[Khanderáv Gáikwár called to Sátára.] About this time Umábái, widow

of Khanderáv Dábháde, summoned Khanderáv Gáikwár to help her in

her attempt to lessen the power of the Peshwa. As Dámáji Gáikwár

could not be spared from the Dakhan Khanderáv was appointed his

deputy in Gujarát, and he chose one Rámchandra to represent him at

Áhmedábád. When Fakhr-ud-daulah advanced to join his appointment as

viceroy he was received at Bálásinor with much respect by Sher Khán

Bábi. Jawán Mard Khán Bábi, on the other hand, determining to resist

Fakhr-ud-daulah to the utmost of his power, summoned Gangádhar with a

body of Marátha horse from Petlád, and posting them at Ísanpur, about

ten miles south-west of the city, himself leaving the fortifications

of Áhmedábád, encamped at Asárva, about a mile and a half from the

walls. During his progress towards the capital the new viceroy was

joined by Ráisinghji of Ídar at Kapadvanj, and, advancing together,

they arrived at Bhílpur, eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád. On their

approach Jawán Mard Khán sent Safdar Khán and Gangádhar to oppose

them, and the two armies met about six miles from the capital. After

some fighting Fakhr-ud-daulah succeeded in forcing his way to the

suburb of Rájpura, and next day continuing to drive back the enemy

occupied the suburb of Bahrámpura and began the actual siege of the

city. At this point affairs took a turn. Fakhr-ud-daulah was wounded

and returned to his camp, while Jawán Mard Khán succeeded in winning

over to his side Sher Khán Bábi and Ráisinghji of Ídar, two of the

viceroy's chief supporters. The Mirat-i-Áhmedi especially notes that

Rája Ráisingh asked for money to pay his troops but Fakhr-ud-daulah,

not knowing that this rule had long been a dead letter, said that

as he held a district on service tenure, it was not proper for him

to ask for a money aid when on imperial service. [Defeat and capture

of the Viceroy by Jawán Mard Khán Bábi.] Next day Fakhr-ud-daulah was

surrounded by Safdar Khán Bábi and the Maráthás, and himself one wife

and some children were taken prisoners, while another of his wives

and his son, who had managed to escape to Sidhpur, were captured and

brought back to Áhmedábád.

[Rangoji Disgraced by Khanderáv Gáikwár.] After this Khanderáv

Gáikwár returned to Gujarát to receive his share of the spoil taken

from Fakhr-ud-daulah. Reaching Borsad, he took Rangoji with him

as far as Áhmedábád, where he met Jawán Mard Khán, and obtained

from Rangoji his share of the tribute. Khanderáv was not satisfied

with Rangoji's accounts, and appointing a fresh deputy, he attached

Rangoji's property, and before leaving Áhmedábád for Sorath, put him in

confinement at Borsad. He also confined Fakhr-ud-daulah in the Ghiáspur

outpost on the bank of the river Mahi. Meanwhile in consequence of

some misunderstanding between Jawán Mard Khán Bábi and his brother

Safdar Khán, the latter retired to Udepur, and Jawán Mard Khán went

to Visalnagar then in the hands of his brother Zoráwar Khán. From

Visalnagar, Jawán Mard Khán proceeded to Rádhanpur, and meeting his

brother Safdar Khán, they became reconciled, and returned together

to Áhmedábád. Khanderáv Gáikwár, who had in the meantime returned

from Sorath, encamping at Dholka appointed Trimbakráv Pandit as his

deputy at Áhmedábád in place of Moro Pandit. On hearing that Rangoji

had been thrown into confinement, Umábái sent for him, and he along

with Khanderáv Gáikwár repaired to the Dakhan.

