May 1617), the Hindu chiefs of the neighbourhood came to pay their
respects and present their tribute. The Hindu chief of Jítpúr in the
neighbourhood of Mándu, through his evil fortune, did not come to kiss
the threshold. [989] For this reason I ordered Fidáíkhán to pillage
the Jítpúr country at the head of thirteen officers and four or five
hundred matchlockmen. On the approach of Fidáíkhán the chief fled. He
is now reported to regret his past conduct and to intend to come to
Court and make his submission. On the 9th of Yúr, the sixth month
of the Persian calendar (late July, A.D. 1617), I heard that while
raiding the lands of the chief of Jítpúr, Rúh-ul-láh, the brother of
Fidáíkhán, was slain with a lance in the village where the chief's
wives and children were in hiding. The village was burned, and the
women and daughters of the rebel chief were taken captives. [990]
The beautiful surroundings of the Ságar lake offered to the elegant
taste of Núr Jehán a fitting opportunity for honouring the Shab-i-Barát
or Night of Jubilee with special illuminations. The emperor describes
the result in these words: On the evening of Thursday the 19th of
Amardád, the fifth month of the Persian year (early July, A.D. 1617),
I went with the ladies of the palace to see the buildings and palaces
on the Ságar lake which were built by the old kings of Mándu. The
26th of Amardád (about mid-July) was the Shab-i-Barát holiday. I
ordered a jubilee or assembly of joy to be held on the occasion in
one of the palaces occupied by Núr Jehán Begam in the midst of the
big lake. The nobles and others were invited to attend this party
which was organized by the Begam, and I ordered the cup and other
intoxicants with various fruits and minced meats to be given to all
who wished them. It was a wonderful gathering. As evening set in
the lanterns and lamps gleaming along the banks of the lake made an
illumination such as never had been seen. The countless lights with
which the palaces and buildings were ablaze shining on the lake made
the whole surface of the water appear to be on fire. [991]
The Memoirs continue: On Sunday the 9th of Yúr, the sixth Persian month
(late July), I went with the ladies of the palace to the quarters of
Ásaf Khán, Núr Jehán's brother, the second son of Mirza Ghiás Beg. I
found Ásaf Khán lodged in a glen of great beauty surrounded by other
little vales and dells with waterfalls and running streamlets and green
and shady mango groves. In one of these dells were from two to three
hundred sweet pandanus or kewda trees. I passed a very happy day in
this spot and got up a wine party with some of my lords-in-waiting,
giving them bumpers of wine. [992] Two months later (early September)
Jehángír has the following entry [993] regarding a visit from his
eldest son and heir prince Khurram, afterwards the emperor Shah Jehán,
who had lately brought the war in the Dakhan to a successful close. On
the 8th of the month of Máh (H. 1026: according to Roe September 2nd,
1617), my son of exalted name obtained the good fortune of waiting
upon me in the fort of Mándu after three-quarters and one ghadi of
the day had passed, that is about half an hour after sunrise. He had
been absent fifteen months and eleven days. After he had performed
the ceremonies of kissing the ground and the kurnish or prostration, I
called him up to my bay window or jharokah. In a transport of affection
I could not restrain myself from getting up and taking him into my
arms. The more I increased the measure of affection and honours the
more humility and respect did he show. I called him near me and made
him sit by me. He submitted a thousand ashrafis (= Rs. 4500) and a
thousand rupees as a gift or nazar and the same amount as sacrifice
or nisár. As there was not time for me to inspect all his presents
he produced the elephant Sarnák, the best of the elephants of Ádil
Khán of Bijápur. He also gave me a case full of the rarest precious
stones. I ordered the military paymasters to make presents to his
nobles according to their rank. The first to come was Khán Jehán,
whom I allowed the honour of kissing my feet. For his victory over
the Rána of Chitor I had before granted to my fortunate child Kurram
the rank of a commander of 20,000 with 10,000 horse. Now for his
service in the Dakhan I made him a commander of 30,000 and 20,000
horse with the title of Sháh Jehán. I also ordered that henceforward
he should enjoy the privilege of sitting on a stool near my throne,
an honour which did not exist and is the first of its kind granted
to anyone in my family. I further granted him a special dress. To do
him honour I came down from the window and with my own hand scattered
over his head as sacrifice a trayfull of precious stones as well as
a large trayfull of gold.
Jehángír's last Mándu entry is this: On the night of Friday in the
month of Abán (October 24th, 1617) in all happiness and good fortune
I marched from Mándu and halted on the bank of the lake at Naâlchah.
Jehángír's stay at Mándu is referred to by more than one English
traveller. In March 1617, the Rev. Edward Terry, chaplain to the Right
Honourable Sir T. Roe Lord Ambassador to the Great Mughal, came to
Mándu from Burhánpur in east Khándesh. [994] Terry crossed a broad
river, the Narbada, at a great town called Anchabarpur (Akbarpur)
[995] in the Nímár plain not far south of Mándu hill. The way up,
probably by the Bhairav pass a few miles east of Mándu, seemed to Terry
exceeding long. The ascent was very difficult, taking the carriages,
apparently meaning coaches and wagons, two whole days. [996] Terry
found the hill of Mándu stuck round with fair trees that kept their
distance so, one from and below the other, that there was much delight
in beholding them from either the bottom or the top of the hill. From
one side only was the ascent not very high and steep. The top was flat
plain and spacious with vast and far-stretching woods in which were
lions tigers and other beasts of prey and many wild elephants. Terry
passed through Mándu a few days' march across a plain and level
country, apparently towards Dhár, where he met the Lord Ambassador Sir
Thomas Roe, who had summoned Terry from Surat to be his chaplain. Sir
Thomas Roe was then marching from Ajmír to Mándu with the Court of
the emperor Jehángír, whom Terry calls the Great King.
On the 3rd of March, says Roe, the Mughal was to have entered
Mándu. But all had to wait for the good hour fixed by the
astrologers. From the 6th of March, when he entered Mándu, till
the 24th of October, the emperor Jehángír, with Sir Thomas Roe in
attendance, remained at Mándu. [997] According to Roe before the Mughal
visited Mándu the hill was not much inhabited, having more ruins by
far than standing houses. [998] But the moving city that accompanied
the emperor soon overflowed the hill-top. According to Roe Jehángír's
own encampment was walled round half a mile in circuit in the form of a
fortress, with high screens or curtains of coarse stuff, somewhat like
Aras hangings, red on the outside, the inside divided into compartments
with a variety of figures. This enclosure had a handsome gateway and
the circuit was formed into various coins and bulwarks. The posts that
supported the curtains were all surmounted with brass tops. [999]
Besides the emperor's encampment were the noblemen's quarters, each
at an appointed distance from the king's tents, very handsome, some
having their tents green, others white, others of mixed colours. The
whole composed the most curious and magnificent sight Roe had ever
beheld. [1000] The hour taken by Jehángír in passing from the Dehli
Gate to his own quarters, the two English miles from Roe's lodge
which was not far from the Dehli Gate to Jehángír's palace, and other
reasons noted below make it almost certain that the Mughal's encampment
and the camps of the leading nobles were on the open slopes to the
south of the Sea Lake between Báz Bahádur's palace on the east and
Songad on the west. And that the palace at Mándu from which Jehángír
wrote was the building now known as Báz Bahádur's palace. [1001]
A few months before it reached Mándu the imperial camp had turned
the whole valley of Ajmír into a magnificent city, [1002] and a few
weeks before reaching Mándu at Thoda, about fifty miles south-east of
Ajmír, the camp formed a settlement not less in circuit than twenty
English miles, equalling in size almost any town in Europe. [1003]
In the middle of the encampment were all sorts of shops so regularly
disposed that all persons knew where to go for everything.
The demands of so great a city overtaxed the powers of the deserted
Mándu. The scarcity of water soon became so pressing that the poor
were commanded to leave and all horses and cattle were ordered off the
hill. [1004] Of the scarcity of water the English traveller Corryat,
who was then a guest of Sir Thomas Roe, writes: On the first day one
of my Lord's people, Master Herbert, brother to Sir Edward Herbert,
found a fountain which, if he had not done, he would have had to send
ten course (kos) every day for water to a river called Narbada that
falleth into the Bay of Cambye near Broach. The custom being such
that whatsoever fountain or tank is found by any great man in time of
drought he shall keep it proper to his without interruption. The day
after one of the king's Hadis (Ahádis) finding the same and striving
for it was taken by my Lord's people and bound. [1005] Corryat adds:
During the time of the great drought two Moor nobles daily sent ten
camels to the Narbada and distributed the water to the poor, which
was so dear they sold a little skin for 8 pies (one penny). [1006]
Terry notices that among the piles of buildings that held their
heads above ruin were not a few unfrequented mosques or Muhammadan
churches. Though the people who attended the king were marvellously
straitened for room to put their most excellent horses, none would
use the churches as stables, even though they were forsaken and out of
use. This abstinence seems to have been voluntary, as Roe's servants,
who were sent in advance, took possession of a fair court with walled
enclosure in which was a goodly temple and a tomb. It was the best
in the whole circuit of Mándu, the only drawback being that it was
two miles from the king's house. [1007] The air was wholesome and the
prospect was pleasant, as it was on the edge of the hill. [1008] The
emperor, perhaps referring rather to the south of the hill, which from
the elaborate building and repairs carried out in advance by Abdul
Karím seems to have been called the New City, gives a less deserted
impression of Mándu. He writes (24th March 1617): Many buildings
and relics of the old kings are still standing, for as yet decay
has not fallen upon the city. On the 24th I rode to see the royal
edifices. First I visited the Jámá Masjid built by Sultán Hoshang
Ghori. It is a very lofty building and erected entirely of hewn
stone. Although it has been standing 180 years it looks as if built
to-day. Then I visited the sepulchres of the kings and rulers of the
Khilji dynasty, among which is the sepulchre of the eternally cursed
Násir-ud-dín. [1009] Sher Sháh to show his horror of Násir-ud-dín,
the father-slayer, ordered his people to beat Násir-ud-dín's tomb
with sticks. Jehángir also kicked the grave. Then he ordered the
tomb to be opened and the remains to be taken out and burnt. Finally,
fearing the remains might pollute the eternal light, he ordered the
ashes to be thrown into the Narbada. [1010]
The pleasant outlying position of Roe's lodge proved to be open to
the objection that out of the vast wilderness wild beasts often came,
seldom returning without a sheep, a goat, or a kid. One evening a
great lion leapt over the stone wall that encompassed the yard and
snapped up the Lord Ambassador's little white neat shock, that is
as Roe explains a small Irish mastiff, which ran out barking at the
lion. Out of the ruins of the mosque and tomb Roe built a lodge, [1011]
and here he passed the rains with his "family," including besides his
secretary, chaplain, and cook twenty-three Englishmen and about sixty
native servants, and during part of the time the sturdy half-crazed
traveller Tom Coryate or Corryat. [1012] They had their flock of sheep
and goats, all necessaries belonging to the kitchen and everything else
required for bodily use including bedding and all things pertaining
thereto. [1013] Among the necessaries were tables [1014] and chairs,
since the Ambassador refused to adopt the Mughal practice of sitting
cross-legged on mats "like taylors on their shopboards." Roe's diet
was dressed by an English and an Indian cook and was served on plate
by waiters in red taffata cloaks guarded with green taffata. The
chaplain wore a long black cassock, and the Lord Ambassador wore
English habits made as light and cool as possible. [1015]
On the 12th of March, a few days after they were settled at Mándu,
came the festival of the Persian New Year. Jehángír held a great
reception seated on a throne of gold bespangled with rubies emeralds
and turquoises. The hall was adorned with pictures of the King and
Queen of England, the Princess Elizabeth, Sir Thomas Smith and others,
with beautiful Persian hangings. On one side, on a little stage, was a
couple of women singers. The king commanded that Sir T. Roe should come
up and stand beside him on the steps of the throne where stood on one
side the Persian Ambassador and on the other the old king of Kandahár
with whom Sir T. Roe ranked. The king called the Persian Ambassador
and gave him some stones and a young elephant. The Ambassador knelt and
knocked his head against the steps of the throne to thank him. [1016]
From time to time during Terry's stay at Mándu, the Mughal, with his
stout daring Persian and Tartarian horsemen and some grandees, went
out to take young wild elephants in the great woods that environed
Mándu. The elephants were caught in strong toils prepared for the
purpose and were manned and made fit for service. In these hunts the
king and his men also pursued lions and other wild beasts on horseback,
killing some of them with their bows carbines and lances. [1017]
The first of September was Jehángír's birthday. The king, says Corryat,
[1018] was forty-five years old, of middle height, corpulent, of a
seemly composition of body, and of an olive coloured skin. Roe went
to pay his respects and was conducted apparently to Báz Bahádur's
Gardens to the east of the Rewa Pool. This tangled orchard was then
a beautiful garden with a great square pond or tank set all round
with trees and flowers and in the middle of the garden a pavilion or
pleasure-house under which hung the scales in which the king was to
be weighed. [1019] The scales were of beaten gold set with many small
stones as rubies and turquoises. They were hung by chains of gold,
large and massive, but strengthened by silken ropes. The beam and
tressels from which the scales hung were covered with thin plates of
gold. All round were the nobles of the court seated on rich carpets
waiting for the king. He came laden with diamonds rubies pearls and
other precious vanities, making a great and glorious show. His swords
targets and throne were corresponding in riches and splendour. His head
neck breast and arms above the elbows and at the wrist were decked
with chains of precious stones, and every finger had two or three
rich rings. His legs were as it were fettered with chains of diamonds
and rubies as large as walnuts and amazing pearls. He got into the
scales crouching or sitting on his legs like a woman. To counterpoise
his weight bags said to contain Rs. 9000 in silver were changed
six times. After this he was weighed against bags containing gold
jewels and precious stones. Then against cloth of gold, silk stuffs,
cotton goods, spices, and all commodities. Last of all against meal,
butter, and corn. Except the silver, which was reserved for the poor,
all was said to be distributed to Baniahs (that is Bráhmans). [1020]
After he was weighed Jehángír ascended the throne and had basons of
nuts almonds and spices of all sorts given him. These the king threw
about, and his great men scrambled prostrate on their bellies. Roe
thought it not decent that he should scramble. And the king seeing
that he stood aloof reached him a bason almost full and poured the
contents into his cloak. [1021] Terry adds: The physicians noted the
king's weight and spoke flatteringly of it. Then the Mughal drank to
his nobles in his royal wine and the nobles pledged his health, The
king drank also to the Lord Ambassador, whom he always treated with
special consideration, and presented him with the cup of gold curiously
enamelled and crusted with rubies turkesses and emeralds. [1022]
Of prince Khurram's visit Roe writes: A month later (October
2nd) the proud prince Khurram, afterwards the emperor Sháh Jehán
(A.D. 1626-1657), returned from his glorious success in the Dakhan,
accompanied by all the great men, in wondrous triumph. [1023] A week
later (October 9th), hearing that the emperor was to pass near his
lodging on his way to take the air at the Narbada, in accordance with
the rule that the masters of all houses near which the king passes
must make him a present, Roe took horse to meet the king. He offered
the king an Atlas neatly bound, saying he presented the king with the
whole world. The king was pleased. In return he praised Roe's lodge,
which he had built out of the ruins of the temple and the ancient tomb,
and which was one of the best lodges in the camp. [1024] Jehángír left
Mándu on the 24th October. On the 30th when Roe started the hill was
entirely deserted. [1025]
Terry mentions only two buildings at Mándu. One was the house of the
Mughal, apparently Báz Bahádur's palace, which he describes as large
and stately, built of excellent stone, well squared and put together,
taking up a large compass of ground. He adds: We could never see how it
was contrived within, as the king's wives and women were there. [1026]
The only other building to which Terry refers, he calls "The Grot." Of
the grot, which is almost certainly the pleasure-house Nílkanth, whose
Persian inscriptions have been quoted above, Terry gives the following
details: To the Mughal's house, at a small distance from it, belonged
a very curious grot. In the building of the grot a way was made into
a firm rock which showed itself on the side of the hill canopied over
with part of that rock. It was a place that had much beauty in it by
reason of the curious workmanship bestowed on it and much pleasure
by reason of its coolness. [1027] Besides the fountain this grot has
still one of the charmingly cool and murmuring scallopped rillstones
where, as Terry says, water runs down a broad stone table with many
hollows like to scallop shells, in its passage over the hollows making
so pretty a murmur as helps to tie the senses with the bonds of sleep.
