figures. These figures represent ideas--whole ideas,

and their juxtaposition or relation on a roll of bark, a tree, or a

rock, discloses a continuity of ideas. This is the basis of the system.

Picture writing is indeed the literature of the Indians. It cannot be

interpreted, however rudely, without letting one know what the Red man

thinks and believes. It shadows forth the Indian intellect, it stands in

the place of letters for the Unishinaba.[24] It shows the Red man in all

periods of our history, both as he _was_, and as he _is_; for there is

nothing more true than that, save and except the comparatively few

instances where they have truly embraced experimental christianity,

there has not

FOOTNOTES:

[23] London, 1747, p. 190.

[24] A generic term denoting the common people of the Indian race.

GRAVE CREEK MOUND.

This gigantic tumulus, the largest in the Ohio valley, was opened some

four or five years ago, and found to contain some articles of high

antiquarian value, in addition to the ordinary discoveries of human

bones, &c. A rotunda was built under its centre, walled with brick, and

roofed over, and having a long gallery leading into it, at the base of

the mound. Around this circular wall, in the centre of this heavy and

damp mass of earth, with its atmosphere of peculiar and pungent

character, the skeletons and other disinterred articles, are hung up for

the gratification of visiters, the whole lighted up with candles, which

have the effect to give a strikingly sepulchral air to the whole scene.

But what adds most to this effect, is a kind of exuded flaky matter,

very white and soft, and rendered brilliant by dependent drops of water,

which hangs in rude festoons from the ceiling.

To this rotunda, it is said, a delegation of Indians paid a visit a year

or two since. In the "Wheeling Times and Advertiser" of the 30th August

1843, the following communication, respecting this visit, introducing a

short dramatic poem, was published.

"An aged Cherokee chief who, on his way to the west, visited the rotunda

excavated in this gigantic tumulus, with its skeletons and other relics

arranged around the walls, became so indignant at the desecration and

display of sepulchral secrets to the white race, that his companions and

interpreter found it difficult to restrain him from assassinating the

guide. His language assumed the tone of fury, and he brandished his

knife, as they forced him out of the passage. Soon after, he was found

prostrated, with his senses steeped in the influence of alcohol.

"'Tis not enough! that hated race

Should hunt us out, from grove and place

And consecrated shore--where long

Our fathers raised the lance and song--

Tis not enough!--that we must go

Where streams and rushing fountains flow

Whose murmurs, heard amid our fears,

Fall only on a stranger's ears--

'Tis not enough!--that with a wand,

They sweep away our pleasant land,

And bid us, as some giant-foe,

Or willing, or unwilling _go_!

But they must ope our very graves

To tell the _dead_--they too, are slaves."

NAMES OF THE AMERICAN LAKES.

Ontario, is a word from the Wyandot, or, as called by the Iroquois,

Quatoghie language. This tribe, prior to the outbreak of the war against

them, by their kindred the Iroquois, lived on a bay, near Kingston,

which was the ancient point of embarkation and debarkation, or, in other

words, at once the commencement and the terminus of the portage,

according to the point of destination for all, who passed into or out of

the lake. From such a point it was natural that a term so euphonous,

should prevail among Europeans, over the other Indian names in use. The

Mohawks and their confederates, generally, called it Cadaracqui--which

was also their name for the St. Lawrence. The Onondagas, it is believed,

knew it, in early times, by the name of Oswego.[25] Of the meaning of

Ontario, we are left in the dark by commentators on the Indian.

Philology casts some light on the subject. The first syllable, _on_, it

may be observed, appears to be the notarial increment or syllable of

Onondio, a hill. Tarak, is clearly, the same phrase, written darac, by

the French, in the Mohawk compound of Cadaracqui; and denotes rocks,

i.e. rocks standing in the water. In the final vowels _io_, we have the

same term, with the same meaning which they carry in the Seneca, or old

Mingo word Ohio.[26] It is descriptive of an extended and beautiful

water prospect, or landscape. It possesses all the properties of an

exclamation, in other languages, but according to the unique principles

of the Indian grammar, it is an exclamation-substantive. How beautiful!

[the prospect, scene present.]

Erie is the name of a tribe conquered or extinguished by the Iroquois.

We cannot stop to inquire into this fact historically, farther than to

say, that it was the policy of this people to adopt into their different

tribes of the confederacy, the remnants of nations whom they conquered,

and that it was not probable, therefore, that the Eries were

annihilated. Nor is it probable that they were a people very remote in

kindred and language from the ancient Sinondowans, or Senecas, who, it

may be supposed, by crushing them, destroyed and exterminated their name

only, while they strengthened their numbers by this inter-adoption. In

many old maps, this lake bears the name of Erie or "Oskwago."

Huron, is the _nom de guerre_ of the French, for the "Yendats," as they

are called in some old authors, or the Wyandots. Charlevoix tells us

that it is a term derived from the French word _hure_, [a wild boar,]

and was applied to this nation from the mode of wearing their hair.

"Quelles Hures!" said the first visiters, when they saw them, and hence,

according to this respectable author, the word Huron.