[Punáji Vithal and Fakhr-ud-daulah oppose Rangoji and Jawán Mard

Khán.] Shortly afterwards Punáji Vithal, in concert with Trimbak

Pandit, being dissatisfied with Jawán Mard Khán, began to intrigue with

Fakhr-ud-daulah. In the meantime Umábái had appointed Rangoji as her

deputy, and, as he was a staunch friend of Jawán Mard Khán, he expelled

Trimbakráv from Áhmedábád, and himself collected the Marátha share of

the city revenues. Upon this Punáji Vithal sent Gangádhar and Krishnáji

with an army, and they, expelling the Muhammadan officers from the

districts from which the Maráthás levied the one-fourth share of the

revenue, took the management of them into their own hands. Rangoji now

asked Sher Khán Bábi to help him. Sher Khán agreed; but as he had not

funds to pay his troops, he delayed, and afterwards plundered Mahudha

and Nadiád. As Rangoji failed to join him, Sher Khán proceeded by

himself to Kapadvanj, and from Kapadvanj marched against the Marátha

camp, with which Fakhr-ud-daulah was then associated. On the night

after his arrival, the Maráthás made an attack on Sher Khán's camp,

in which many men on both sides were slain. Next morning the battle

was renewed, but on Sher Khán suggesting certain terms the fighting

ceased. That very night, hearing that Rangoji had reached Bálásinor,

Sher Khán stole off towards Kapadvanj. Punáji and Fakhr-ud-daulah

followed in pursuit but failed to prevent Rangoji and Sher Khán from

joining their forces.

[Siege of Kapadvanj by Fakhr-ud-daulah, 1746.] In A.D. 1746 a battle

was fought in the neighbourhood of the town of Kapadvanj in which

Sher Khán was wounded. He was forced to take shelter with Rangoji

in Kapadvanj, while Fakhr-ud-daulah, Gangádhar, and Krishnáji laid

siege to that town. At this time the Lunáváda chief asked Malhárráv

Holkar on his way back from his yearly raid into Málwa, to join him

in attacking Virpur. Holkar agreed and Virpur was plundered. Rangoji,

hearing of the arrival of Holkar, begged him to come to his aid,

and on promise of receiving a sum of £20,000 (Rs. 2 lákhs) and two

elephants, Holkar consented. [At the approach of Holkar the Siege is

raised.] Gangádhar, Krishnáji, and Fakhr-ud-daulah, hearing of the

approach of Holkar, raised the siege of Kapadvanj, and marching to

Dholka expelled the governor of that district. Shortly afterwards

on a summons from Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár Rangoji retired

to Baroda. Meanwhile Fakhr-ud-daulah, Krishnáji, and Gangádhar

advanced to Jetalpur in the Daskroi sub-division of Áhmedábád and,

taking possession of it, expelled Ámbar Habshi, the deputy of Jawán

Mard Khán. Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár passed from Baroda to Vasu,

where they were met by Krishnáji and Gangádhar, whom Dámáji censured

for aiding Fakhr-ud-daulah. On this occasion Dámáji bestowed the

districts of Baroda Nadiád and Borsad on his brother Khanderáv,

an action which for ever removed any ill feeling on the part of

Khanderáv. Then, proceeding to Goklej, Dámáji had an interview with

Jawán Mard Khán. From Goklej he sent Kánoji Tákpar with Fakhr-ud-daulah

to Sorath, and himself returned to Songad. As Borsad had been given

to Khanderáv, Rangoji fixed on Umreth as his residence.

In this year, A.D. 1746, Teghbeg Khán, governor of Surat, died, and was

succeeded by his brother Safdar Muhammad Khán, who, in acknowledgment

of a present of seven horses, received from the emperor the title

of Bahádur. At this time Tálib Áli Khán died, and the writer of the

Mirat-i-Áhmedi was appointed minister by the emperor. In A.D. 1747

Rangoji returned to Áhmedábád, and Jawán Mard Khán had an interview

with him a few miles from the city. Shortly after this the Kolis of

Mehmúdábád and Mahudha rebelled, but the revolt was speedily crushed

by Sháhbáz Rohilla.