Sháh Jehán seems to have been pleased with Mándu. He returned in
A.D. 1621 and stayed at Mándu till he marched north against his
father in A.D. 1622. [1028] In March A.D. 1623, Sháh Jehán came out
of Mándu with 20,000 horse, many elephants, and powerful artillery,
intending to fight his brother Sháh Parwíz. [1029] After the failure
of this expedition Sháh Jehán retired to Mándu. [1030] At this time
(A.D. 1623) the Italian traveller Dela Valle ranks Mándu with Agra
Láhor and Ahmedábád, as the four capitals, each endowed with an
imperial palace and court. [1031] Five years later the great general
Khán Jehán Lodi besieged Mándu, but apparently without success. [1032]
Khán Jehán Lodi's siege of Mándu is interesting in connection with
a description of Mándu in Herbert's Travels. Herbert, who was in
Gujarát in A.D. 1626, says Mándu is seated at the side of a declining
hill (apparently Herbert refers to the slope from the southern crest
northwards to Ságar Lake and the Grot or Nílkanth) in which both for
ornament and defence is a castle which is strong in being encompassed
with a defensive wall of nearly five miles (probably kos that is ten
miles): the whole, he adds, heretofore had fifteen miles circuit. But
the city later built is of less time yet fresher beauty, whether you
behold the temples (in one of which are entombed four kings), palaces
or fortresses, especially that tower which is elevated 170 steps,
supported by massive pillars and adorned with gates and windows very
observable. It was built by Khán Jehán, who there lies buried. The
confusedness of these details shows that Herbert obtained them
second-hand, probably from Corryat's Master Herbert on Sir T. Roe's
staff. [1033] The new city of fresher beauty is probably a reference
to the buildings raised and repaired by Abdul Karím against Jehángír's
coming, among which the chief seems to have been the palace now known
by the name of Báz Bahádur. The tower of 170 steps is Mehmúd Khilji's
Tower of Victory, erected in A.D. 1443, the Khán Jehán being Mehmúd's
father, the great minister Khán Jehán Aâzam Humáyún.
[The Maráthás, A.D. 1720-1820.] In A.D. 1658 a Rája Shívráj was
commandant of Mándu. [1034] No reference has been traced to any
imperial visit to Mándu during Aurangzíb's reign. But that great
monarch has left an example of his watchful care in the rebuilding
of the Âlamgír or Aurangzíb Gate, which guards the approach to the
stone-crossing of the great northern ravine and bears an inscription
of A.D. 1668, the eleventh year of Âlamgír's reign. In spite of this
additional safeguard thirty years later (A.D. 1696) Mándu was taken and
the standard of Udáji Pavár was planted on the battlement. [1035]
The Maráthás soon withdrew and Málwa again passed under an
imperial governor. In A.D. 1708 the Shía-loving emperor Bahádur Sháh
I. (A.D. 1707-1712) visited Mándu, and there received from Ahmedábád
a copy of the Kurâán written by Imám Âli Taki, son of Imám Músa Raza
(A.D. 810-829), seventh in descent from Âli, the famous son-in-law
of the Prophet, the first of Musalmán mystics. In A.D. 1717 Ásaph Jáh
Nizám-ul-Mulk was appointed governor of Málwa and continued to manage
the province by deputy till A.D. 1721. In A.D. 1722 Rája Girdhar
Bahádur, a Nágar Bráhman, was made governor and remained in charge
till in A.D. 1724 he was attacked and defeated by Chimnáji Pandit
and Udáji Pavár. [1036] Rája Girdhar was succeeded by his relation
Dia Bahádur, whose successful government ended in A.D. 1732, when
through the secret help of the local chiefs Malhárráo Holkar led an
army up the Bhairav pass, a few miles east of Mándu, and at Tirellah,
between Amjera and Dhár, defeated and slew Dia Bahádur. As neither the
next governor Muhammad Khán Bangash nor his successor Rája Jai Singh
of Jaipúr were able to oust the Maráthás, their success was admitted
in A.D. 1734 by the appointment of Peshwa Bájiráo (A.D. 1720-1740)
to be governor of Málwa. On his appointment (A.D. 1734) the Peshwa
chose Anand Ráo Pavár as his deputy. Anand Ráo shortly after settled
at Dhár, and since A.D. 1734 Mándu has continued part of the territory
of the Pavárs of Dhar. [1037] In A.D. 1805 Mándu sheltered the heroic
Mína Bái during the birth-time of her son Rámchundra Ráo Pavár,
whose state was saved from the clutches of Holkar and Sindhia by the
establishment of British overlordship in A.D. 1817. [1038]
[Notices, A.D. 1820-1895.] In A.D. 1820 Sir John Malcolm [1039]
describes the hill-top as a place of religious resort occupied
by some mendicants. The holy places on the hill are the shrine of
Hoshang Ghori, whose guardian spirit still scares barrenness and
other disease fiends [1040] and the Rewa or Narbada Pool, whose
holy water, according to common belief, prevents the dreaded return
of the spirit of the Hindu whose ashes are strewn on its surface,
or, in the refined phrase of the Bráhman, enables the dead to lose
self in the ocean of being. [1041] In A.D. 1820 the Jámá Mosque,
Hoshang's tomb, and the palaces of Báz Bahádur were still fine remains,
though surrounded with jungle and fast crumbling to pieces. [1042]
In A.D. 1827 Colonel Briggs says [1043]: Perhaps no part of India so
abounds with tigers as the neighbourhood of the once famous city of
Mándu. The capital now deserted by man is overgrown by forest and
from being the seat of luxury, elegance, and wealth, it has become
the abode of wild beasts and is resorted to by the few Europeans in
that quarter for the pleasure of destroying them. Instances have been
known of tigers being so bold as to carry off troopers riding in the
ranks of their regiments. Twelve years later (A.D. 1839) Mr. Fergusson
[1044] found the hill a vast uninhabited jungle, the rank vegetation
tearing the buildings of the city to pieces and obscuring them so that
they could hardly be seen. [1045] Between A.D. 1842 and 1852 tigers are
described as prowling among the regal rooms, the half-savage marauding
Bhíl as eating his meal and feeding his cattle in the cloisters of
its sanctuaries and the insidious pípal as levelling to the earth
the magnificent remains. [1046] So favourite a tiger retreat was the
Jaház Palace that it was dangerous to venture into it unarmed. Close
to the very huts of the poor central village, near the Jámá Mosque,
cattle were frequently seized by tigers. In the south tigers came
nightly to drink at the Ságar lake. Huge bonfires had to be burnt
to prevent them attacking the houses. [1047] In A.D. 1883 Captain
Eastwick wrote: At Mándu the traveller will require some armed men,
as tigers are very numerous and dangerous. He will do well not to
have any dogs with him, as the panthers will take them even from under
his bed. [1048] If this was true of Mándu in A.D. 1883--and is not as
seems likely the repetition of an old-world tale--the last ten years
have wrought notable changes. Through the interest His Highness Sir
Anand Ráo Pavár, K.C.S.I., C.I.E., the present Mahárája of Dhár takes
in the old capital of his state, travelling in Mándu is now as safe and
easier than in many, perhaps than in most, outlying districts. A phæton
can drive across the northern ravine-moat through the three gateways
and along the hill-top, at least as far south as the Sea Lake. Large
stretches of the level are cleared and tilled, and herds of cattle
graze free from the dread of wild beasts. The leading buildings have
been saved from their ruinous tree-growth, the underwood has been
cleared, the marauding Bhíl has settled to tillage, the tiger, even
the panther, is nearly as rare as the wild elephant, and finally its
old wholesomeness has returned to the air of the hill-top.
This sketch notices only the main events and the main buildings. Even
about the main buildings much is still doubtful. Many inscriptions,
some in the puzzling interlaced Tughra character, have still to
be read. They may bring to light traces of the Mándu kings and of
the Mughal emperors, whose connection with Mándu, so far as the
buildings are concerned, is still a blank. The ruins are so many
and so widespread that weeks are wanted to ensure their complete
examination. It may be hoped that at no distant date Major Delasseau,
the Political Agent of Dhár, whose opportunities are not more special
than his knowledge, may be able to prepare a complete description of
the hill and of its many ruins and writings.
MARÁTHA HISTORY
OF
GUJARÁT:
A.D. 1760-1819.
BY
J. A. BAINES Esquire, C.S.I.,
LATE OF H.M.'s BOMBAY CIVIL SERVICE.
[Contributed in 1879.]
HISTORY OF GUJARÁT.
MARÁTHA PERIOD.
A.D. 1760-1819.
It will be evident from what has been related in the Musalmán portion
of this history that long before 1760, the Maráthás had a firm foothold
in Gujarát, and were able to dictate to the local chiefs the policy
of the Dakhan Court. Long before 1819 too, Marátha influence was on
the wane before the rising fortunes of the British. Between these two
dates however is comprised the whole or nearly the whole of the period
during which the Maráthás were virtually paramount in Gujarát. From
each of these two dates the political history took a new departure, and
on this account they serve respectively to denote the starting point
and terminus of Marátha supremacy. Most of what took place before 1760
is so interwoven with the interests and intrigues of the Muhammadan
delegates of the court of Dehli that it has been fully described in the
history of the Musalmán Period. It is however necessary, in order to
trace the growth of Marátha power, to briefly set forth in a continuous
narrative the events in which this race was principally concerned,
adding such as transpired independently of Musalmán politics. This
task is rendered easier by the very nature of Marátha policy, which
has left little to be recorded of its action in Gujarát beyond the
deeds and fortunes of its initiators and their adherents.
The connection of the Maráthás with Gujarát can be divided by the
chronicler into the following periods. First, the time of predatory
inroads from 1664 to 1743, before the leaders of these expeditions
had permanently established themselves within the province. Secondly,
what may be termed the mercenary period, when the Maráthás partly by
independent action, but far more by a course of judicious interference
in the quarrels of the Muhammadan officials and by loans of troops,
had acquired considerable territorial advantages. Towards the end
of this period, as has been already seen, their aid was usually
sufficient to ensure the success of the side which had managed to
secure it, and at last the capital itself was claimed and held by
them. Then came the time of domination, from 1760 to 1801, during
which period the Gáikwár influence was occasionally greater than
that of the Peshwa. From 1802, internal dissensions at the courts of
Poona and Baroda weakened the hold the Maráthás had on the province,
and the paramount power had to all intents and purposes passed over
to the British long before the downfall of Bájiráv Peshwa and the
final annexation of his rights and territory in 1819. Shortly after,
when the Gáikwár made over to the British the work of collecting the
tribute from Káthiáváda, Marátha supremacy came to an end.
[Siváji's First Inroad, 1664.] The first Marátha force that made its
appearance in Gujarát was led there early in 1664 by Siváji. This
leader was at the time engaged in a warfare with the Mughals, which,
however desultory, required him to keep up a much larger force than
could be supported out of the revenues of his dominions. He therefore
looked to plunder to supply the deficiency, and Surat, then the richest
town of Western India, was marked down by him as an easy prey. His
mode of attack was cautious. He first sent one Bahirji Náik to spy
out the country and report the chances of a rich booty, whilst he
himself moved a force up to Junnar on pretence of visiting some forts
in that direction recently acquired by one of his subordinates. On
receiving a favourable report from Bahirji, Siváji gave out that
he was going to perform religious ceremonies at Násik, and taking
with him 4000 picked horsemen, he marched suddenly down the Gháts and
through the Dáng jungles, and appeared before Surat. There he found an
insignificant garrison, so he rested outside the city six days whilst
his men plundered at their leisure. On hearing of the tardy approach
of a relieving force sent by the governor of Ahmedábád, Siváji beat a
retreat with all his booty to the stronghold of Ráygad. By the time the
reinforcement reached Surat, the only trace of the invaders was the
emptied coffers of the inhabitants. About the same time, or shortly
after, the fleet which Siváji had equipped at Alibág about two years
before came up to the mouth of the gulf of Cambay and carried off
one or two Mughal ships which were conveying to Makka large numbers
of pilgrims with their rich oblations. [1049]
[Siváji's Second Attack, 1670.] This insult to the Muhammadan
religion was enough to incense the bigoted Aurangzeb, apart from the
additional offences of the sack of Surat and the assumption in 1665
of royal insignia by Siváji. He therefore sent an expedition to the
Dakhan strong enough to keep the Maráthás for some time away from
Gujarát. One of Siváji's officers, however, seems to have attacked a
part of the Surat district in 1666, and to have got off safely with
his spoils. In 1670, Siváji again descended upon that city with about
15,000 men. The only serious resistance he experienced was, as before,
from the English factors. He plundered the town for three days, and
only left on receiving some information about the Mughals' movements
in the Dakhan, which made him fear lest he should be intercepted on
his way back to the country about the Gháts.