When this nation, with their confederates, the Algonquins, or

Adirondaks, as the Iroquois called them, were overthrown in several

decisive battles on the St. Lawrence, between Montreal and Quebec, and

compelled to fly west; they at first took shelter in this lake, and thus

transferred their name to it. With them, or at least, at the same

general era, came some others of the tribes who made a part of the

people called by the French, Algonquins, or Nipercineans, and who thus

constituted the several tribes, speaking a closely cognate language,

whose descendants are regarded by philologists, as the modern

Lake-Algonquins.

The French sometimes called this lake _Mer douce_, or the Placid sea.

The Odjibwas and some other northern tribes of that stock, call it

Ottowa lake. No term has been found for it in the Iroquois language,

unless it be that by which they distinguished its principal seat of

trade, negociation and early rendezvous, the island of Michilimackinac,

which they called Tiedonderaghie.

Michigan is a derivative from two Odjibwa-Algonquin words, signifying

large, i.e. large in relation to masses in the inorganic kingdom, and a

lake. The French called it, generally, during the earlier periods of

their transactions, the lake of the Illinese, or Illinois.

Superior, the most north-westerly, and the largest of the series, is a

term which appears to have come into general use, at a comparatively

early era, after the planting of the English colonies. The French

bestowed upon it, unsuccessfully, one or two names, the last of which

was Traci, after the French minister of this name. By the

Odjibwa-Algonquins, who at the period of the French discovery, and who

still occupy its borders, it is called Gitch-Igomee, or The Big

Sea-water; from Gitchee, great, and guma, a generic term for bodies of

water. The term IGOMA, is an abbreviated form of this, suggested for

adoption.

* * * * *

The poetry of the Indians, is the poetry of naked thought. They have

neither rhyme nor metre to adorn it.

* * * * *

Tales and traditions occupy the place of books, with the Red Race.--They

make up a kind of oral literature, which is resorted to, on long winter

evenings, for the amusement of the lodge.

* * * * *

The love of independence is so great with these tribes, that they have

never been willing to load their political system with the forms of a

regular government, for fear it might prove oppressive.

* * * * *

To be governed and to be enslaved, are ideas which have been confounded

by the Indians.

FOOTNOTES:

[25] Vide a Reminiscence of Oswego.

[26] The sound of i in this word, as in Ontario, is long e in the

Indian.

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMINOLOGY OF THE U. STATES,

DERIVED FROM THE INDIAN LANGUAGE.

_These Extracts are made from "Cyclopaedia Indiaensis" a MS. work in

preparation._

No. I.

HUDSON RIVER.--By the tribes who inhabited the area of the present

County of Dutchess, and other portions of its eastern banks, as low down

as Tappan, this river was called Shatemuc--which is believed to be a

derivative from Shata, a pelican. The Minisi, who inhabited the west

banks, below the point denoted, extending indeed over all the east half

of New Jersey, to the falls of the Raritan, where they joined their

kindred the Lenni Lenape, or Delawares proper, called it

Mohicanittuck--that is to say, River of the Mohicans. The Mohawks, and

probably the other branches of the Iroquois, called it Cahohatatea--a

term of which the interpreters who have furnished the word, do not give

an explanation. The prefixed term Caho, it may be observed, is their

name for the lower and principal falls of the Mohawk. Sometimes this

prefix was doubled, with the particle _ha_, thrown in between. Hatatea

is clearly one of those descriptive and affirmative phrases representing

objects in the vegetable and mineral kingdoms, which admitted as we see,

in other instances of their compounds, a very wide range. By some of the

more westerly Iroquois, the river was called Sanataty.

ALBANY.--The name by which this place was known to the Iroquois, at an

early day, was Schenectady, a term which, as recently pronounced by a

daughter of Brant, yet living in Canada, has the still harsher sound of

Skoh-nek-ta-ti, with a stress on the first, and the accent strongly on

the second syllable, the third and fourth being pronounced rapidly and

short. The transference of this name, to its present location, by the

English, on the bestowal on the place by Col. Nichols, of a new name,

derived from the Duke of York's Scottish title, is well known, and is

stated, with some connected traditions, by Judge Benson, in his

eccentric memoir before the New York Historical Society. The meaning of

this name, as derived from the authority above quoted, is _Beyond the

Pines_, having been applied exclusively in ancient times, to the

southern end of the ancient portage path, from the Mohawk to the Hudson.

By the Minci, who did not live here, but extended, however, on the west

shore above Coxackie, and even Coeymans, it appears to have been called

Gaishtinic. The Mohegans, who long continued to occupy the present area

of Rensselear and Columbia counties, called it Pempotawuthut, that is to

say, the City or Place of the Council Fire. None of these terms appear

to have found favour with the European settlers, and, together with

their prior names of Beaverwyck and Fort Orange, they at once gave way,

in 1664, to the present name. A once noted eminence, three miles west,

on the plains, i.e. Trader's Hill, was called Isutchera, or by prefixing

the name for a hill, Yonondio Isutchera. It means the hill of oil.

Norman's Kill, which enters the Hudson a little below, the Mohawks

called Towasentha, a term which is translated by Dr. Yates, to mean, a

place of many dead.