[Momín Khán II. Governor of Cambay, 1748.] During this year Najm Khán,

governor of Cambay, died. Muftakhir Khán, son of Najm-ud-daulah Momín

Khán I., who had also received the title of Momín Khán, informed

the emperor of Najm Khán's death, and himself assumed the office of

governor in which in A.D. 1748 he was confirmed. On hearing of the

death of Najm Khán, on pretence of condoling with the family of the

late governor, Fidá-ud-dín Khán marched to Cambay, but as he was not

allowed to enter the town he retired. He afterwards went to Umreth and

lived with Rangoji. Kánoji Tákpar, who had gone with Fakhr-ud-daulah

into Sorath, now laid siege to and took the town of Vanthali. As it

was nearly time for the Maráthás to return to their country, Kánoji

and Fakhr-ud-daulah, retiring to Dholka, expelled Muhammad Jánbáz,

the deputy governor. Rangoji, who had at this time a dispute with

Jawán Mard Khán regarding his share of tribute, now came and joined

them, and their combined forces marched upon Sánand, where, after

plundering the town, they encamped. It was now time for Kánoji to

withdraw to the Dakhan. Rangoji and Fakhr-ud-daulah, remaining behind

to collect tribute from the neighbouring districts, marched to Ísanpur,

where they were opposed by Jawán Mard Khán. [Increased Strength of

Fakhr-ud-daulah's Party.] On this occasion both Jawán Mard Khán and

Fakhr-ud-daulah sought the alliance of Rája Ráisingh of Ídar. But,

as he offered more favourable terms, Rája Ráisingh determined to join

Fakhr-ud-daulah. Sher Khán Bábi also joined Fakhr-ud-daulah, who,

thus reinforced, laid siege to Áhmedábád. While these events were

passing at Áhmedábád, Hariba, an adopted son of Khanderáv Gáikwár,

at that time in possession of the fort of Borsad, began to plunder

Rangoji's villages under Petlád, and, attacking his deputy, defeated

and killed him. [Dissensions among the Maráthás.] On this Rangoji

withdrew from Áhmedábád, attacked and captured the fort of Borsad,

and forced Hariba to leave the country. Jawán Mard Khán now sent

for Janárdhan Pandit, Khanderáv's deputy at Nadiád, and, in place of

Rangoji's representative, appointed him to manage the Marátha share

of Áhmedábád.

[Surat Affairs, 1748.] During these years important changes had

taken place in the government of Surat. In A.D. 1734, when Mulla

Muhammad Áli, the chief of the merchants and builder of the Athva

fort, was killed in prison by Teghbeg Khán, the Nizám sent Sayad

Miththan to revenge his death. Sayad Miththan was forced to return

unsuccessful. After Teghbeg Khán's death Sayad Miththan again came to

Surat and lived there with his brother Sayad Achchan, who held the

office of paymaster. Sayad Miththan tried to get the government of

the town into his hands, but, again failing, committed suicide. His

brother Sayad Achchan then attacked and took the citadel, expelling

the commander; and for several days war was waged between him and the

governor Safdar Muhammad Khán with doubtful success. At last Sayad

Achchan called to his aid Malhárráv, the deputy at Baroda, and their

combined forces took possession of the whole city. During the sack

of the city Malhárráv was killed and the entire management of affairs

fell into the hands of Sayad Achchan. Safdar Muhammad Khán, the late

governor, though obliged to leave the city, was determined not to

give up Surat without a struggle, and raising some men opened fire on

the fort. Sayad Achchan now begged the Arab, Turk, English, Dutch and

Portuguese merchants to aid him. A deed addressed to the emperor and

the Nizám, begging that Sayad Achchan should be appointed governor,

was signed by all the merchants except by Mr. Lamb the English chief,

and though he at first refused, he was in the end persuaded by the

other merchants to sign. The merchants then assisted Sayad Achchan,

and Safdar Muhammad Khán retired to Sindh.