[1671.] Siváji left a claim for twelve lákhs of rupees to be paid as
a guarantee against future expeditions. It is possible, however, that
as he does not appear to have taken any immediate steps to recover
this sum, the demand was made only in accordance with Marátha policy,
which looked upon a country once overrun as tributary, and assumed
a right to exercise paramount authority over it by virtue of the
completed act of a successful invasion. In 1671 the Marátha fleet was
ordered to sail up the gulf and plunder Broach, and it is probable
that Siváji intended at the same time to levy tribute from Surat,
but the whole expedition was countermanded before the ships sailed.
The conduct of the military authorities in Gujarát with regard to this
expedition of 1670 was such as to render it highly probable that the
Mughal leaders were in complicity with the Maráthás in order to gain
the favour and support of their leader. Shortly before Siváji's arrival
there had been a large garrison in Surat, apparently kept there by the
governor, who suspected that some attempt on the town would soon be
made. This garrison was withdrawn before Siváji's attack, and almost
immediately after his departure 5000 men were sent back again. The
commanders of the Mughal army in the Dakhan were Jasvant Singh the
Ráhtor chief of Jodhpur and prince Muazzam. Jasvant Singh had been
viceroy of Gujarát from A.D. 1659 to 1662, and in A.D. 1671 shortly
after Siváji's second expedition was re-appointed to that post for
three years. He had, moreover, been accused of taking bribes from
Siváji during the operations in the Dakhan. Prince Muazzam, again,
had every reason for wishing to secure to himself so powerful an ally
as Siváji in the struggle for the imperial crown that took place,
as a rule, at every succession. Aurangzeb, reasoning from his own
experiences as a son, refused to allow a possible heir to his throne
to become powerful at court; and accordingly sent him against Siváji
with an army quite inadequate for such operations. It is therefore
not unreasonable to suppose that if there had not been some previous
understanding between Siváji and the Mughal leaders, the troops that
were known to be within easy reach of Surat would have been found
strong and numerous enough either to have repulsed him altogether or
at least to have prevented the three days' sack of the city.
[Sáler Taken, 1672.] In A.D. 1672 Siváji took some of the small forts
to the south of Surat, such as Párnera and Bagváda, now in the Párdi
sub-division of the Surat district, whilst Moro Trimal got possession
of the large fort of Sáler in Báglán, which guarded one of the most
frequented passes from the Dakhan into Gujarát. The Maráthás were
thus able to command the routes along which their expeditions could
most conveniently be despatched.
[The Narbada Crossed, 1675.] No further incursion was made till 1675,
in which year a Marátha force first crossed the Narbada. On the
resumption of hostilities between Siváji and the Mughals, Hasáji
Mohite, who had been made Senápati, with the title of Hambirráv,
marched up the North Konkan, and divided his army into two forces near
Surat. One portion plundered towards Burhánpur, the other commanded by
himself plundered the Broach district. Ten years later a successful
expedition was made against Broach itself, either preconcerted or
actually led by a younger son of Aurangzeb, who had taken refuge with
the Maráthás. Broach was plundered, and the booty safely carried off
before the local force could get near the invaders. Gujarát was now
left free from inroad for some fourteen years, probably because the
attention of the Marátha leaders was concentrated on their quarrels
in the Dakhan.
[Raids by Dábháde, 1699.] In A.D. 1699 Rám Rája appointed one of
his most trusted officers, Khanderáv Dábháde, to collect in Báglán
the chauth [1050] and sardeshmukhi imposts which had by that time
become regularly instituted. This chief, whose name was afterwards
so intimately connected with Gujarát, not only collected all
that was due to his master from the village officers in Báglán,
but also made an incursion into the Surat districts on his own
account. [1700-1704.] Between 1700 and 1704 Khanderáv attempted
two expeditions, but was foiled by the vigilance of the Mughal
authorities. [1705.] In 1705, however, he made a raid on a large
scale and got safely across the Narbada, where he defeated two
Muhammadan detachments sent against him, and got back to Sáler
with his booty. [1706-1711.] Khanderáv now kept bodies of troops
constantly hovering on the outskirts of Gujarát and along the road
to Burhánpur. He himself led several expeditions into the Ahmedábád
territory, and is said to have once got as far as Sorath in the
peninsula, where however he was repelled by the Musalmán governor. In
1711, again he was severely defeated by the Mughals near Anklesvar
in the Broach district, and had to withdraw to the borders of Khándesh.
[1713.] In 1713 some treasure was being conveyed from Surat to
Aurangábád escorted by a large force under Muhammad Tabrízí. The
party was attacked in the jungles east of Surat and the treasure
carried off. Just before this, Sarbuland Khán, the deputy viceroy,
on his way to take up his office at Ahmedábád, was attacked and robbed
in the wilds of Ságbára on the north bank of the Tápti. As Khanderáv
had a short while previous to these occurrences taken up his position
near Nándod [1051] in the Rájpipla territory, it is probably to him
or to his subordinates that these raids are to be attributed. He
managed by a system of outposts to cut off communication between
Surat and Burhánpur, except for those who had paid him a fee for
safe conduct. If this charge was evaded or resisted, he appropriated
one-fourth of the property that the traveller was conveying up country.
[Dábháde, 1716.] As the Burhánpur road was one of those most frequented
by both pilgrims and merchants, the Dehli authorities were obliged,
in 1716, to organize an expedition against Dábháde. The leader of
the force was one Zulfikar Beg, an officer inexperienced in Marátha
warfare. Dábháde found little difficulty in decoying him into a
mountainous country, and there completely defeated him with the usual
Marátha accompaniment of plunder.
[Dábháde Senápati.] Finding himself once more in the Dakhan, Khanderáv
Dábháde took the opportunity of rejoining the court at Sátára, from
which he had long been absent. He was lucky enough to arrive just as
the Senápati Manáji Morár had failed on an important expedition and
was consequently in disgrace. Rája Sháhu, pleased with Khanderáv's
recent success against the Delhi troops, divested Manáji of the title
of Senápati, and bestowed it upon the more fortunate leader.
[The Peshwa's Negotiations, 1717.] Khanderáv remained away from
Gujarát for three years, accompanying, meanwhile, Báláji Vishvanáth
the Peshwa to Dehli, where the latter was engaged in negotiations for
the confirmation of the Marátha rights to chauth and other tribute
from certain districts in the Dakhan.
It is evident that at this time there was no definite claim to tribute
from Gujarát on the part of the Marátha government; for in spite of
the intrigues of Báláji and the weakness of the court party at Delhi
no concessions were obtained with regard to it, although the Marátha
dues from other parts of the country were fully ratified. The grounds
on which Báláji demanded the tribute from Gujarát were that Sháhu would
thereby gain the right to restrain the excesses of Marátha freebooters
from the frontier and would guarantee the whole country against
irregular pillage. The argument was a curious one, considering that
the most troublesome and notorious freebooter of the whole tribe was at
the elbow of the envoy, who was so strenuously pleading for the right
to suppress him. It is probable that Báláji foresaw that Khanderáv's
newly acquired rank would take him for a time from Báglán to the court,
so that meanwhile an arrangement could be made to prevent the growth
of any powerful chief in the Gujarát direction who might interfere
with the plans of the central government. The Marátha statesman was
as anxious to ensure the subordination of distant feudatories as the
Mughals to secure the freedom of the Ghát roads to the coast.
In the redistribution of authority carried out about this time by
Báláji Vishvanáth, the responsibility of collecting the Marátha dues
[1052] from Gujarát and Báglán was assigned to Khanderáv as Senápati
or commander-in-chief; but as these dues were not yet settled, at
least as regards the country below the Gháts, Khanderáv seems to have
remained with the Peshwa in the field.
[Dámáji Gáikwár, 1720.] At the battle of Bálápur, fought against
the Nizám-ul-Mulk, one of the officers of Khanderáv, by name Dámáji
Gáikwár, so distinguished himself that the Senápati brought his conduct
prominently to the notice of Rája Sháhu. The latter promoted Dámáji to
be second in command to Khanderáv with the title of Shamsher Bahádur,
which had been formerly borne by one of the Atole family in 1692. This
is the first mention of the present ruling family of Baroda. Before
many months both Khanderáv and Dámáji died. The former was succeeded by
his son Trimbakráv, on whom his father's title was conferred. Piláji,
nephew of Dámáji, was confirmed in his uncle's honours and retired
to Gujarát. As soon as he could collect a sufficiently strong force,
he attacked the Surat district and defeated the Musalmán commander
close to the city itself. After extorting from him a handsome sum
as ransom, Piláji returned eastwards. He selected Songad, [1053] a
fort about fifty miles east of Surat, as his headquarters, and from
thence made continual excursions against the neighbouring towns. He
once attacked Surat, but although he defeated the Mughal leader,
he seems to have contented himself with contributions levied from
the adjacent country, and not to have entered the town. Piláji soon
obtained possession of some strongholds in the [1723.] Rájpipla country
between Nándod and Ságbára, which he fortified, as Khanderáv Dábháde
had formerly done. Here he resided as representative of the Senápati,
whose family had removed for a while to the Dakhan. The tribute
collected from Báglán and Gujarát was supposed to be transmitted
by Piláji to the royal treasury through the Peshwa; but there is no
record of these dues having been levied with any regularity or even
fixed at any special amount. Whilst Trimbakráv was taking an active
part in the affairs of his royal patron in the Dakhan, Piláji occupied
himself in sedulously cultivating the goodwill of the border tribes
surrounding his residence in Gujarát.
[Marátha Tribute, 1723.] The year 1723 is noteworthy as being the date
of the first imposition of the regular Marátha demand of one-fourth,
chauth, and one-tenth, sardeshmukhi, of the revenue of Gujarát. Whilst
Piláji was directing his attacks against Surat and the south of the
province another of Rája Sháhu's officers, who had been sent up towards
Málwa, entered Gujarát by the north-east, and after ravaging the
country round Dohad, [1054] settled a fixed tribute on the district.
[Kantáji Kadam.] This officer, Kantáji Kadam Bánde, was soon after
engaged by one of the parties struggling for the viceroyalty of
Ahmedábád to bring his cavalry into the province and take part in the
civil war. The leader of the opposite party, Rustam Ali, enlisted
the services of Piláji Gáikwár. The Nizám-ul-Mulk, whose influence
in the Dakhan was very great, managed to detach Piláji from Rustam
Ali's side. This was the easier, as Rustam had already defeated
Piláji more than once in attacks by the latter against Surat, of
which district Rustam was governor. There are two different accounts
[1055] of what took place when the rival forces came into action, but
both show clearly that the Marátha leaders acted on both sides with
utter disregard of their agreements and looked only to plundering the
Muhammadan camps whilst the soldiers were engaged in battle. After the
defeat of Rustam, the two Marátha chiefs joined forces and proceeded
to levy chauth, of which the Mughal deputy had granted Piláji a share
equal to that of his first ally Kantáji.
[Marátha Dissensions, 1725.] This division led to quarrels and at
last to an open rupture between the two Marátha leaders, which was
only patched up by the grant of the chauth north of the Mahi river
to Kantáji and of that to the south to Piláji. The chief ground of
quarrel seems to have been the relative position of the Gáikwár as
agent for the Senápati, who had a right to collect all dues from
Gujarát, and of Kantáji, who claimed superior rank as holding his
commission direct from Rája Sháhu. On hearing of this dispute and
the consequent partition of the Marátha tribute, Trimbakráv Dábháde
himself hastened up to Cambay with an army, but effected nothing, and
seems to have retired, leaving Piláji to look after his interests at
Ahmedábád. Both the latter, however, and Kantáji soon after withdrew
from Gujarát, but were within a short period encouraged to return by
the success of a raid made by another leader, Antáji Bháskar, on the
north-east district. They both joined Hamid Khán in his resistance
to the new viceroy, but received several checks from the Muhammadan
army, and after plundering again returned to their strongholds for
the rainy season.