NIAGARA.--It is not in unison, perhaps, with general expectation, to

find that the exact translation of this name does not entirely fulfil

poetic preconception. By the term O-ne-aw-ga-ra, the Mohawks and their

co-tribes described on the return of their war excursions, the neck of

water which connects lake Erie with Ontario. The term is derived from

their name for the human neck. Whether this term was designed to have,

as many of their names do, a symbolic import, and to denote the

importance of this communication in geography, as connecting the head

and heart of the country, can only be conjectured. Nor is it, in this

instance, probable. When Europeans came to see the gigantic falls which

marked the strait, it was natural that they should have supposed the

name descriptive of that particular feature, rather than the entire

river and portage. We have been assured, however, that it is not their

original name for the water-fall, although with them, as with us, it may

have absorbed this meaning.

BUFFALO.--The name of this place in the Seneca, is Te-ho-sa-ro-ro. Its

import is not stated.

DETROIT.--By the Wyandots, this place is called Teuchsagrondie; by the

Lake tribes of the Algic type, Wa-we-a-tun-ong: both terms signify the

Place of the turning or Turned Channel. It has been remarked by visiters

who reach this place at night, or in dark weather, or are otherwise

inattentive to the courses, that owing to the extraordinary involutions

of the current the sun appears to rise in the wrong place.

CHICAGO.--This name, in the Lake Algonquin dialects, to preserve the

same mode of orthography, is derived from Chicagowunzh, the wild onion

or leek. The orthography is French, as they were the discoverers and

early settlers of this part of the west. Kaug, in these dialects is a

porcupine, and She kaug a polecat. The analogies in these words are

apparent, but whether the onion was named before or after the animal,

must be judged if the _age_ of the derivation be sought for.

TUSCALOOSA, a river of Alabama. From the Chacta words _tushka_, a

warrior, and _lusa_ black.--[Gallatin.]

ARAGISKE, the Iroquois name for Virginia.

ASSARIGOA, the name of the Six Nations for the Governor of Virginia.

OWENAGUNGAS, a general name of the Iroquois for the New England Indians.

OTESEONTEO, a spring which is the head of the river Delaware.

ONTONAGON; a considerable river of lake Superior, noted from early

times, for the large mass of native copper found on its banks. This name

is said to have been derived from the following incident. It is known

that there is a small bay and dead water for some distance within its

mouth. In and out of this embayed water, the lake alternately flows,

according to the influence of the winds, and other causes, upon its

level. An Indian woman had left her wooden dish, or Onagon, on the

sands, at the shore of this little bay, where she had been engaged. On

coming back from her lodge, the outflowing current had carried off her

valued utensil. Nia Nin-do-nau-gon! she exclaimed, for it was a curious

piece of workmanship. That is to say--Alas! my dish!

CHUAH-NAH-WHAH-HAH, or Valley of the Mountains. A new pass in the Rocky

Mountains, discovered within a few years. It is supposed to be in N.

latitude about 40 deg.. The western end of the valley gap is 30 miles wide,

which narrows to 20 at its eastern termination, it then turns oblique to

the north, and the opposing sides appear to close the pass, yet there is

a narrow way quite to the foot of the mountain. On the summit there is a

large beaver pond, which has outlets both ways, but the eastern stream

dries early in the season, while there is a continuous flow of water

west. In its course, it has several beautiful, but low cascades, and

terminates in a placid and delightful stream. This pass is now used by

emigrants.

AQUIDNECK.--The Narragansett name for Rhode Island. Roger Williams

observes, that he could never obtain the meaning of it from the natives.

The Dutch, as appears by a map of Novi Belgii published at Amsterdam in

1659, called it Roode Eylant, or Red Island, from the autumnal colour of

its foliage. The present term, as is noticed, in Vol. III. of the

Collections of the R. I. Hist. Soc. is derived from this.

INCAPATCHOW, a beautiful lake in the mountains at the sources of the

river Hudson.--[Charles F. Hoffman, Esq.]

HOUSATONIC; a river originating in the south-western part of

Massachusetts, and flowing through the State of Connecticut into Long

Island Sound, at Stratford. It is a term of Mohegan origin. This tribe

on retiring eastward from the banks of the Hudson, passed over the

High-lands, into this inviting valley. We have no transmitted etymology

of the term, and must rely on the general principles of their

vocabulary. It appears to have been called the valley of the stream

beyond the Mountains, from _ou_, the notarial sign of wudjo, a mountain,

atun, a generic phrase for stream or channel, and ic, the inflection for

locality.

WEA-NUD-NEC.--The Indian name, as furnished by Mr. O'Sullivan, [D. Rev.]

for Saddle Mountain, Massachusetts. It appears to be a derivative from

Wa-we-a, round, i.e. any thing round or crooked, in the inanimate

creation.

MA-HAI-WE; The Mohegan term, as given by Mr. Bryant [N. Y. E. P.] for

Great Barrington, Berkshire County, Massachusetts.

MASSACHUSETTS.--This was not the name of a particular tribe, but a

geographical term applied, it should seem, to that part of the shores of

the North Atlantic, which is swept by the tide setting into, and around

the peninsula of Cape Cod, and the wide range of coast trending

southerly. It became a generic word, at an early day, for the tribes who

inhabited this coast. It is said to be a word of Narragansett origin,

and to signify the Blue Hills. This is the account given of it by Roger

Williams, who was told, by the Indians, that it had its origin from the

appearance of an island off the coast. It would be more in conformity to

the general requisitions of ethnography, to denominate the language the

New England-Algonquin, for there are such great resemblances in the

vocabulary and such an identity in grammatical construction, in these

tribes, that we are constantly in danger, by partial conclusions as to

original supremacy, of doing injustice. The source of origin was

doubtless west and south-west, but we cannot stop at the Narragansetts,

who were themselves derivative from tribes still farther south. The

general meaning given by Williams seems, however, to be sustained, so

far as can now be judged. The terminations in _ett_, and _set_, as well

as those in _at_ and _ak_, denoted locality in these various tribes. We

see also, in the antipenultimate Chu, the root of Wudjo, a mountain.