Meanwhile, on account of some enmity between Mulla Fakhr-ud-dín,

the son of Mulla Muhammad Áli, chief of the merchants, and Sayad

Achchan, the Mulla was thrown into prison. Mr. Lamb went to Sayad

Achchan, and remonstrating with him suggested that the Mulla should

be sent for. [Mulla Fakhr-ud-din Escapes to Bombay.] Sayad Achchan

agreed, but on the way Mr. Lamb carried off Mulla Fakhr-ud-dín to the

English factory, and afterwards sent him to Bombay in disguise. In the

meantime Kedárji Gáikwár, a cousin of Dámáji's, whom, with Malhárrav,

Sayad Achchan had asked to his help, arrived at Surat, and though

Sayad Achchan had been successful without his aid, Kedárji demanded

the £30,000 (Rs. 3 lákhs) which had been promised him. As the Sayad

was not in a position to resist Kedárji's demands, and as he had no

ready money to give him, [Cession of Surat Revenue to the Gáikwár,

1747.] he made over to him a third of the revenues of Surat until the

amount should be paid. As before this another third of the revenues

of Surat had been assigned to Háfiz Masûud Khán, the deputy of Yákut

Khán of Janjira, the emoluments of the governor of Surat were reduced

to one-third of the entire revenue and this was divided between the

Mutasaddi and Bakhshi.

[Famine, 1747.] In this year (A.D. 1747, S. 1803) there was a severe

shock of earthquake and a great famine which caused many deaths. In

the following year Jawán Mard Khán endeavoured to recapture Jetalpur,

but failed. [Marátha Dissensions.] About the same time Umábái died,

and Dámáji's brother Khanderáv, who was on good terms with Ambiká

wife of Báburáv Senápati, the guardian of Umábái's son, procured

his own appointment as deputy of his brother Dámáji in Gujarát. On

being appointed deputy Khanderáv at once marched against Rangoji to

recover Borsad, which, as above mentioned, Rangoji had taken from

Hariba. Their forces were joined by two detachments, one from Momín

Khán under the command of Ágha Muhammad Husain, the other from Jawán

Mard Khán commanded by Janárdhan Pandit. The combined army besieged

Borsad. After a five months' siege [Fall of Borsad.] Borsad was taken,

and Rangoji was imprisoned by Khanderáv. On the fall of Borsad Sher

Khán Bábi and Rája Ráisingh of Ídar, who were allies of Rangoji,

returned to Bálásinor and Ídar; Fakhr-ud-daulah was sent to Petlád

and Fidá-ud-dín Khán, leaving Umreth, took shelter with Jetha, the

chief of Atarsumba.

[Ahmed Sháh Emperor 1748-1754.] In this year the emperor Muhammad Sháh

died and was succeeded by his son Ahmed Sháh (A.D. 1748-1754). Shortly

after Ahmed's accession Mahárája Vakhatsingh, brother of Mahárája

Abheysingh, was appointed [Mahárája Vakhatsingh Fifty-ninth Viceroy,

1748.] fifty-ninth viceroy of Gujarát. When he learned what was the

state of the province, he pleaded that his presence would be more

useful in his own dominions, and never took up his appointment of

viceroy. Vakhatsingh was the last viceroy of Gujarát nominated

by the imperial court, for although by the aid of the Maráthás

Fakhr-ud-daulah was of importance in the province, he had never been

able to establish himself as viceroy. In this year also occurred the

death of Khushálchand Sheth, the chief merchant of Áhmedábád.

Khanderáv Gáikwár appointed Rághavshankar his deputy at Áhmedábád, and

Safdar Khán Bábi issued from Áhmedábád with an army to levy tribute

from the chiefs on the banks of the Sábarmati. When Fakhr-ud-daulah,

the former viceroy, heard of the appointment of Mahárája Vakhatsingh,

seeing no chance of any benefit from a longer stay in Gujarát, he

retired to Dehli. In A.D. 1748 Ásif Jáh, Nizám-ul-Mulk, died at an

advanced age, leaving six sons and a disputed succession.