[The Peshwa, 1726.] Next year they returned for the tribute and
plundered as usual. The Peshwa Bájiráv then opened for the first time
direct negotiations with the viceroy of Gujarát. The rapid increase
of the authority of the Bráhman ministers at the Rája's court in the
Dakhan had aroused the jealousy of the Marátha nobles, amongst whom
Trimbakráv Dábháde was one of the most influential. Bájiráv, being
fully aware of the fact, and having by this time acquired from the Rája
the power of acting with foreign powers independently of the throne,
determined to undermine Trimbakráv's authority in Gujarát by aiming at
the rights said to have been formally granted to him by Hamid Khán over
the country south of the Mahi. He therefore applied to the viceroy for
a confirmation of the right to levy chauth and sardeshmukhi over the
whole country, on condition that he would protect it from the inroads
of Kantáji, Piláji, and other irresponsible freebooters. The viceroy
had still some resources left at his disposal and was in hopes that
his repeated applications to Dehli for assistance would soon meet
with a favourable answer. [Cession of Tribute, 1728.] He declined
therefore to accede to Bájiráv's proposals at once, on the grounds
that the court at Dehli had repudiated the concessions made to Piláji
and Kantáji by his predecessor's deputy. As however the depredations on
the frontier caused serious injury both to the revenues and the people,
he allowed the Peshwa to send a feudatory, Udáji Pavár, chief of Dhár,
through the Mughal territories to operate against Piláji. The latter,
who was fully aware of these negotiations, persuaded Kantáji to join
him in expelling the agents of the Peshwa party, as it was clear that
if Piláji's forces were scattered the way would be open for Udáji to
attack Kantáji himself. The two then proceeded to Baroda and after a
while drove back Udáji, and occupied Baroda and Dabhoi. Here Piláji
remained, and next year Kantáji succeeded in taking Chámpáner, thus
advancing his posts nearer the centre of the province. With such
an advantage gained these two chiefs instituted raids still more
frequently than before. In these straits, and finding himself utterly
neglected by the emperor, the viceroy re-opened negotiations with the
Peshwa, who lost no time in sending his brother Chimnáji Áppa with an
army through Gujarát. Petlád and Dholka were plundered, but Kantáji was
left undisturbed, so he took this opportunity of marching to Sorath,
where he remained for some time extorting tribute. The viceroy agreed
formally to cede the sardeshmukhi of the whole revenue, land and
customs (with the exception of the port of Surat and the districts
attached to it) and the chauth of the same district, with five per
cent on the revenue from the city of Ahmedábád. Special clauses were
inserted in the grant of chauth to suit the convenience of both the
Peshwa and the viceroy. The latter stipulated that as few collectors
as possible should be kept by the Maráthás in the districts under
tribute, and that no extra demands beyond the one-fourth should be
made. He also insisted that the percentage should be calculated on
the actual collections and not on the kamál or highest sum recorded
as having been collected. [1056] The Maráthás were also to support
the imperial authority and to keep up a body of horse. The Peshwa
agreed (probably at his own request) to prevent all Marátha subjects
from joining disaffected chiefs, or other turbulent characters, thus
receiving the right to suppress Kantáji and Piláji, as well as the
Bhils and Kolis with whom the latter was on such friendly terms.
After this agreement was executed, Bájiráv made over part of the
sardeshmukhi to the Dábháde, as well as the mokâsa or three-fourths
of the svaráj as settled by Báláji Vishvanáth. The consideration as
set forth in the preamble of this agreement was the great improvement
effected by the Marátha rulers as regards the wealth and tranquillity
of the Dakhan provinces. This was inserted either to give the
transaction the appearance of having been executed on the part of
the emperor (for otherwise the viceroy had no concern in the state
of the Dakhan), or simply as an expression of gratitude on the part
of this special viceroy towards the Maráthás who had just brought
to terms the Nizám-ul-Mulk, his former rival and enemy. It is even
probable that it was merely intended, as usual with such preambles,
to veil the forced nature of the treaty.
The hostile movements of the Pratinidhi in the Southern Marátha Country
induced the Peshwa to return to the Dakhan. Kantáji returned from
Sorath to Chámpáner, plundering part of the viceroy's camp on his
way. Trimbakráv Dábháde, jealous of the interference of the Peshwa
in the affairs of Gujarát, began to intrigue with other chiefs to
overturn the power of the Bráhman ministers.
[Coalition against the Peshwa, 1730.] As soon as Nizám-ul-Mulk became
aware of this discontent on the part of Trimbakráv, of whose power
he was well informed, he proposed to assist him by an attack on
the Peshwa from the east, whilst the Maráthás operated in another
direction. Trimbakráv was successful in his overtures with Piláji
Gáikwár, the Bánde, the Pavárs, and a few other chiefs resident in
Khándesh or the north Dakhan. The troops sent by them to join his
standard soon amounted to 35,000 men, who were collected in Gujarát. He
then gave out that he was bent on rescuing the Marátha Rája from
the thraldom in which he was being kept by the Bráhmans. The Peshwa,
who had discovered the intercourse between Trimbakráv and the Nizám,
proclaimed this treason on the part of the Dábháde as a royal officer,
and stated that the malcontents were only planning the partition of the
inheritance of Shiváji between the Rája of Kolhápur and themselves. As
soon as he found the Nizám's troops were on the march, he collected
his picked men and advanced on the Dábháde in Gujarát.
[Defeat of the Allies, 1731.] The Peshwa's army was inferior in numbers
but consisted of better trained men. He closed at once with the allies
near Dabhoi, and easily defeated the undisciplined forces of the Pavárs
and Bánde. The Dábháde's army, however, had more experience of regular
warfare and made a stand. But a stray shot killed Trimbakráv as he
was endeavouring to rally the forces of his allies, and as usual in
such engagements, the loss of the leader disheartened the army. Utter
confusion ensued, in which many of the nobles fell, others ran away,
and the Peshwa, without the necessity of pushing further his advantage,
made good his retreat to the Dakhan. The Nizám, who was in pursuit,
only managed to capture some of the baggage with the rear guard as
it was crossing the Tápti near Surat. [1057]
Safe again in the Dakhan, the Peshwa at once began negotiations with
both the Nizám and the adherents of Trimbakráv Dábháde. He recognized
the rights of the former to some possessions in Gujarát independent
of the viceroy of Ahmedábád, and agreed to further his designs of
severing the Dakhan from the possessions of the emperor. He conciliated
the Dábháde family by establishing at Poona an annual distribution of
food and presents to Bráhmans such as had formerly been the practice
in the native village of Khanderáv. [1058] This institution was known
as Dakshiná.
Bájiráv acquiesced also in the general tendency amongst Maráthás of all
offices to become hereditary, and conferred the title of Senápati on
Yeshvantráv the minor son of the deceased Trimbakráv. The widow Umábái
became guardian, and Piláji Gáikwár deputy or mutálik in Gujarát. This
latter appointment seems to have been made by the Peshwa and not
by the Dábháde, for Piláji received at the same time a new title,
namely that of Sená Khás Khel or commander of the special band or
perhaps the household brigade. He was also bound on behalf of the
Senápati to respect the Peshwa's rights in Málwa and Gujarát, and to
pay half the collections from the territory he administered to the
royal treasury through the minister. A provision was also inserted
with regard to future acquisitions. This reciprocal agreement was
executed at the special command of the Marátha Rája Sháhu, who had
not yet quite abrogated his authority in favour of the Peshwa. Piláji
after these negotiations retired to Gujarát.
[Assassination of Piláji Gáikwár, 1732.] His influence amongst the
Bhils and other troublesome races dwelling in the wild parts of the
eastern frontier made Piláji an object of hatred and fear to the Mughal
viceroy, who had him assassinated by one of his adherents whilst the
latter was pretending to whisper some important and confidential
news in Piláji's ear. This event took place at Dákor in the Kaira
district. The followers of the Gáikwár slew the assassin and retired
south of the Mahi. They were driven by the Mughals out of Baroda, but
continued to hold Dabhoi. Dámáji Gáikwár, son of Piláji, was at this
time prowling round Surat watching for an opportunity of interfering
in the disturbed affairs of that town. One of the candidates for the
governorship had offered him one-fourth the revenue of the city for
his assistance, but the expedition was deferred on account of the
appointment of a rival by the emperor. Dámáji therefore was preparing
to act on his own account independently of his ally. The news of his
father's assassination, however, took him northwards. He found that
the Desái of Pádra near Baroda had stirred up the Bhils and Kolis to
revolt, in order to give the relations of Piláji a chance of striking
a blow at the murderers of their deceased leader. [1733.] Umábái
Dábháde, too, bent on the same errand, moved down the Gháts with an
army. The Maráthás were bought off, however, by the viceroy and peace
was restored for a while.
[Gáikwárs Secure Baroda, 1734.] In this year also Jádoji, a younger son
of Trimbakráv, made an expedition to collect tribute through Gujarát
as far as Sorath. Next year Mádhavráv Gáikwár, brother of Piláji,
obtained possession of Baroda during the absence of Sher Khán Bábi
the governor. Since that date this town has been the capital of the
Gáikwár family. Sindia and Holkar soon afterwards joined the chief
of Ídar against the Musalmán deputy, and extorted from the latter a
considerable sum as ransom.
[The Marátha Deputy Governor, 1736.] Umábái had recognized Dámáji
as her agent in succession to Piláji; but as she required Dámáji in
the Dakhan the latter had been obliged to leave in his turn a locum
tenens in Gujarát. There ensued quarrels between this deputy, named
Rangoji, and Kántáji Kadam which brought Dámáji back again, and after
obtaining from the Muhammadan viceroy, who had espoused the cause of
Kantáji, a grant of one-fourth the revenues of the country north of
the Mahi he went as usual to Sorath. Kantáji Kadam, who as a partisan
of the Peshwa was hostile to the Senápati, harassed the country within
reach of his frontier. Dámáji, meanwhile, had again proceeded to the
Dakhan, where Umábái was intriguing against the Peshwa and required
all the help she could obtain to further the ambitious schemes she
was devising in the name of her half-witted son. His deputy Rangoji,
by demanding a heavy price for his aid at a time when an aspirant to
the viceroyalty of Ahmedábád was in distress, managed to secure for
the Maráthás half the revenue of Gujarát with certain exceptions.
[Ahmedábád Riots, 1738.] Dámáji then moved into Gujarát again, and
on his way to join Rangoji extorted Rs. 7000 from the English at
Surat as a guarantee against plundering them. The events of this
year have been detailed in full in the history of the Musalmán
Period. After getting possession of a great part of the city of
Ahmedábád the [1739.] Maráthás, by their oppressive rule, excited
a rising amongst the Musalmán inhabitants. Similar quarrels and
subsequent reconciliations took place between 1739 and 1741, the
Musalmáns distrusting the Maráthás, yet not daring to attempt to oust
them. Dámáji, on his way back from one of his Sorath expeditions,
laid [1741.] siege to Broach, which was held by a Muhammadan officer
direct from the viceroy of the Dakhan. [1059] As the latter personage
was still regarded by the Marátha chiefs as a possible ally against
the Peshwa, Dámáji at once obeyed the request of the Nizám to raise
the siege, but probably obtained a promise of future concessions such
as he had acquired at Surat.
[1742.] Rangoji in the absence of Dámáji took up his residence in
Borsad. There he fell into several disputes with the Muhammadan
officials, in the course of one of which he was taken prisoner, but
escaped the next year (1743). Meanwhile Dámáji had joined with Rághoji
Bhonslé in attacking the Peshwa. Whilst Rághoji was preparing his army
in the east, Dámáji made a feint against Málwa, which had the desired
effect of withdrawing a large portion of the ministerial army. The
Gáikwár's troops retreated without giving battle, but to prevent any
future junction between Dámáji and the Bhonslé party in Berár, Báláji
Peshwa confirmed the Pavár family in their claims to Dhár, which had
never been acknowledged as their territory since the defection of
the Pavárs to the Dábháde party in 1731. It is worth remarking that
though the rank of Senápati had apparently been made hereditary in
the Dábháde family (for the owner of the title was quite unfit for
the command of an army), the Ghorpadé family applied at this time
to have it restored to them on the ground that it once had been held
by one of their house. The Peshwa, however, managed to secure their
alliance by a grant of land, and their claims to the chief command
of the army seem to have been waived.
[1743-44.] For the next two years the Marátha force in Gujarát under
Rangoji and Deváji Tákpar was employed by the Musalmáns in their
quarrels regarding the viceroyalty. The Marátha practice of appointing
deputies gives rise to some confusion as to the negotiations that
took place about this time between the Gáikwár's party and the rival
candidates for the office of subhedár. For instance, Umábái Dábháde had
appointed the Gáikwár family as her agents-in-chief, but the principal
members of that house were absent in the Dakhan. Dámáji Gáikwár had
appointed Rangoji, who in his turn left one Krishnáji in charge of the
Marátha share of the city of Ahmedábád. On the departure, however,
of Dámáji from Gujarát, Umábái left Rámáji as her agent. Rámáji,
who seems to have been employed previously by Dámáji, followed the
example of his predecessors and placed one Rámchandra in charge at
Ahmedábád. There does not appear to have been any direct agent of
the Peshwa in Gujarát at this time.
[1745.] On Khanderáv Gáikwár's return from the Dakhan he demanded the
accounts of the tribute from Rangoji, and not being satisfied with
this agent confined him in Borsad and appointed one Trimbakráv in his
place. Umábái caused Rangoji to be set at liberty and sent to her in
the Dakhan, after which she reappointed him her agent. He expelled
Trimbakráv from Ahmedábád, but was attacked by Krishnáji and Gangádhar,
two other late deputies. Dámáji and Khanderáv were obliged at last to
come to Gujarát and summon all these deputies to their presence. A
private arrangement was concluded under which Khanderáv was allowed
by Dámáji to keep Nadiád and Borsad as a private estate and to act as
the Gáikwár's deputy at Baroda. Rangoji was to live at Umreth when not
on active service. Gangádhar and Krishnáji were censured and forbidden
to engage in any independent alliances with the Muhammadan leaders.
[1746.] After this Dámáji sent a general named Kánoji Tákpar to
collect the Sorath tribute whilst he himself retired to Songad.
Rangoji returned to Ahmedábád, and not long after began to quarrel
with the viceroy about the Marátha share in the revenue of the city
ceded in 1728.
[The Gáikwár in Surat, 1747.] In A.D. 1747 Kedárji Gáikwár, cousin of
Dámáji, was asked by Syed Achchan, an aspirant to the governorship of
Surat, to assist him in maintaining possession of that city. Before
Kedárji could reach Surat the disputes as to the succession had been
settled by negotiations, and the aid of Marátha troops was no longer
required. Kedárji, however, finding himself in a position to dictate
terms, demanded three lákhs of rupees for the aid that he was prepared
to give, and as the Surat treasury could not afford to pay this sum in
cash, one-third of the revenues of Surat was promised to the Gáikwár.
[1748.] Rangoji meanwhile attacked Haribá, an adopted son of Khanderáv
Gáikwár, and recovered from him the town and fort of Borsad, which
had been seized during the time that Rangoji had been occupied
with his disputes in Ahmedábád. Khanderáv and Dámáji both turned
against him and captured the fort after a long siege. Rangoji was
then again imprisoned, and not released until the next year when
the Peshwa sent a body of troops into Gujarát. In 1748 Umábái,
widow of Trimbakráv Dábháde, died, leaving one Báburáv guardian of
Yeshvántráv her son. Partly through the solicitations of Khanderáv,
who had private influence with the Dábhádes, partly from the fact of
previous possession, Dámáji was confirmed as deputy of the Maráthás
in Gujarát. He there began to collect an army as quickly as possible,
in order to co-operate with Raghunáth Bhonslé against the Peshwa,
in answer to an appeal by Sakvárbái, widow of Sháhu, to support the
throne against the ministers, and to secure the succession of Sambháji
to the Sátára kingdom. The Peshwa, aware of Dámáji's ill-will towards
himself, did his best to foment disturbances in Gujarát and to extend
his own influence there so as to keep Dámáji away from the Dakhan.