TA-HA-WUS, a very commanding elevation, several thousand feet above the

sea, which has of late years, been discovered at the sources of the

Hudson, and named Mount Marcy. It signifies, he splits the

sky.--[Charles F. Hoffman, Esq.]

MONG, the name of a distinguished chief of New England, as it appears to

be recorded in the ancient pictorial inscription on the Dighton Rock, in

Massachusetts, who flourished before the country was colonized by the

English. He was both a war captain, and a prophet, and employed the arts

of the latter office, to increase his power and influence, in the

former. By patient application of his ceremonial arts, he secured the

confidence of a large body of men, who were led on, in the attack on his

enemies, by a man named Piz-hu. In this onset, it is claimed that he

killed forty men, and lost three. To the warrior who should be

successful, in this enterprize, he had promised his younger sister.

[Such are the leading events symbolized by this inscription, of which

extracts giving full details, as interpreted by an Indian chief, now

living, and read before the Am. Ethnological Society, in 1843, will be

furnished, in a subsequent number.]

TIOGA.--A stream, and a county of the State of New-York. From Teoga, a

swift current, exciting admiration.

DIONDEROGA, an ancient name of the Mohawk tribe, for the site at the

mouth of the Schoharie creek, where Fort Hunter was afterwards built.

[Col. W. L. Stone.]

ALMOUCHICO, a generic name of the Indians for New England, as printed

on the Amsterdam map of 1659, in which it is stated that it was thus "by

d inwoonders genaemt." (So named by the natives.)

IROCOISIA, a name bestowed in the map, above quoted, on that portion of

the present state of Vermont, which lies west of the Green Mountains,

stretching along the eastern bank of Lake Champlain. By the application

of the word, it is perceived that the French were not alone in the use

they made of the apparently derivative term "Iroquois," which they gave

to the (then) Five Nations.

* * * * *

NAMES OF THE SEASONS.

The following are the names of the four seasons, in the Odjibwa tongue:

Pe-bon, Winter, From Kone, Snow.

Se-gwun, Spring, " Seeg, Running water.

Ne-bin, Summer, " Anib, A leaf.

Ta-gwa-gi, Autumn, " Gwag, The radix of behind &c.

By adding the letter g to these terms, they are placed in the relation

of verbs in the future tense, but a limited future, and the terms then

denote _next winter_, &c. Years, in their account of time, are counted

by winters. There is no other term, but pe-boan, for a year. The year

consists of twelve lunar months, or moons. A moon is called Geezis, or

when spoken of in contradistinction to the sun, Dibik Geezis, or

night-sun.

The cardinal points are as follows.

(_a_) North, Ke wa din-ung.

(_b_) South, O sha wan-ung.

(_c_) East, Wa bun-ung.

(_d_) West, Ka be un-ung.

_a._ Kewadin is a compound derived from Ke-wa, to return, or come home,

and nodin, the wind. _b._ Oshauw is, from a root not apparent, but which

produces also ozau, yellow, &c. _c._ Waban is from ab, or wab, light.

_d._ Kabeun, is the name of a mythological person, who is spoken of, in

their fictions, as the father of the winds. The inflection ung, or oong,

in each term, denotes course, place, or locality.

LETTERS ON THE ANTIQUITIES OF THE WESTERN COUNTRY,

ADDRESSED TO THE LATE WILLIAM L. STONE, EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK

COMMERCIAL ADVERTISER.

I.

WHEELING (Va.), August 19th, 1843.

I have just accomplished the passage of the Alleghany mountains, in the

direction from Baltimore to this place, and must say, that aside from

the necessary fatigue of night riding, the pass from the Cumberland

mountains and Laurel Hill is one of the easiest and most free from

danger of any known to me in this vast range. An excellent railroad now

extends from Baltimore, by Frederick and Harper's Ferry, up the Potomac

valley and its north branch quite to Cumberland, which is seated just

under the mountains, whose peaks would seem to bar all farther approach.

The national road finds its way, however, through a gorge, and winds

about where "Alps on Alps arise," till the whole vast and broad-backed

elevation is passed, and we descend west, over a smooth, well

constructed macadamized road, with a velocity which is some compensation

for the toil of winding our way up. Uniontown is the first principal

place west. The Monongahela is crossed at Brownsville, some forty miles

above Pittsburgh, whence the road, which is everywhere well made and

secured with fine stone bridges, culverts and viaducts, winds around a

succession of most enchanting hills, till it enters a valley, winds up a

few more hills, and brings the travellers out, on the banks of the Ohio,

at this town.

The entire distance from the head of the Chesapeake to the waters of the

Ohio is not essentially different from three hundred miles. We were less

than two days in passing it, twenty-six hours of which, part night and

part day, were spent in post-coaches between Cumberland and this place.