[Disorder Spreads.] About the same time Bálájiráv Peshwa, who was

jealous of the power of the Gáikwár, sent a body of troops, and

freed Rangoji from the hands of Khanderáv Gáikwár. During these years

adventurers, in different parts of the country, taking advantage of

the decay of the central power, endeavoured to establish themselves

in independence. Of these attempts the most formidable was the revolt

of one of the Pátan Kasbátis who established his power so firmly in

Pátan that Jawán Mard Khán found it necessary to proceed in person to

reduce him. Shortly afterwards Jawán Mard Khán deemed it advisable to

recall his brothers Safdar Khán and Zoráwar Khán, who were then at

Únja under Pátan, and took them with him to Áhmedábád. Fidá-ud-dín

Khán who had been residing at Atarsumba now asked permission to

return to Áhmedábád, but as Jawán Mard Khán did not approve of this

suggestion, Fidá-ud-dín departed to Broach and there took up his

residence. Janárdhan Pandit marched to Kaira and the Bhíl district

to levy tribute, and Khanderáv appointed Shevakrám his deputy.

[Surat Affairs, A.D. 1750.] In the meantime at Surat, Sayad Achchan

endeavoured to consolidate his rule, and with this view tried

to expel Háfiz Masûud Habshí, and prevent him again entering the

city. But his plans failed, and he was obliged to make excuses for his

conduct. [Sayad Achchan Unpopular.] Sayad Achchan then oppressed other

influential persons, until eventually the Habshí and others joining,

attacked him in the citadel. Except Mr. Lamb, who considered himself

bound by the deed signed in A.D. 1747 in favour of Sayad Achchan,

all the merchants of Surat joined the assailants. [Safdar Muhammad

brought back by the Dutch.] Among the chief opponents of Sayad Achchan

were the Dutch, who sending ships brought back Safdar Muhammad Khán

from Thatta, and established him as governor of Surat. The English

factory was next besieged, and, though a stout resistance was made,

the guards were bribed, and the factory plundered. [Sayad Achchan

Retires.] In A.D. 1750 Sayad Achchan, surrendering the citadel to

the Habshí, withdrew first to Bombay and then to Poona, to Bálájiráv

Peshwa. Shortly afterwards, in consequence of the censure passed upon

him by the Bombay Government for his support of Sayad Achchan, Mr. Lamb

committed suicide. Wearied by these continual contests for power, the

merchants of Surat asked Rája Raghunathdás, minister to the Nizám,

to choose them a governor. Rája Raghunathdás accordingly nominated

his own nephew, Rája Harprasád, to be governor, and the writer of the

Mirat-i-Áhmedi to be his deputy. But before Rája Harprasád could join

his appointment at Surat, both he and his father were slain in battle.

In the same year, A.D. 1750, occurred the deaths of Rája Ráisingh

of Ídar, of Safdar Khán Bábi of Bálásinor, and of Fidá-ud-dín Khán,

who had for some time been settled at Broach. [Jawán Mard Khán

and the Peshwa, 1750.] Jawán Mard Khán, who, seeing that they were

inclined to become permanent residents in Gujarát, was always opposed

to the Gáikwár's power, now entered into negotiations with Bálájiráv

Peshwa. He chose Patel Sukhdev to collect the Marátha revenue and asked

the Peshwa to help him in expelling Dámáji's agents. The Peshwa, being

now engaged in war in the Dakhan with Salábat Jang Bahádur, son of the

late Nizám, was unable to send Jawán Mard Khán any assistance. Towards

the close of the year Jawán Mard Khán started from Áhmedábád to collect

tribute from the Sábarmati chiefs. Returning early in A.D. 1751,

at the request of Jetha Patel a subordinate of Bhávsingh Desái, he

proceeded to Banod or Vanod under Víramgám and reduced the village. Áli

Muhammad Khán, the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, who about this time

was raised in rank with the title of Bahádur, states that owing to

the Marátha inroads most of the districts had passed entirely into

their possession; in others according to agreements with Jawán Mard

Khán they held a half share. Consequently in spite of new taxes, the

entire remaining income of the province was only four lákhs of rupees,

and it was impossible to maintain the military posts or control the

rebellious Kolis.