[1750.] The Peshwa accordingly entered into some negotiations with
Jawán Mard Khán, then in power at Ahmedábád, but was unable to lend
substantial aid in Gujarát against Dámáji's agents, as the whole
Marátha power was required in the Dakhan to operate against the son
of the late Nizám-ul-Mulk.
[Dámáji Gáikwár Arrested, 1751.] Next year Dámáji, at the request
of Tárábái, guardian of Rám Rája, ascended the Salpi ghát with a
strong force, defeated the Peshwa's army, and advanced as far as
Sátára. From this position he was forced to retire, and whilst in
treaty with the Peshwa was treacherously seized by the latter and
put into prison. Báláji at once demanded arrears of tribute, but
Dámáji declined to agree to any payment, on the ground that he was no
independent chief but only the agent of the Senápati. He therefore
refused to bind his principal or himself on account of what was due
from his principal. Báláji then imprisoned all the members of the
Gáikwár and Dábháde family that were at that time in the Dakhan.
[The Peshwa and Surat.] The state of Surat was at this time such as
to afford a good opportunity to the Peshwa to obtain a footing there
independently of the English or of Dámáji. He had recently had dealings
with the former in the expeditions against Ángria of Kolába, and as
the merchants had found him one of the most stable and powerful rulers
of the country, they were willing to treat with him for the future
security of their buildings and goods in Surat. Taking advantage of
Dámáji's confinement, Báláji sent Raghunáthráv to Gujarát. This leader,
afterwards so well known as Rághoba, took possession of a few tálukas
in the north-east of the province, but was recalled to the Dakhan
before he could approach Surat. Jawán Mard Khán also took advantage
of Dámáji's absence to make an expedition into Sorath and Káthiáváda
where the Gáikwár family had now established themselves permanently.
[Release of Dámáji, 1752.] The news of these two expeditions made
Dámáji very eager to return to his province; and as he had full
information as to Báláji's plans with regard to Gujarát, he bribed
freely, and in order to regain his liberty consented to much harsher
terms than he would otherwise have done. He agreed to maintain an army
for defence and collection purposes in Gujarát, as well as to furnish
a contingent to the Peshwa's army in the Dakhan, and to contribute
towards the support of the Rája, now in reality a state-prisoner
dependent upon the wishes of his minister. The Gáikwár was also
to furnish the tribute due on account of the Dábháde family, whom
the Peshwa was apparently trying to oust from the administration
altogether. After deducting the necessary expenses of collection
and defence, half the surplus revenue was to be handed over to the
Peshwa. Even after acceding to all these proposals, the Gáikwár was not
at once released. The Peshwa protracted the negotiations, as he had to
contend against a factious court party in whose counsels he knew Dámáji
would play a leading part when once set at liberty. At last, however,
after agreeing to a final request that he would assist Raghunáthráv
against Surat, Dámáji was allowed to go. There was at this time one
Pándurang Pant levying tribute on behalf of the Peshwa in Cambay
and Ahmedábád. The Nawáb of Cambay, not having any reason to like or
trust his neighbour the Gáikwár, had persuaded the Peshwa at the time
the partition of the Marátha rights over Gujarát was being settled at
Poona, to take Cambay into his share of the province. The Nawáb bought
off the agent of his ally with a present of guns and cash. The ruler
of Ahmedábád also came to terms with the Maráthás, so Pándurang was
at liberty to go and see if he could find equal good fortune in Sorath.
[Capture of Ahmedábád, 1753.] Dámáji now came back with a fresh army,
which was soon reinforced by Raghunáthráv. They marched towards
Ahmedábád, and Jawán Mard Khán was too late to intercept them before
they invested the capital. He managed, however, by a bold movement
to enter the town, but after a long siege was obliged to capitulate
and march out with the honours of war. The Maráthás conferred on him
an estate in the north-west of Gujarát, which, however, was recovered
by them some time afterwards.
After taking possession of Ahmedábád in April 1753, Raghunáthráv went
to Sorath, and on his return extorted a large sum as tribute from the
Nawáb of Cambay. He left a deputy in Ahmedábád, [1754.] who marched
against the same chief again in 1754, but on this occasion he could
levy no tribute. As the Nawáb had firmly established himself and
considerably enlarged his dominions, the Peshwa's deputy marched
against him in person a second time, but was defeated and taken
prisoner. The nominee of Raghunáthráv procured his release, and the
Peshwa's deputy continued to demand [1755.] arrears of tribute for his
master till he obtained an agreement to pay at a future date. He then
retired to the Dakhan, and the Nawáb, taking advantage of the lull to
strengthen his army, captured Ahmedábád from the Marátha garrison and
established himself in the city. After a while Dámáji and Khanderáv
Gáikwár, with an agent sent direct by the Peshwa, arrived before the
town and commenced a siege. [1757.] It was not until April 1757 that
the Maráthás again entered the city. The Nawáb surrendered after the
Maráthás had fully ratified the conditions he himself had proposed.
[1758.] Sayájiráv, son of Dámáji, remained in Ahmedábád on behalf of
his father, and the Peshwa's agent Sadáshiv put in a deputy in his
turn and went himself to Surat. Here he was soon joined by Sayáji,
who had to arrange the shares of the tribute in accordance with the
partition treaty of 1751. Next year a body of Marátha troops was
sent to the aid of the Ráv of Kachh, who was engaged in an expedition
against Thatta in Sindh. Sadáshiv lent the Nawáb of Cambay some money
on the part of the Peshwa to enable him to liquidate the arrears of
pay due to his army, but a year afterwards the Marátha army appeared
at the town gates with a demand for two years' arrears of tribute in
full, amounting to Rs. 20,000. The Nawáb managed to raise this sum,
and the Maráthás moved south. Dámáji was at this time in Poona.
[1759.] The Peshwa had supported Syed Achchan of Surat with the view of
putting him under an obligation so as to secure some future advantages,
and this year lent him some troops as a bodyguard. The Nawáb of Cambay,
who was also indebted to the ministerial party, left his dominions
to pay a visit to the Peshwa at Poona. Khanderáv meanwhile plundered
Lunáváda and Ídar, whilst Sayájiráv was similarly engaged in Soráth.
[1761.] Dámáji Gáikwár accompanied the Peshwa to Delhi, and was one of
the few Marátha leaders that escaped after the defeat at Pánipat. On
his return to Gujarát he successfully opposed an expedition by the
Nawáb of Cambay against Bálásinor and re-took the estates of Jawán
Mard Khán. He also strengthened his position in Sorath and Káthiáváda
against the Peshwa's party.
[1761.] The Peshwa, being hard pressed by his rival the Nizám, began
in this year to make overtures to the East India Company's officers
in Bombay, with a view to getting the aid of European artillery
and gunners. He at first offered to give up a valuable tract of
land in Jambusar. But the English would accept no territory but the
island of Sálsette, the town of Bassein, and the small islands in the
harbour of Bombay. These the Marátha government declined to give up,
so negotiations were broken off.
[1762.] Next year Raghunáthráv, as guardian of the son of Báláji, named
Mádhavráv, who was still a minor, conferred the title of Senápati on
one of the Jádhav family who had formerly borne it. The administration
of Gujarát, however, which had always accompanied the title when held
by the Dábháde family, was left practically in the hands of Dámáji,
and no mention of any transfer of it was made at the time Jádhav was
appointed commander-in-chief. Discontented with the empty honour thus
conferred, Rámchandra, the new Senápati, joined the Nizám's party,
and on account of this defection the Peshwa, two years afterwards,
cancelled the appointment and restored the office to the Ghorpade
family, one of whose members had held it long before. This put an
end to the connection of Gujarát with the chief military dignity of
the Marátha state.
[Intrigues of Rághoba, 1768.] After Mádhavráv Báláji came of age he
had constantly to be on this guard against the plots of his uncle
Raghunáthráv, who had refused to accept the share in the government
offered him by the young Peshwa. Raghunáthráv, perhaps instigated by
his wife, had no doubt great hopes of obtaining a share in the whole
power of the administration, and suspecting Mádhavráv to be aware
of his designs, looked upon all the overtures made by the latter as
intended in some way or other to entrap him. He therefore collected an
army of some 15,000 men in Báglán and Násik, and hoping to be joined
on his way by Jánoji Bhonslé, advanced towards Poona. In his army was
Govindráv, son of Dámáji Gáikwár, with a detachment of his father's
troops. The Peshwa, without giving Jánoji time to effect a junction
with Raghunáthráv, even if he had been prepared to do so, defeated his
uncle's army at Dhorap, a fort in the Ajunta range, and carried off
Rághobá and Govindráv to Poona, where they were placed in confinement.
[Death of Dámáji Gáikwár, 1768.] Not long after this action Dámáji
died. He had brought the fortunes of the Gáikwár house to the highest
pitch they ever reached and not long after his death the family
influence began to decline. It was his personal authority alone
that was able to counteract the usual tendency of quasi-independent
Marátha states towards disintegration, especially when they are at
a distance from the central power. Khanderáv and Sayájiráv had shown
frequent signs of insubordination (as for instance in their espousal
of the cause of Rangoji) and a desire to establish themselves in an
independent position, but the sagacity of Dámáji foresaw the advantage
such a partition would give an enemy like the Peshwa, and his tact
enabled him to preserve unity in his family, at least in resistance
to what he showed them to be their common foe.
[Disputed Succession.] The quarrel for the succession that arose
on Dámáji's death was the first step towards the breaking up of the
Gáikwár's power. Dámáji had three wives. By the first he had Govindráv,
who however was born after Sayájiráv, the son by the second wife. His
sons by the third wife were Mánáji and Fatesingh. Govindráv was in
confinement at Poona near the court, and therefore in a position
to offer conditions for the confirmation of his rights without loss
of time.
In the Hindu law current amongst Maráthás, there are to be
found precedents in favour of the heirship of either Govindráv
or Sayájiráv. Some authorities support the rights of the son of
the first wife whether he be the eldest or not, others again regard
simply the age of the claimants, deciding in favour of the first born,
of whatever wife he may be the son. Rámráv Shástri, the celebrated
adviser of Mádhavráv Peshwa, is said to have expressed an opinion
in favour of the rights of Sayájiráv. Govindráv, however, was on
the spot where his influence could be used most extensively. Sayáji,
moreover, was an idiot and a puppet in the hands of his half brother
Fatesingh. Govindráv applied at once for investiture with the
title of Sená-Khás-Khel. A payment of 50 1/2 lákhs of rupees to the
Peshwa on account of arrears of tribute and a fine for his conduct
in taking part with Rághobá was a strong argument in his favour,
and when he agreed to a tribute previously demanded from his father
of Rs. 7,79,000 yearly and to maintain a peace contingent at Poona
of 3000 horse, to be increased by a thousand more in time of war,
there could be little doubt as to the legitimacy of his claim, and
he was duly invested with his father's title and estate.
[1771.] For reasons not apparent Sayáji's claims were not brought
forward till nearly two years later. Govindráv had never been
allowed to join his charge in Gujarát, so that he could exercise no
interference in that direction, and the court affairs in the Dakhan
left perhaps little time for the disposal of Sayájiráv's application,
even if it had been made. Sayáji had entrusted his interests to
Fatesingh, a man of considerable ability, who came at once to Poona to
get a reversal of the recognition of Govindráv. The Peshwa was glad to
have this opportunity of undoing so much of Dámáji's work and dividing
the Gáikwár family against itself, so using the verdict of Rám Shástri
as his weapon, he cancelled the former grant in favour of Govindráv,
and appointed Sayájiráv with Fatesingh as his mutálik or deputy. The
latter, by agreeing to pay an extra sum of 6 1/2 lákhs of rupees
annually, got permission to retain the Poona contingent of Gáikwár
horse in Gujarát, on the pretext that Govindráv would probably attack
his brothers on the earliest opportunity. Thus, whatever happened,
all went to the profit of the Peshwa's party and to the injury of
the tax-paying Gujarát ryot.
[1773.] Fatesingh retired in triumph to Baroda, and opened negotiations
with the English in Surat, as he had been endeavouring to do for a
year past without success. In January 1773, however, he succeeded in
getting an agreement from the Chief for Affairs of the British Nation
in Surat, that his share in the revenues of the town of Broach,
which had been taken by storm in 1772 by the English, should not
be affected by the change of masters. In the same year Náráyanráv
Peshwa was murdered, and Rághobá was invested by the titular king
at Sátára with the ministerial robe of honour. Govindráv Gáikwár,
still in Poona, reminded the new Peshwa of the good offices of the
Gáikwár family at Dhorap and elsewhere, and found means of getting
reinstated as Sená-Khás-Khel. In 1774 he set out for Gujarát,
and collecting a fair number of adherents on his way, he attacked
Fatesingh. [1774.] After various engagements of little importance,
the latter found himself shut into the city of Baroda, which was
invested by Govindráv in January 1775.
[Rághobá Peshwa, 1774.] In the meantime Rághobá had been driven
from power by the intrigues of Bráhmans of a different class from
that to which he belonged, headed by the afterwards well-known Nána
Phadnis. The ex-Peshwa first betook himself towards Málwa, where he
hoped to be joined or at least assisted by Holkar and Sindia. As soon
however as he got together some scattered forces he marched down the
Tápti and opened negotiations with the English through Mr. Gambier,
the chief at Surat. The Bombay Government at once demanded the cession
of Bassein, Sálsette, and the adjacent islands. Rághobá refused,
partly, in all probability, on account of the pride felt by the
Marátha soldiery in their achievements before Bassein at the time of
the great siege. He however offered valuable territory in Gujarát,
yielding a revenue of about eleven lákhs, and to pay six lákhs down
and 1 1/2 lákhs monthly for the maintenance of a European contingent
with artillery. The English at Bombay were debating whether this offer
should not be accepted when news reached them that the Portuguese were
about to organise an expedition to re-take Bassein. Negotiations with
Rághobá were hastily broken off and a small force sent to forestall
the rival Europeans. Before the end of 1774, both Thána and Versova
fort in Sálsette had been taken.