Harper's Ferry is an impressive scene, but less so than it would be to a

tourist who had not his fancy excited by injudicious descriptions. To

me, the romance was quite taken away by driving into it with a

tremendous clattering power of steam. The geological structure of this

section of country, from water to water, is not without an impressive

lesson. In rising from the Chesapeake waters the stratified rocks are

lifted up, pointing west, or towards the Alleghanies, and after crossing

the summit they point east, or directly contrary, like the two sides of

the roof of a house, and leave the inevitable conclusion that the

Alleghanies have been lifted up by a lateral rent, as it were, at the

relative point of the ridge pole. It is in this way that the granites

and their congeners have been raised up into their present elevations.

I did not see any evidence of that wave-like or undulatory structure,

which was brought forward as a theory last year, in an able paper

forwarded by Professor Rogers, and read at the meeting of the British

Association for the Advancement of Science at Manchester. No organic

remains are, of course, visible, in this particular section, at least

until we strike the coal and iron-stone formation of Pittsburgh. But I

have been renewedly impressed with the opinion, so very opposite to the

present geological theory, that less than seven thousand years is

sufficient, on scientific principles, to account for all the phenomena

of fossil plants, shells, bones and organic remains, as well as the

displacements, disruptions, subsidences and rising of strata, and other

evidences of extensive physical changes and disturbances on the earth's

surface. And I hope to live to see some American geologist build up a

theory on just philosophical and scientific principles, which shall bear

the test of truth.

But you will, perhaps, be ready to think that I have felt more interest

in the impressions of plants in stone, than is to be found in the field

of waving corn before the eye. I have, however, by no means neglected

the latter; and can assure you that the crops of corn, wheat and other

grains, throughout Maryland, Pennsylvania and Western Virginia, are

excellent. Even the highest valleys in the Alleghanies are covered with

crops of corn, or fields of stacked wheat and other grains. Generally,

the soil west of the mountains is more fertile. The influence of the

great western limestones, as one of its original materials, and of the

oxide of iron, is clearly denoted in heavier and more thrifty cornfields

along the Monongahela and Ohio valleys.

Of the Ohio River itself, one who had seen it in its full flow, in April

and May, would hardly recognize it now. Shrunk in a volume far below its

noble banks, with long spits of sand and gravel running almost across

it, and level sandy margins, once covered by water, where armies might

now manoeuvre, it is but the skeleton of itself. Steamboats of a

hundred tons burden now scarcely creep along its channel, which would

form cockboats for the floating palaces to be seen here in the days of

its vernal and autumnal glory.

Truly yours,

HENRY R. COLCRAFT

II.

GRAVE CREEK FLATS (Va.), August 23, 1843.

I have devoted several days to the examination of the antiquities of

this place and its vicinity, and find them to be of even more interest

than was anticipated. The most prominent object of curiosity is the

great tumulus, of which notices have appeared in western papers; but

this heavy structure of earth is not isolated. It is but one of a series

of mounds and other evidences of ancient occupation at this point, of

more than ordinary interest. I have visited and examined seven mounds,

situated within a short distance of each other. They occupy the summit

level of a rich alluvial plain, stretching on the left or Virginia bank

of the Ohio, between the junctions of Big and Little Grave Creeks with

that stream. They appear to have been connected by low earthen

entrenchments, of which plain traces are still visible on some parts of

the commons. They included a well, stoned up in the usual manner, which

is now filled with rubbish.

The summit of this plain is probably seventy-five feet above the present

summer level of the Ohio. It constitutes the second bench, or rise of

land, above the water. It is on this summit, and on one of the most

elevated parts of it, that the great tumulus stands. It is in the shape

of a broad cone, cut off at the apex, where it is some fifty feet

across. This area is quite level, and commands a view of the entire

plain, and of the river above and below, and the west shores of the Ohio

in front. Any public transaction on this area would be visible to

multitudes around it, and it has, in this respect, all the advantages of

the Mexican and Yucatanese teocalli. The circumference of the base has

been stated at a little under nine hundred feet; the height is

sixty-nine feet.

The most interesting object of antiquarian inquiry is a small flat

stone, inscribed with antique alphabetic characters, which was disclosed

on the opening of the large mound. These characters are in the ancient

rock alphabet of sixteen right and acute angled single stokes, used by

the Pelasgi and other early Mediterranean nations, and which is the

parent of the modern Runic as well as the Bardic. It is now some four

or five years since the completion of the excavations, so far as they

have been made, and the discovery of this relic. Several copies of it

soon got abroad, which differed from each other, and, it was supposed,

from the original. This conjecture is true; neither the print published

in the Cincinnati Gazette, in 1839, nor that in the American Pioneer, in

1843, is correct. I have terminated this uncertainty by taking copies by

a scientific process, which does not leave the lines and figures to the

uncertainty of man's pencil.

The existence of this ancient art here could hardly be admitted,

otherwise than as an insulated fact, without some corroborative

evidence, in habits and customs, which it would be reasonable to look

for in the existing ruins of ancient occupancy. It is thought some such

testimony has been found. I rode out yesterday three miles back to the

range of high hills which encompass this sub-valley, to see a rude tower

of stone standing on an elevated point, called Parr's point, which

commands a view of the whole plain, and which appears to have been

constructed as a watch-tower, or look-out, from which to descry an

approaching enemy. It is much dilapidated. About six or seven feet of

the work is still entire. It is circular, and composed of rough stones,

laid without mortar, or the mark of a hammer. A heavy mass of fallen

wall lies around, covering an area of some forty feet in diameter. Two

similar points of observation, occupied by dilapidated towers, are

represented to exist, one at the prominent summit of the Ohio and Grave

Creek hills, and another on the promontory on the opposite side of the

Ohio, in Belmont county, Ohio.