[Rághobá in Gujarát, 1775.] Rághobá now heard that Sindia and Holkar
had been bought over by the ministerial party and would not come to
his assistance. Quickly moving his force down the river he reached
Baroda in January 1775 with 10,000 horse and 400 foot. He joined
Govindráv in investing that town, but sent meanwhile an agent to
re-open the discussion of his proposals in the Bombay Council. This
agent was captured by a party of Fatesingh's horse whilst he was out
on an expedition near Párnera on behalf of Govindráv. On his release
he repaired to Surat and took steps to get a treaty of alliance signed
as soon as possible.
[Rághobá Defeated.] The ministerial army of 30,000 men under Haripant
Phadke entered Gujarát and obliged Govindráv and Rághobá to raise the
siege of Baroda and to retire towards the Mahi. Fatesingh's force then
joined Haripant. An attack on all sides was made (Feb. 17th). Rághobá,
who was in the centre, was first charged, and before Govindráv and
Khanderáv Gáikwár could come to his assistance his best officers were
wounded, some of his Arab mercenaries refused to fight as large arrears
of pay were due to them, and he was defeated on both flanks. He fled to
Cambay with only 1000 horse; whilst the two Gáikwárs and Manáji Sindia
(Phadke) led the rest of the scattered army to Kapadvanj, where it
was again set in order. The Nawáb of Cambay, fearing lest the Marátha
army should come in pursuit, shut the town gates on the fugitive
and refused to give him shelter. [Reaches Surat.] Mr. Malet, chief
of the English residents, who had been informed of the negotiations
in progress between his Government and Rághobá, contrived to get the
ex-Peshwa conveyed privately to Bhávnagar and from thence by boat to
Surat. Here he arrived on February 23rd.
[Treaty of Surat, 1775.] The stipulations of the treaty negotiated
by Narotamdás, agent of Rághobá, and the Bombay Government were:
The English to provide a force of 3000 men, of which 800 were to
be Europeans and 1700 natives, together with a due proportion of
artillery. In return for this Rághobá, still recognized as Peshwa,
was to cede in perpetuity Sálsette, Bassein and the islands, Jambusar,
and Olpád. He also made over an assignment of Rs. 75,000 out of the
revenues of Anklesvar, the remaining portion of which district,
together with Ámod, Hánsot, and Balsár was placed under British
management as security for the monthly contribution of 1 1/2 lákhs
for the support of the troops in his service. He also promised
to procure the cession of the Gáikwár's share in the revenues of
Broach. Sundry other provisions (dealing with different parts of the
Marátha dominions) were inserted, Rághobá being treated throughout as
the representative of the Marátha kingdom. This treaty was signed on
March 6th, 1775, at Surat, but on the previous day there had been a
debate in the Council at Bombay as to the propriety of continuing to
support Rághobá, as the news from Gujarát made the British authorities
doubtful whether the contingent they had already sent to Surat was
enough to ensure success.
[Colonel Keating in Gujarát.] Just before the treaty was drawn up,
at the end of February Lieut.-Colonel Keating had been despatched in
command of 350 European infantry 800 sepoys 80 European artillerymen
and 60 gun lascars with others, in all about 1500 men, ready for
active service. This force landed at Surat four days after Rághobá had
arrived from Bhávnagar. Before receiving this token of the intention
of the British to support Rághobá, the Nawáb had treated the latter
simply as a fugitive, but upon finding that the Bombay Government had
determined to make the ex-Peshwa their ally, he paid the customary
visits and offered presents as to a superior.
[Keating Sails with Rághobá for Cambay.] When the news reached Surat
that Govindráv's troops and the rest had been reorganized at Kapadvanj,
it was determined to effect a junction with them by landing Colonel
Keating's detachment at Cambay and from thence marching north.
[Rághobá in Cambay, 1775.] Considerable delay occurred in carrying out
the first part of this proposal. First of all Rághobá detained the army
at Dumas [1060] whilst he paid a visit of ceremony to the frequented
temple of Bhimpor in the neighbourhood. Then again, the convoy met
with contrary winds the whole way up the gulf, and it was not till
March 17th that the contingent landed. The Nawáb, accompanied by the
British Resident, paid a visit of ceremony and presented nazaránás
to Rághobá as a sort of atonement for his previous discourtesy and
neglect. The Maráthás, however, knowing that this change of tone was
entirely due to the presence and alliance of the Europeans, paid much
more attention to the latter than to the Muhammadans.
[Govindráv Gáikwár's Army.] The British contingent encamped at a place
called Náráyan-Sarovar, just north of the town. Here they waited
until the reinforcement from Bombay arrived, bringing the whole
force up to the complement stipulated for in the treaty. Rághobá's
army under Govindráv Gáikwár was reported to be moving southwards,
and Colonel Keating agreed to let it pass the Sábarmati river before
joining it. Meanwhile the enemy, said to number 40,000 infantry and
12,000 cavalry, marched north to intercept Govindráv. The latter,
however, by forced marches succeeded in crossing the Sábarmati
before the arrival of the ministerial army, and encamped a few miles
north-east of Cambay at a place called Darmaj or Dara. Here Colonel
Keating joined him about the middle of April.
Govindráv's army consisted of about 8000 fighting men and nearly 18,000
camp followers. These latter were chiefly Pindháris who used to attach
themselves to the camp of one of the Marátha chiefs, on condition of
surrendering to him half their plunder. Each chief had his separate
encampment, where he exercised independent authority over his own
troops, although bound to general obedience to the commander-in-chief
of the whole army. The confusion of this arrangement is described by
an eye-witness as utterly destructive of all military discipline. To
add to the cumbrousness of such an expedition, most of the Pindháris
brought their wives and children with them, the cooking pots and
plunder being carried on bullocks and ponies, of which there were
altogether nearly 200,000 attached to the troops. In every camp
there was a regular bazár where cash payment or barter passed equally
current, so that a premium was thus placed on the pilfering of small
articles by the Pindháris, whose stipulations as to plunder were
confined neither to friend nor enemy.
[Advance of the Combined Forces.] When all needful preparations had
been made, the army, accompanied by a battery of ten guns, besides
mortars and howitzers, all of which were manned by Europeans, moved
out against the enemy. The latter slowly retreated, burning the crops
and forage and destroying the water-supply on its way. On the 20th
April the first engagement took place at Usámli, resulting in the
repulse of the ministerial troops. On May 1st a similar skirmish on
the banks of the Vátrak drove the ministerialists into Kaira. From
this post they were driven after a series of slight engagements with
the army of Rághobá, which crossed the river at Mátar. Fatesingh now
received a reinforcement of 10,000 horse under Khanderáv Gáikwár, but
to counterbalance this aid, Sindia and Holkar from some unexplained
cause, connected probably with intrigues at Poona, withdrew from
further co-operation with him. Colonel Keating was unable to follow up
the advantages he had gained owing to the large proportion of cavalry
in the enemy's army. He therefore continued his march southwards,
after persuading Rághoba to spend the monsoon in Poona, where he
would be on the spot to counteract intrigues, instead of at Ahmedábád,
as had been at first proposed.
On May 8th the army reached Nadiád, after repulsing on the road two
attacks by the enemy's cavalry. This result was obtained chiefly
by means of the European light artillery. Nadiád belonged at this
time to Khanderáv Gáikwár, and to punish his defection to Fatesingh,
Rághobá inflicted a fine of 60,000 rupees on the town. The amount was
assessed on the several castes in proportion to their reputed means
of payment. The Bháts, a peculiar people of whom more hereafter,
objected to being assessed, and slaughtered each other in public:
so that the guilt of their blood might fall on the oppressor. The
Bráhmans, who also claimed exemption from all taxation, more astutely
brought two old women of their caste into the market place and there
murdered them. Having made this protest, both castes paid their
contributions. Rághobá injudiciously wasted seven days over the
collection of this fine, and in the end only levied 40,000 rupees.
[Defeat of Fatesingh, 1775.] On May 14th the march was resumed, under
the usual skirmishing onslaughts of the ministerial party. At Arás,
where Rághobá had been defeated shortly before, he was in imminent
danger of a second and still more serious discomfiture. An order
mistaken by a British company, and the want of discipline on the
part of Rághobá's cavalry nearly led to a total defeat with great
slaughter. The European infantry and artillery, however, turned
the fortunes of the day. The troops of Fatesingh were allowed to
approach in pursuit to within a few yards of the batteries, all the
guns of which then opened on them with grape, the infantry meanwhile
plying their small arms along the whole line. Fatesingh was obliged
to withdraw his diminished forces and the army of Rághobá received no
further molestations from him on its way to the Mahi. Colonel Keating
then ordered a general move to Broach, where he arrived safely on 27th
May, after a troublesome march through the robber-infested country
between the Dhádhar river and Ámod.
[The Ministerial General Retreats.] Here they remained until June
8th, when Colonel Keating was about to move south again. Luckily,
as it turned out for him, the nearest ford was impassable and he had
to march to one higher up at a place variously called Bába Piára or
Báva Pir. On his way thither he heard that Haripant, the ministerial
commander-in-chief, was halting on the north bank by the ford; he
therefore pushed on to make an attack on the rear, but owing partly to
timely information received and partly to the confusion caused by the
irrepressibility of Rághobá's cavalry, Haripant had time to withdraw
all his force except some baggage and ammunition, which, with a few
guns, he was forced in the hurry of his passage across the river to
leave behind. [Colonel Keating at Dabhoi, 1775.] Colonel Keating
then marched fourteen miles north from the ford and halted before
proceeding to Dabhoi, a town belonging to Fatesingh. The general
ignorance of tactics and want of discipline in the native army had
determined Colonel Keating not to lead his force as far as Poona,
but to spend the monsoon near Baroda.
Rághobá detached one of his generals, Amir Khán, in pursuit
of Ganeshpant, whom Hari Pant had left as his deputy in
Gujarát. Ganeshpant with a detachment of the ministerial army had
separated from Hari at the Bába Piára ford and found his way through
the wild country on the north of the Tápti towards Ahmedábád. He was
finally caught by Amir Khán.
Dabhoi was at this time in charge of a Bráhman governor, who submitted
on the approach of Rághobá's army. Colonel Keating quartered his
force in the town, but Rághobá, after exacting a levy of three
lákhs of rupees, encamped at Bhilápur on the Dhádhar, ten miles from
Dabhoi. Here he began to negotiate with Fatesingh in Baroda through
the mediation of Colonel Keating. Fatesingh was all the more ready
to come to definite terms of agreement, as he knew that Govindráv
was on the watch to recover Baroda.
[Rághobá and the Gáikwárs.] It is not certain what the terms proposed
and agreed to really were. The only record of them is a copy sent
in 1802 to the Resident at Poona by Governor Duncan. According to
this document Govindráv was to lose his pension and to occupy the
same position as before the accession of Rághobá. Khanderáv was to
revert to the situation in which he had been placed by Dámáji. The
provision of the treaty of the 6th March regarding the Gáikwár's
claims on Broach was ratified, and as a reward for the mediation of
the Bombay Government, the Gáikwár ceded to the British in perpetuity
the sub-divisions of Chikhli and Variáv near Surat and Koral on
the Narbada. Before this treaty could be concluded, Colonel Keating
received orders to withdraw his contingent into British territory
and to leave Rághobá to manage for himself. This change of policy
was due to the disapproval by the Supreme Government of the treaty of
6th March, which they alleged had been made inconsistently with the
negotiations then being carried on with the ruling powers at Poona
as well as with the authority of the Calcutta Government. The treaty
was therefore declared to be invalid and the troops in the field were
ordered by the Supreme Government to be withdrawn at once into British
garrisons. A special envoy, Colonel Upton, was sent from Bengal to
negotiate a treaty with the Ministers in accordance with the views
current in Calcutta.
[Withdrawal of the British Contingent.] As soon as the roads were
open Colonel Keating moved towards Surat, but at the solicitation of
Rághobá he disobeyed his orders so far as to encamp at Kadod, about
twenty miles east of Surat, but not in British territory. Here he
awaited the results of the overtures of Colonel Upton. This envoy
remained at Poona from the 28th December 1775 till the 1st March
1776, on which date [Negotiations at Poona.] he signed the treaty of
Purandhar, in which the office only and not the name of the Peshwa is
mentioned. By this compact the Peshwa ceded all claims on the revenue
of Broach together with land in the neighbourhood of that town to
the British. He also paid twelve lákhs of rupees in compensation for
the expenses of the war. Sálsette was to be either retained by the
English or restored in exchange for territory yielding three lákhs
of rupees annually. The cessions made by Fatesingh Gáikwár were to be
restored to him if the Peshwa's Government could prove that he had no
right to make them without due authorization from Poona. The treaty
of the 6th March was declared null and void. Rághobá was to disband
his army and take a pension. If he resisted, the English were to give
him no assistance. If he agreed to the terms proposed, he was to live
at Kopargaon [1061] on the Godávari with an ample pension. When he
received information as to the terms of the new treaty, he at once
declined to accept the pension, and, as he could not understand the
position of the Bombay Government with regard to that at Calcutta, he
proceeded to offer still more favourable terms for further assistance.
[Rághobá at Surat, 1776.] Rághobá was at Mándvi [1062] on the Tápti
when he was finally given to understand that the British could no
longer aid him. He thereupon took refuge in Surat with two hundred
followers. The rest of his army which had been ordered to disperse,
gathered round Surat, on pretence of waiting for the payment of the
arrears due to them. As their attitude was suspicious, and there were
rumours of an expedition having started from Poona under Haripant to
subdue them, the Bombay Government garrisoned Surat and Broach with
all the forces it could spare.
Colonel Upton meanwhile offered Rághobá, on behalf of the ministers,
a larger pension with liberty of residing at Benares. This also
was declined, and the ex-Peshwa fled to Bombay, where he lived on a
monthly pension allotted him by the Government.