It is known to all acquainted with the warlike habits of our Indians,

that they never have evinced the foresight to post a regular sentry, and

these rude towers may be regarded as of cotemporaneous age with the

interment of the inscription.

Several polished tubes of stone have been found, in one of the lesser

mounds, the use of which is not very apparent. One of these, now on my

table, is 12 inches long, 1-1/4 wide at one end, and 1-1/2 at the other.

It is made of a fine, compact, lead blue steatite, mottled, and has been

constructed by boring, in the manner of a gun barrel. This boring is

continued to within about three-eighths of an inch of the larger end,

through which but a small aperture is left. If this small aperture be

looked through, objects at a distance are more clearly seen. Whether it

had this telescopic use, or others, the degree of art evinced in its

construction is far from rude. By inserting a wooden rod and valve, this

tube would be converted into a powerful syphon, or syringe.

I have not space to notice one or two additional traits, which serve to

awaken new interest at this ancient point of aboriginal and apparently

mixed settlement, and must omit them till my next.

III.

GRAVE CREEK FLATS, August 24, 1843.

The great mound at these flats was opened as a place of public resort

about four years ago. For this purpose a horizontal gallery to its

centre was dug and bricked up, and provided with a door. The centre was

walled round as a rotunda, of about twenty-five feet diameter, and a

shaft sunk from the top to intersect it; it was in these two excavations

that the skeletons and accompanying relics and ornaments were found. All

these articles are arranged for exhibition in this rotunda, which is

lighted up with candles. The lowermost skeleton is almost entire, and in

a good state of preservation, and is put up by means of wires, on the

walls. It has been overstretched in the process so as to measure six

feet; it should be about five feet eight inches. It exhibits a noble

frame of the human species, bearing a skull with craniological

developments of a highly favorable character. The face bones are

elongated, with a long chin and symmetrical jaw, in which a full and

fine set of teeth, above and below, are present. The skeletons in the

upper vault, where the inscription stone was found, are nearly all

destroyed.

It is a damp and gloomy repository, and exhibits in the roof and walls

of the rotunda one of the most extraordinary sepulchral displays which

the world affords. On casting the eye up to the ceiling, and the heads

of the pillars supporting it, it is found to be encrusted, or rather

festooned, with a white, soft, flaky mass of matter, which had exuded

from the mound above. This apparently animal exudation is as white as

snow. It hangs in pendent masses and globular drops; the surface is

covered with large globules of clear water, which in the reflected light

have all the brilliancy of diamonds. These drops of water trickle to the

floor, and occasionally the exuded white matter falls. The wooden

pillars are furnished with the appearance of capitals, by this

substance. That it is the result of a soil highly charged with particles

of matter, arising from the decay or incineration of human bodies, is

the only theory by which we may account for the phenomenon. Curious and

unique it certainly is, and with the faint light of a few candles it

would not require much imagination to invest the entire rotunda with

sylph-like forms of the sheeted dead.

An old Cherokee chief, who visited this scene, recently, with his

companions, on his way to the West, was so excited and indignant at the

desecration of the tumulus, by this display of bones and relics to the

gaze of the white race, that he became furious and unmanageable; his

friends and interpreters had to force him out, to prevent his

assassinating the guide; and soon after he drowned his senses in

alcohol.

That this spot was a very ancient point of settlement by the hunter

race in the Ohio valley, and that it was inhabited by the present red

race of North American Indians, on the arrival of whites west of the

Alleghanies, are both admitted facts; nor would the historian and

antiquary ever have busied themselves farther in the matter had not the

inscribed stone come to light, in the year 1839. I was informed,

yesterday, that another inscription stone had been found in one of the

smaller mounds on these flats, about five years ago, and have obtained

data sufficient as to its present location to put the Ethnological

Society on its trace. If, indeed, these inscriptions shall lead us to

admit that the continent was visited by Europeans prior to the era of

Columbus, it is a question of very high antiquarian interest to

determine who the visitors were, and what they have actually left on

record in these antique tablets.

I have only time to add a single additional fact. Among the articles

found in this cluster of mounds, the greater part are commonplace, in

our western mounds and town ruins. I have noticed but one which bears

the character of that unique type of architecture found by Mr. Stephens

and Mr. Catherwood in Central America and Yucatan. With the valuable

monumental standards of comparison furnished by these gentlemen before

me, it is impossible not to recognize, in an ornamental stone, found in

one of the lesser mounds here, a specimen of similar workmanship. It is

in the style of the heavy feather-sculptured ornaments of Yucatan--the

material being a wax yellow sand-stone, darkened by time. I have taken

such notes and drawings of the objects above referred to, as will enable

me, I trust, in due time, to give a connected account of them to our

incipient society.

IV.

MASSILLON, Ohio, August 27th, 1843.

Since my last letter I have traversed the State of Ohio, by stage, to

this place. In coming up the Virginia banks of the Ohio from

Moundsville, I passed a monument, of simple construction, erected to the

memory of a Captain Furman and twenty-one men, who were killed by the

Indians, in 1777, at that spot. They had been out, from the fort at

Wheeling, on a scouting party, and were waylaid at a pass called the

narrows. The Indians had dropped a pipe and some trinkets in the path,

knowing that the white men would pick them up, and look at them, and

while the latter were grouped together in this act, they fired and

killed every man. The Indians certainly fought hard for the possession

of this valley, aiming, at all times, to make up by stratagem what they

lacked in numbers. I doubt whether there is in the history of the

spread of civilisation over the world a theatre so rife with partisan

adventure, massacre and murder, as the valley of the Ohio and the

country west of the Alleghany generally presented between the breaking

out of the American revolution, in '76, and the close of the Black Hawk

war in 1832. The true era, in fact, begins with the French war, in 1744,

and terminates with the Florida war, the present year. A work on this

subject, drawn from authentic sources, and written with spirit and

talent, would be read with avidity and possess a permanent interest.

The face of the country, from the Ohio opposite Wheeling to the waters

of the Tuscarawas, the north fork of the Muskingum, is a series of high

rolling ridges and knolls, up and down which the stage travels slowly.

Yet this section is fertile and well cultivated in wheat and corn,

particularly the latter, which looks well. This land cannot be purchased

under forty or fifty dollars an acre. Much of it was originally bought

for seventy-five cents per acre. It was over this high, wavy land, that

the old Moravian missionary road to Gnadenhutten ran, and I pursued it

to within six miles of the latter place. You will recollect this

locality as the scene of the infamous murder, by Williamson and his

party, of the non-resisting Christian Delawares under the ministry of

Heckewelder and Ziesberger.

On the Stillwater, a branch of the Tuscarawas, we first come to level

lands. This stream was noted, in early days, for its beaver and other

furs. The last beaver seen here was shot on its banks twelve years ago.

It had three legs, one having probably been caught in a trap or been

bitten off. It is known that not only the beaver, but the otter, wolf

and fox, will bite off a foot, to escape the iron jaws of a trap. It has

been said, but I know not on what good authority, that the hare will do

the same.

We first struck the Ohio canal at Dover. It is in every respect a well

constructed work, with substantial locks, culverts and viaducts. It is

fifty feet wide at the top, and is more than adequate for all present

purposes. It pursues the valley of the Tuscarawas up to the summit, by

which it is connected with the Cuyahuga, whose outlet is at Cleveland.

Towns and villages have sprung up along its banks, where before there

was a wilderness. Nothing among them impressed me more than the town of

Zoar, which is exclusively settled by Germans. There seems something of

the principles of association--one of the fallacies of the age--in its

large and single town store, hotel, &c., but I do not know how far they

may extend. Individual property is held. The evidences of thrift and

skill, in cultivation and mechanical and mill work, are most striking.

Every dwelling here is surrounded with fruit and fruit trees. The

botanical garden and hot-house are on a large scale, and exhibit a

favorable specimen of the present state of horticulture. One of the

assistants very kindly plucked for me some fine fruit, and voluntarily

offered it. Zoar is quite a place of resort as a ride for the

neighboring towns. I may remark, _en passant_, that there is a large

proportion of German population throughout Ohio. They are orderly,

thrifty and industrious, and fall readily into our political system and

habits. Numbers of them are well educated in the German. They embrace

Lutherans as well as Roman Catholics, the latter predominating.

Among the towns which have recently sprung up on the line of the canal;

not the least is the one from which I date this letter. The name of the

noted French divine (Massillon) was affixed to an uncultivated spot, by

some Boston gentlemen, some twelve or fourteen years ago. It is now one

of the most thriving, city-looking, business places in the interior of

Ohio. In the style of its stores, mills and architecture, it reminds the

visitor of that extraordinary growth and spirit which marked the early

years of the building of Rochester. It numbers churches for

Episcopalians, Baptists, Methodists and Presbyterians, and also

Lutherans and Romanists. About three hundred barrels of flour can be

turned out per diem, by its mills. It is in the greatest wheat-growing

county in Ohio (Stark), but is not the county-seat, which is at Canton.

V.

DETROIT, Sept. 15th, 1843.

In passing from the interior of Ohio toward Lake Erie, the face of the

country exhibits, in the increased size and number of its boulder

stones, evidences of the approach of the traveller toward those

localities of sienites and other crystalline rocks, from which these

erratic blocks and water-worn masses appear to have been, in a remote

age of our planet, removed. The soil in this section has a freer mixture

of the broken down slates, of which portions are still in place on the

shores of Lake Erie. The result is a clayey soil, less favorable to

wheat and Indian corn. We came down the cultivated valley of the

Cuyahoga, and reached the banks of the lake at the fine town of

Cleveland, which is elevated a hundred feet, or more, above it, and

commands a very extensive view of the lake, the harbor and its ever-busy

shipping. A day was employed, by stage, in this section of my tour, and

the next carried me, by steamboat, to this ancient French capital.

Detroit has many interesting historical associations, and appears

destined, when its railroad is finished, to be the chief thoroughfare

for travellers to Chicago and the Mississippi valley. As my attention

has, however, been more taken up, on my way, with the past than the

present and future condition of the West, the chief interest which the

route has excited must necessarily arise from the same source.