On 20th August 1776, a despatch of the Court of Directors arrived
confirming the treaty of the 6th March 1775. At first the Bombay
Government were inclined to take this as authorizing the retention
of all the territory ceded, but on further deliberation it was
decided that as the treaty of Purandhar had been ratified by the
Supreme Government subsequent to the signing of the despatch, which
was dated 5th April 1776, it was evident that the Court of Directors
did not mean to uphold the previous engagement more than temporarily,
or until the final treaty had been concluded.
[Negotiations at Poona, 1777.] At the end of 1776, a Bombay officer
was sent in place of Colonel Upton to be a resident envoy at Poona
for the carrying out of the provisions of the treaty. Mr. Mostyn
was the person selected, and he arrived in Poona in March 1777. He
soon found that the ministers had little intention of adhering to
the treaty, so he at once took up the question that he thought it
most important to the Bombay Government to have settled, namely the
relations of the Peshwa's Court with Fatesingh Gáikwár as regards
the cessions of territory. The ministers asserted that the Gáikwárs
merely administered Gujarát on the part of the Peshwa and were entirely
dependent upon the Poona government, so that they could conclude no
agreement with foreign states except with its approbation. Fatesingh
did not deny the dependence, but evaded the question of his right to
make direct treaties and claimed the restitution of the cessions on
the ground that Raghunáthráv had failed to perform his part of the
stipulations. The point was discussed for some time, and at last the
question of dependence seems to have been let drop, for in February
1778 Fatesingh paid up the arrears of tribute, made the usual presents
to the ministers and their favourites, and was again invested with
the title of Sená-Khás-Khel.
In October a despatch from the Court of Directors reached the
Governments of Bengal and Bombay, disapproving of the treaty of
Purandhar, but ratifying it on the principle factum valet. It was
suggested, however, that in case of evasion on the part of the
ministers, a fresh treaty should be concluded with Rághobá on the
lines of that of 1775.
[Fresh Alliance with Rághobá, 1778.] In November 1778 it was rumoured
that the ministers in Poona were intriguing with the French, so the
Bombay Government took this opportunity of entering into a treaty with
Rághobá, who was still in Bombay. He confirmed the grants of 1775,
and as security for the pay of the British contingent that was to
help in placing him on the Peshwa's throne in Poona, he agreed to
assign the revenues of Balsár and the remainder of Anklesvar, as he
had done before. He stipulated, however, that his own agents should
collect the dues from these districts, and that the British should
take charge of them only in case of the full sum due not being paid
and then merely as a temporary measure.
[The Convention of Bhadgaon, 1779.] On the 22nd November 1778 the
force moved out of Bombay, and by dint of mismanagement and internal
dissension the campaign was brought to an end by the convention of the
16th January 1779. Under this agreement all possessions in Gujarát
acquired since the time of Mádhavráv Peshwa were to be restored by
the British, together with Sálsette, Uran, and other islands. Rághobá
was to be made over to Sindia's charge, and a separate treaty assigned
to Sindia the sovereignty of Broach.
[Negotiation with the Gáikwár.] The Council at Bombay disavowed the
convention and were inclined to adhere only to the clause allotting
Broach to Sindia. Mr. Hornby proposed to the Supreme Government an
alliance with Fatesingh, engaging to free him from dependence on the
Poona Government and to reconcile the disputants within the Gáikwár
family itself. After the arrival of General Goddard with reinforcements
from Bengal the Governor General approved of the alliance proposed
with Fatesingh as head of the Baroda state, but specially declined
to admit any participation or support in the family disputes. The
British were to conquer for themselves the Peshwa's share of Gujarát,
if they were able to do so.
[Rághobá Escapes from Sindia, 1779.] Rághobá, meanwhile, who had been
given over to Sindia to be conveyed to Bundelkhand, escaped with the
connivance of his custodian and fled to Broach. This was evidently a
move calculated by Sindia to bring on hostilities between Nána Phadnis,
the head of the ministerial party, and the English. General Goddard,
who was conducting the negotiations with Poona on the part both of the
Supreme Government and of the Government of Bombay, received Rághobá on
June 12th, but evaded any proposals for a direct alliance. At the end
of the rains of the same year, information was received by the English
that a coalition against them had been [League against the English,
1780.] formed by the Maráthás, the Nizám, and Hyder Ali of Mysor. The
rumour was partially confirmed by the demand by Nána Phadnis for the
cession of Sálsette and the person of Rághobá as preliminaries to any
treaty. No answer was given, but reinforcements were called for and
the overtures with Fatesingh pushed forward. This chief prevaricated
about the terms of the treaty and evidently did not like to enter
into any special engagement that might perhaps bring down upon him
the Poona army. General Goddard therefore advanced on 1st January
1780 against Dabhoi, which was garrisoned by the Peshwa's troops
from the Dakhan, whilst the English in Broach expelled the Marátha
officers from their posts and re-took possession of Anklesvar, Hánsot,
and Ámod. On January 20th Dabhoi was evacuated by the Maráthás and
occupied by General Goddard. Fatesingh now showed himself willing to
enter into the proposed treaty, and on the 26th January 1780 signed
an offensive and defensive alliance.
[Treaty with Fatesingh Gáikwár.] In the re-opening of hostilities
there was no mention of Rághobá, but the ground given was
simply the non-fulfilment on the part of the Peshwa of his treaty
engagement. Rághobá remained under English supervision in the enjoyment
of a large allowance. Dabhoi was occupied by an English civil officer
with a detachment of irregulars, and General Goddard moved towards
Ahmedábád.
By the treaty of 1780 the Peshwa was to be excluded from Gujarát. To
avoid confusion in collection, the district north of the Mahi was to
belong entirely to the share of the Gáikwár. The English were to enjoy
the whole district south of the Tápti, together with the Gáikwár share
in the revenue of Surat. In return for the support the English were
to give him in withholding tribute from the Peshwa, Fatesingh ceded
Sinor on the Narbada and the Gáikwár's villages round Broach. These
cessions, however, were not to have effect until Fatesingh was in
possession of Ahmedábád. The contingent of 3000 horse was to be still
furnished by the Gáikwár government.
[General Goddard takes Ahmedábád, 1780.] As soon as these conditions
were agreed upon, General Goddard went with his own army and the
contingent furnished by Fatesingh to Ahmedábád. After encamping before
it for five days, he took the city by storm on 15th February 1780.
[Operations against Sindia and Holkar.] Sindia and Holkar had combined
their forces against the English and were marching up Gujarát,
plundering on their way. They were opposed by General Goddard, who
marched across the Mahi early in March. The allies turned off towards
Chámpáner without risking a pitched battle on the plain. Sindia at
once opened negotiations with the view of wasting time during the fair
season. His first proposal was that Rághobá should be sent to Jhánsi,
where Sindia had allotted him an estate, and that Bájiráv, Rághobá's
son, should be appointed diván or manager of the Peshwa Mádhavráv,
who was a minor. Bájiráv himself was under age, so Sindia was, of
course, to assume temporarily the reins of government.
Goddard at once refused to force Rághobá to take any course other
than the one he should select of his own free will; for Sindia did not
appear to be aware that the English were now at war with the ministers
on their own account and not as allies of an ex-Peshwa. Negotiations
were broken off and Sindia and Holkar dislodged from place after
place without any decisive engagement being fought. General Goddard
was preparing monsoon quarters for his army, when he heard that a
division of a Marátha force which had been plundering the Konkan in
order to cut off supplies from Bombay had attacked parts of the Surat
Athávisi. He detached some troops under Lieut. Welsh and sent them
to the south, whilst he remained himself on the Narbada. Lieut. Welsh
drove back the marauders and took possession of the forts of Párnera,
Indargad, and Bagváda.
After the monsoon of 1780, General Goddard went to besiege Bassein,
leaving Major Forbes in charge of the Gujarát army. This officer posted
one body of troops at Ahmedábád for the protection of Fatesingh,
another at Surat, and a third at Broach. Two battalions of Bengal
infantry were sent to Sinor and some few men to Dabhoi.
[1781.] An attack was made by Sindia on the newly acquired district of
Sinor, but Major Forbes successfully resisted it and Sindia's position
with regard to his own dominions was now such as to prevent him from
sending more expeditions against Gujarát.
The military necessities of other parts of India were such as to
induce General Goddard to apply to Fatesingh for an increase to his
contingent, in accordance with the treaty of 1780. After some personal
communications with this Chief in Gujarát, General Goddard was able
to arrange with the Gáikwár for the defence of part of that province
and thus set free some European troops for service elsewhere.
[Treaty of Sálbai, 1782.] No further attack was made in this direction
during the continuance of the war which came to an end on 17th May
1782. The treaty of Sálbai between an envoy of the Governor General
on one side and Mahádáji Sindia as plenipotentiary for the Peshwa
and minister of Poona on the other, replaced the Marátha territory
in Gujarát exactly where it was on the outbreak of hostilities
against Rághobá in 1775. It was, however, specially stipulated that
no demand for arrears of tribute during the late hostilities should
be made against the Gáikwár, a clause that led to misunderstandings
many years later. The town of Broach was given over to Sindia in
accordance with the secret negotiation of 1779 and the votes of the
Bengal and Bombay Councils. The territory round Broach yielding a
revenue of three lákhs of rupees, ceded by the Peshwa, was likewise
returned. Rághobá was granted a pension of 25,000 rupees a month and
allowed to select his own place of residence. He went to Kopargaon
and there died a few months after the conclusion of the treaty of
Sálbai. Thus came to an end one of the chief sources of disturbance
to the Poona government. For the next six years no event of any
political importance took place in Gujarát, which province was left
almost entirely to the administration of the Gáikwár family.
[Death of Fatesingh, 1789.] In 1789, however, Fatesingh died,
leaving Sayájiráv without a guardian. Mánáji, a younger brother,
at once seized the reins of government and began the usual sort of
negotiations to secure his recognition by the Poona government. He
paid a nazarána of 3,13,000 rupees and agreed to pay up thirty-six
lákhs of rupees as arrears, though it is not clear on what account,
unless that sum had accrued since the treaty of Sálbai, or was part
of the long standing account left open by Dámáji in 1753. Mánáji,
however, was not allowed to succeed to the post of guardian without
opposition. Govindráv Gáikwár was living at Poona, and, though he had
himself little influence with the Peshwa's immediate adherents, he had
managed to secure the then powerful Sindia on his side. This chief,
since his recognition as plenipotentiary at the treaty of Sálbai,
had been gradually making good his position with the Peshwa and his
favourites as well as with the leading Marátha nobles, so as to be able
to successfully oppose Nána Phadnis when the time came for a coalition
of the outlying chiefs against the ministerial party. Govindráv offered
his son Ánandráv as husband for the daughter of Sindia, a proposal
which it is not probable that he ever intended to carry out. A grant
of three lákhs of rupees was also promised, in return for which Sindia
allowed his garrison in Broach to assist Govindráv's illegitimate son
Kánhoji to reach Baroda. Mánáji applied to the Bombay Government on
the grounds that the steps taken by Govindráv were contrary to the
provisions of the treaty of 1780. As however this treaty had been
abrogated by the later agreement at Sálbai, the Bombay Government
declined to interfere. Mánáji's agents at Poona contrived to get
Nána Phadnis to propose a compromise, to which however Govindráv,
at the instigation probably of Sindia, declined to accede. Before
any decision was reached Mánáji died.
[1793.] Nána detained Govindráv in Poona till he had agreed to hold by
former stipulations and to cede to the Peshwa the Gáikwár's share in
the districts south of the Tápti together with his share of the Surat
customs. To this the Government of Bombay demurred as an infraction
of the provision of the Sálbai treaty whereby the integrity of the
Gáikwár's possessions was assured. Nána Phadnis at once withdrew his
proposals. Govindráv at last joined his brother at Baroda on 19th
December, and took up the office of regent.
[Ába Shelukar Deputy Governor of Gujarát, 1796.] For two years
Gujarát remained quiet. In 1796 Bájiráv, son of Rághobá, succeeded to
the Peshwa's dignity and at once appointed his younger brother, ten
years of age, governor of Gujarát. In accordance with Marátha custom
a deputy was sent to take charge of the province, one Ába Shelukar,
and he too seems to have administered vicariously, for next year
(1797) we find him amongst those taken prisoners with Nána Phadnis
when that minister was treacherously seized by Daulatráv Sindia in the
Dakhan. Ába was released on promising to pay ten lákhs of rupees as
ransom. [1797.] He then joined his appointment as subhedár in order
to take measures to get together the money he required.
[Disputes between Ába and Govindráv Gáikwár.] Bájiráv Peshwa was
anxious to embroil Ába with Govindráv, whom he knew to be favourable
to Nána Phadnis and too powerful to be allowed to acquire influence
beyond the reach of head-quarter supervision. A cause of quarrel soon
arose. Daulatráv pressed Ába for part payment of the above ten lákhs,
and the latter being unable to squeeze enough out of his own territory,
forced contributions from some of the villages administered by the
Gáikwár. Govindráv at once took up arms against him and applied for aid
to the English Agent at Surat. In this city Governor Jonathan Duncan
had just assumed chief authority in accordance with an agreement
between the English and the Nawáb. Duncan was anxious to secure for
his government the land round Surat and the Gáikwár's share in the
chauth of the town and district. Govindráv, when this demand was
made, referred the Governor to Poona, knowing that under the treaty
of Sálbai the British Government had no more right to acquire a
share of the Gáikwár territory than the Poona authorities had when
they made a somewhat similar demand in 1793, which was withdrawn as
stated above. Before the reference could be made, Ába was penned up
by Govindráv's own army in Ahmedábád and forced to surrender that
city. He was kept in confinement for more than seven years.
[Gujarát farmed to the Gáikwár, 1799.] In the same year (1799) the
Peshwa, apparently without formally revoking the appointment of his
brother Chimnáji as Subhedár, gave Govindráv a farm for five years
of his whole rights in Gujarát, at the rate of five lákhs of rupees
a year. These rights included shares in the Káthiáváda and Sorath
tribute, the revenue of Petlád, Nápád, Ránpur, Dhandhuka, and Gogha,
together with rights to certain customs dues in Cambay and a share
in the revenue of the city of Ahmedábád. Govindráv unfortunately died
a month before this farm was formally made over by the Peshwa.
[Ánandráv Gáikwár, 1800.] As had happened at the death of Dámáji, so
again now, the heir Ánandráv was all but an idiot and quite incapable
of managing his affairs. The disputes as to the guardianship again
set the whole state in confusion. Kánhoji, a son of Govindráv by a
Rájputni princess of Dharampor, who had been the first agent of his
father in Baroda in 1793, had been put in prison for refusing to give
place to Govindráv when the latter at length joined him at Baroda. At
the death of Govindráv, Kánhoji managed to obtain his liberty and
to secure the ascendancy in the counsels of his weak-minded elder
brother. He assumed, in fact, the whole government. His arrogant
conduct in this new position excited the Arab guard against him and
he was again thrown into confinement. His mother Gajrábái, who was
a refugee in Surat, endeavoured to get assistance from the English
there, and at the same time made overtures to Malhár, son of Khanderáv
Gáikwár, who had formerly been one of Govindráv's bitterest opponents.
[1800.] Meanwhile the administration of the Gáikwár's affairs passed
into the hands of Rávji and Bábáji Áppa, two brothers who had been
brought to Baroda in 1793 by Govindráv himself. Rávji took charge of
the civil work, whilst Bábáji undertook the military duties, which
at that time consisted in great measure in collecting the revenue by
show of force. These two ministers, on hearing of the proceedings of
[The British aid Govindráv's Party.] Gajrábái, outbid her for the aid
of the Bombay Government. In addition to the cessions formerly offered
by Govindráv, they were willing to give up Chikhli also. Matters were
precipitated by the successes of Malháráv in the field. Rávji offered
to subsidize five European battalions, and Governor Duncan took upon
himself the responsibility of sending an auxiliary force of 1600
men under Major Walker to act with the troops of Rávji and Bábáji
north of Ahmedábád. Reinforcements were afterwards sent up, but the
campaign was not closed till April 1802, when the fort of Kadi had
been taken by storm. Malháráv surrendered and a residence in Nadiád
was assigned him with a liberal pension out of the revenues of that
sub-division. The fort of Sankheda, which had been held by Ganpatráv
Gáikwár for his cousin Malháráv, was soon after this reduced and the
country for a time pacified.
[The British and the Gáikwár, 1800.] In March Rávji had an interview
at Cambay with Governor Duncan, which was followed on June 6th by a
definite treaty, of which the groundwork had been previously sketched
in anticipation of the reduction of the revolted Gáikwárs. Two
thousand men, besides artillery, were to be subsidized and a jáidád
or assignment for their payment was made on the revenue of Dholka and
the part of Nadiád not assigned to Malhárráv. Chikhli was given to the
British in reward for their aid in storming Kadi, and Residents were
to be appointed reciprocally. A large sum of money was borrowed by
Rávji, partly from Bombay partly from Baroda bankers, to pay off the
arrears due to about 7000 Arab mercenaries, who had usurped a great
deal of objectionable influence in civil affairs at the Gáikwár's
capital. Major Walker was appointed Resident and proceeded to Baroda
on 8th June.
[The Gáikwár's Minister Rávji.] On the same day was signed a secret
compact assuring Rávji of the support of the British Government
and awarding him a village out of the territory ceded by the treaty
of June 6th. It was deemed advisable by the British Government to
have at the Baroda court some leading personage who might, in the
present state of the relations between Bombay and Poona, further
the designs of the former government in preventing a recurrence of
the coalition of Marátha powers. Rávji was sure of his reward if he
served British interests, whilst in case of the reorganization of
a Marátha confederacy the state he was administering would probably
play but a very subordinate part in subsequent events.
[Treaty of Bassein, 31st Dec. 1802.] The treaty of June 6th was
disapproved by the Court of Directors as being in direct contravention
of the treaty of Sálbai. Before, however, any orders had been issued
by the Home authorities to restore to the Gáikwár the territory he
had ceded, the Peshwa, out of regard for whom the treaty had been
disavowed, was a fugitive before the army of Holkar, and by December
had ratified these very concessions at the treaty of Bassein. By
this treaty the Peshwa virtually placed his independence in the
hands of the British. He ceded his share of Surat, thus giving them
sole control over that district. In payment of the subsidiary force
required he handed over territory in Gujarát, the revenue of which
amounted to 12,28,000 rupees, and finally he constituted the British
Government arbiter in the disputes between his government and that
of Baroda. The grants made by the Gáikwár for the support of the
subsidiary force amounted in 1802 to 7,80,000 rupees.
[Arabs Disbanded.] Major Walker attempted to negotiate with the Arab
guard, but the greater part of them flew to arms and released Kánhoji
Gáikwár. The latter then tried to collect an army near Baroda, and
succeeded in obtaining possession of the person of Ánandráv the titular
ruler. The British force then took Baroda by storm, after which most
of the Arabs submitted, except a few who joined Kánhoji. The rest took
the arrears due to them and left the country. Kánhoji was not subdued
till February 1803. [Malhárráv in Revolt, 1803.] Malhárráv meanwhile
had broken out in rebellion in Káthiáváda and was plundering the
Marátha possessions there. Bábáji Áppáji and a young officer named
Vithal Deváji (or Divánji) led the operations against him; and to
the latter belongs the honour of having captured this troublesome
member of the ruling family. The estate of Nadiád, which had been
assigned to Madhavráo by Govindráv, was resumed by Rávji Áppáji
and made over in its entirety to the British Government. A treaty,
supplementary to that of 1802, was drawn up guaranteeing this cession
as well as the inám or free gift of the fort and district of Kaira,
"out of gratitude for the support given in the recent troubles to the
Gáikwár's honour and for assistance in securing the good of the State."
[Contingent Strengthened, 1803.] Very soon after this agreement Rávji
applied for an addition to the subsidiary force, in payment of which
he assigned Mátar Mahudha and the customs of Kim-Kathodra, a station
about seventeen miles north of Surat. His reason for strengthening the
subsidiary force appears to have been that owing to the reduction of
the Arabs, his own force was not enough to guard even the frontier,
and that a great part of that duty fell on the European contingent,
which was numerically insufficient for service on so extended a
scale. [Death of Rávji, 1803.] This was the last public act of note
on the part of Rávji Áppa, who died in July 1803, after adopting one
Sitárám to succeed to his estate.
[War with Sindia.] Whilst these arrangements were being carried
out at Baroda, Bájiráv Peshwa, chafing at the dependence to which
his straits of the previous winter had reduced him with regard to
the English, was actively propagating dissension between Sindia and
the Calcutta Government. Not long after, the war that had been some
time imminent broke out, and a contingent of 7352 men from Gujarát
was ordered to the field. In August or September Broach and Pávágad
[1063] both fell to the British.
[The Revenue Collecting Force.] Under the treaty of Sirjé Anjangaon
in December 1803, both Pávágad and Dohad were restored to Sindia,
but Broach remained British. By this means one of the rising Marátha
powers was extruded from the centre to the outlying portion of
the province. The employment of all the British contingent against
Sindia's possessions in Gujarát precluded Major Walker from furnishing
any portion of the army that was annually sent to collect the tribute
in Káthiáváda. Rávji Áppáji had expressly stipulated that some part
of the contingent might be so used when it could be spared from
its main duties. The Supreme Government agreed to the proposal when
made by Governor Duncan, on the grounds of the advantage both to the
Gáikwár and the tributaries of employing on this disagreeable duty
a strong and well-disciplined force. Already some of the tributaries
had made overtures to Major Walker with a view to obtaining British
protection against powerful neighbours. Governor Duncan was in
favour of accepting the duty of protection and also of helping
the Gáikwár's commander in his expeditions through the peninsula
on these grounds. Firstly, the officer in command could exercise a
certain supervision over the collections in which the British as part
assignees had a direct interest. Secondly, a way could thus be opened
for the acquisition of a port on the coast from which the intrigues,
supposed to be carried on by agents from the Isle of France, could
be watched and counteracted. From such a point, too, the views of
the Bombay Government as regards Kachh could be promoted. Thirdly,
the commandant could take steps to improve the system of forcible
collections, and towards abolishing the barbarous features of this
rude method of levying tribute. He could also, perhaps, suggest some
system by which the advantages of all three parties concerned would
be better secured than by reliance on the uncertainty of temporary
expeditions. The fourth and last reason given savours strongly of the
Marátha policy of the time, of which the leading maxim was Divide et
impera. It was represented that Bábáji, who had successfully collected
the tribute during 1802-03 and whose subordinate and companion Vithal
Deváji was a person of similar energy and capability, might possibly
acquire too great influence if left in a quasi-independent command
at such a distance from the Court. It was politic, then, to join with
the force under his command a strong foreign body, thus dividing both
the power and the responsibility. The war with Sindia caused these
proposals to fall into abeyance for some time.
[Renewal of Farm, 1804.] Meanwhile the Resident at Poona was doing his
best to secure for the Gáikwár a further lease for ten years of the
farm of the Peshwa's dominions in Gujarát, so that the inconveniences
of dual government might be avoided. In October 1804 a ten years'
farm was granted in the name of Bhagvantráv Gáikwár at an annual rate
of 4 1/2 lákhs of rupees.
[The British and the Gáikwár, 1805.] This grant led to the
consolidation of all previous engagements into a single treaty, which
was signed in April 1805. Previous agreements were confirmed and the
whole brought into consonance with the treaty of Bassein. Districts
yielding 11,70,000 rupees per annum were made over for the support
of the subsidiary force, and arrangements were also made for the
repayment of the cash loan advanced by the British Government in 1802,
when the liquidation of the arrears due to the Arabs was a matter of
urgent political necessity. The British contingent was to be available
in part for service in Káthiáváda, whenever the British Government
thought such an employment of it advisable.
Finally, the British Government was constituted arbiter in all
disputes of the Gáikwár, not alone with foreign powers, but also in the
adjustment of his financial transactions with the Peshwa his paramount
power. These transactions, which ranged back from the capture of
Dámáji in 1751, had never been the subject of a formal investigation,
and were by this time complicated by the numerous engagements with
third parties into which both governments had been obliged to enter
at their various moments of distress. Bájiráv, who was apparently
intriguing for a Marátha coalition against his new protectors, was
careful not to bring before the notice of the chiefs, whose esteem
he wished to gain, a provision which exhibited him as in any way
dependent upon the arbitration of a foreign power. He therefore
granted the farm for ten years to the Gáikwár, as much by way of
remanding for a time the proposed inquiries and settlement of their
respective claims as for the purpose of diverting the attention of the
British to the administration of this new appanage, whilst leaving him
free scope for his intrigues in the Dakhan. He used, moreover, every
pretext to defer the consideration of the Gáikwár question until he
could make use of his claims to further his own designs. His success
in preventing a discussion of these transactions is apparent by the
fact that in the financial statement of the Gáikwár's affairs made by
Colonel Walker in 1804, no mention of the Poona demand is to be found.
No important event took place during the next year or two. Bábáji
relinquished the command of the force in Káthiáváda in favour
of Vithalráv Deváji, whilst he himself took part in the civil
administration at Baroda. The Resident, too, seems to have been
likewise engaged in internal matters and in securing the country
against an invasion by Kánhoji, now a fugitive at the court of Holkar.
[1807.] In 1807 the Resident made over Ába Shelukar, late Sar Subhedár
of the Peshwa, to the British Government, by whom he could be prevented
from engaging in fresh conspiracies. After this Colonel Walker was at
last enabled to leave Baroda in order to assist in the settlement of
the Káthiáváda tribute question, an object he had long had in view,
but which the necessity for his continuous presence at the Gáikwár's
capital had hitherto prevented him from undertaking.
[Káthiáváda Tribute.] The changes with regard to the collection of the
tribute from the chiefs of Káthiáváda that were carried out in 1807
deserve a special description. Firstly, they placed the relations of
the tributary to the paramount power on quite a new basis. Secondly,
by them the British influence over both parties concerned was much
increased and the connection between the governments of Bombay and
Baroda drawn closer. Thirdly, they were subsequently, as will be seen
hereafter, the subject of much discussion and delay in the settlement
of the questions at issue between the Peshwa and the Gáikwár. And
lastly, their effect was most beneficial to both the chiefs and their
subjects in removing the uncertainty that had hitherto pervaded the
whole revenue administration of Káthiáváda.
Before entering on the details of the settlement itself, some
description is necessary of the social and political state of the
peninsula at the time the changes were introduced.
[State of Káthiáváda, 1807.] The greater part of the population of
Káthiáváda consisted of two classes, chiefs and cultivators, called
Bhumiás and ryots. The power of the chief ranged from the headship of
a single village up to absolute jurisdiction over several score. The
ryots were usually tenants long resident in the province. The chiefs
were in almost every case foreigners, invaders from the north and
north-east; Muhammadan adventurers from the court of Ahmedábád;
Káthis animated by the love of plunder and cattle-lifting; and
Miánás and Vághelás who had settled on the coast on account of the
facilities it afforded for their favourite pursuits of wrecking
and piracy. More numerous than any others were the Rájputs, driven
south by the disturbed state of their native kingdoms or by the
restless spirit of military adventure to be found in a class where
one profession alone is honourable. There is a certain uniformity
in the building up of all these chieftainships. A powerful leader,
with a sufficient band of followers, oppressed his weaker neighbours
till they were glad to come to terms and place themselves under his
protection, so as both to escape themselves and to take their chance
of sharing in the plunder of others. It frequently happened in the
growth of one of these states that the bháyád or relations of the
chief (who are sure to be numerous in a polygamous society) were
influential enough to assume, in their turn, a partial independence
and to claim recognition as a separate state. As a rule, however,
they continued to unite with the head of the family against external
foes, and only disagreed as to domestic administration. It is also
noticeable that though so addicted to the profession of arms, the
Rájputs cannot be called a military race; they possess few of the
true military virtues; hence the slowness of their advance, and
their failure in competition with perhaps less courageous though
more compact and pliable races. In Káthiáváda fortified strongholds,
formidable enough to an army moving rapidly without siege trains,
arose in all directions, and even villages were surrounded by a high
mud wall as a protection against cattle-lifters.