Michigan connects itself in its antiquarian features with that character

of pseudo-civilisation, or modified barbarianism, of which the works and

mounds and circumvallations at Grave Creek Flats, at Marietta, at

Circleville and other well known points, are evidences. That this

improved condition of the hunter state had an ancient but partial

connection with the early civilisation of Europe, appears now to be a

fair inference, from the inscribed stone of Grave Creek, and other

traces of European arts, discovered of late. It is also evident that the

central American type of the civilisation, or rather advance to

civilisation, of the red race, reached this length, and finally went

down, with its gross idolatry and horrid rites, and was merged in the

better known and still existing form of the hunter state which was

found, respectively, by Cabot, Cartier, Verrezani, Hudson, and others,

who first dropped anchor on our coasts.

There is strong evidence furnished by a survey of the western country

that the teocalli type of the Indian civilisation, so to call it,

developed itself from the banks of the Ohio, in Tennessee and Virginia,

west and north-westwardly across the sources of the Wabash, the

Muskingum and other streams, toward Lake Michigan and the borders of

Wisconsin territory. The chief evidences of it, in Michigan and Indiana,

consist of a remarkable series of curious garden beds, or accurately

furrowed fields, the perfect outlines of which have been preserved by

the grass of the oak openings and prairies, and even among the heaviest

forests. These remains of an ancient cultivation have attracted much

attention from observing settlers on the Elkhart, the St. Joseph's, the

Kalamazoo and Grand river of Michigan. I possess some drawings of these

anomalous remains of by-gone industry in the hunter race, taken in

former years, which are quite remarkable. It is worthy of remark, too,

that no large tumuli, or teocalli, exist in this particular portion of

the West, the ancient population of which may therefore be supposed to

have been borderers, or frontier bands, who resorted to the Ohio valley

as their capital, or place of annual visitation. All the mounds

scattered through Northern Ohio, Indiana and Michigan, are mere barrows,

or repositories of the dead, and would seem to have been erected

posterior to the fall or decay of the gross idol worship and the offer

of human sacrifice. I have, within a day or two, received a singular

implement or ornament of stone, of a crescent shape, from Oakland, in

this State, which connects the scattered and out-lying remains of the

smaller mounds, and traces of ancient agricultural labor, with the

antiquities of Grave Creek Flats.

VI.

DETROIT, Sept. 16th, 1843.

The antiquities of Western America are to be judged of by isolated and

disjointed discoveries, which are often made at widely distant points

and spread over a very extensive area. The labor of comparison and

discrimination of the several eras which the objects of these

discoveries establish, is increased by this diffusion, and disconnection

of the times and places of their occurrence, and is, more than all,

perhaps, hindered and put back by the eventual carelessness of the

discoverers, and the final loss or mutilation of the articles disclosed.

To remedy this evil, every discovery made, however apparently

unimportant, should in this era of the diurnal and periodical press be

put on record, and the objects themselves be either carefully kept, or

given to some public scientific institution.

An Indian chief called the Black Eagle, of river Au Sables (Michigan),

discovered a curious antique pipe of Etruscan ware, a few years ago, at

Thunder Bay. This pipe, which is now in my possession, is as remarkable

for its form as for the character of the earthen-ware from which it is

made, differing as it does so entirely from the coarse earthen pots and

vessels, the remains of which are scattered so generally throughout

North America. The form is semi-circular or horn-shaped, with a

quadrangular bowl, and having impressed in the ware ornaments at each

angle. I have never before, indeed, seen any pipes of Indian manufacture

of baked clay, or earthen-ware, such articles being generally carved out

of steatite, indurated clays, or other soft mineral substances. It is a

peculiarity of this pipe that it was smoked from the small end, which is

rounded for the purpose of putting it between the lips, without the

intervention of a stem.

The discoverer told me that he had taken it from a very antique grave. A

large hemlock tree, he said, had been blown down on the banks of the

river, tearing up, by its roots, a large mass of earth. At the bottom of

the excavation thus made he discovered a grave, which contained a vase,

out of which he took the pipe with some other articles. The vase, he

said, was broken, so that he did not deem it worth bringing away. The

other articles he described as bones.

Some time since I accompanied the chief Kewakonce, to get an ancient

clay pot, such as the Indians used when the Europeans arrived on the

continent. He said that he had discovered two such pots, in an entire

state, in a cave, or crevice, on one of the rocky islets extending north

of Point Tessalon, which is the northern cape of the entrance of the

Straits of St. Mary's into Lake Huron. From this locality he had removed

one of them, and concealed it at a distant point. We travelled in

canoes. We landed on the northern shore of the large island of St.

Joseph, which occupies the jaws of those expanded straits. He led me up

an elevated ridge, covered with forest, and along a winding narrow path,

conducting to some old Indian cornfields. All at once he stopped in this

path. "We are now very near it," he said, and stood still, looking

toward the spot where he had concealed it, beneath a decayed trunk. He

did not, at last, appear to be willing to risk his luck in life--such is

Indian superstition--by being the actual discoverer of this object of

veneration to a white man, but allowed me to make, or rather complete,

the re-discovery.

Western Scenes and Reminiscences Together with Thrilling Legends and Traditions of the Red Men of the Forest · 第 9 / 13 章