[The Peshwa and Gáikwár, 1751.] It was in this year (A.D. 1751)

that the Peshwa, decoying Dámájiráv into his power, imprisoned him

and forced him to surrender half of his rights and conquests in

Gujarát. Taking advantage of the absence of the Gáikwár and his army

in the Dakhan, Jawán Mard Khán marched into Sorath. He first visited

Gogha, and then levying tribute in Gohilváda advanced into Káthiáváda

and marched against Navánagar, and, after collecting a contribution

from the Jám, returned to Áhmedábád: In the following year (A.D. 1752),

as soon as the news reached Gujarát that the Maráthás' share in the

province had been divided between the Peshwa and Gáikwár, Momín Khán,

who was always quarrelling with the Gáikwár's agent, sending Varajlál

his steward to Bálájiráv Peshwa begged him to include Cambay in his

share and send his agent in place of the Gáikwár's agent. Bálájiráv

agreed, and from that time an agent of the Peshwa was established at

Cambay. In the same year Raghunáthráv, brother of the Peshwa, entering

Gujarát took possession of the Rewa and Mahi Kántha districts and

marched on Surat. Shiaji Dhangar was appointed in Shevakrám's place

as Dámáji's deputy, and Krishnáji came to collect the Peshwa's share.

[Broach Independent, 1752.] Up to this time the city of Broach had

remained part of the Nizám's personal estate, managed by Abdúllah Beg,

whom, with the title of Nek Álam Khán, Ásif Jáh the late Nizám-ul-Mulk

had chosen his deputy. On the death of Abdúllah Beg in A.D. 1752 the

emperor appointed his son to succeed him with the same title as his

father, while he gave to another son, named Mughal Beg, the title of

Khertalab Khán. During the contests for succession that followed upon

the death of the Nizám in A.D. 1752, no attempt was made to enforce

the Nizám's claims on the lands of Broach; and for the future, except

for the share of the revenue paid to the Maráthás, the governors of

Broach were practically independent.

The Peshwa now sent Pándurang Pandit to levy tribute from his

share of Gujarát, and that officer crossing the Mahi marched upon

Cambay. Momín Khán prepared to oppose him, but the Pandit made

friendly overtures, and eventually Momín Khán not only paid the sum

of £700 (Rs. 7000) for grass and grain for the Pandit's troops,

but also lent him four small cannon. [Pándurang Pandit Repulsed

at Áhmedábád, 1752.] Pándurang Pandit then marched upon Áhmedábád,

and encamping near the Kánkariya lake laid siege to the city which

was defended by Jawán Mard Khán. During the siege Pándurang Pandit,

sending some troops, ravaged Níkol, part of the lands of Áli Muhammad

Khán Bahádur, the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi. Meanwhile, as the

operations against Áhmedábád made no progress, Pándurang Pandit made

offers of peace. These Jawán Mard Khán accepted, and on receiving

from Jawán Mard Khán the present of a mare and a small sum of money

under the name of entertainment, the Marátha leader withdrew to Sorath.

[Marátha Invasion.] About this time the Peshwa released Dámáji Gáikwár

on his promise to help the Peshwa's brother Raghunáthráv, who was

shortly afterwards despatched with an army to complete the conquest of

Gujarát. Meanwhile Jawán Mard Khán's anxiety regarding the Maráthás

was for a time removed by the departure of Pándurang Pandit. And, as

the harvest season had arrived, he with his brother Zoráwar Khán Bábi,

leaving Muhammad Mubáriz Sherwáni behind as his deputy, set out from

Áhmedábád to levy tribute from the chiefs of the Sábar Kántha. Certain

well informed persons, who had heard of Raghunáthráv's preparations

for invading Gujarát, begged Jawán Mard Khán not to leave the city but

to depute his brother Zoráwar Khán Bábi to collect the tribute. Jawán

Mard Khán, not believing their reports, said that he would not go more

than from forty-five to sixty miles from the city, and that, should

the necessity of any more distant excursion arise, he would entrust it

to his brother. Jawán Mard Khán then marched from the city, levying

tribute until he arrived on the Pálanpur frontier about seventy-five

miles north of Áhmedábád. Here meeting Muhammad Bahádur Jhálori, the

governor of Pálanpur, Jawán Mard Khán was foolishly induced to join him

in plundering the fertile districts of Sirohi, till at last he was not

less than 150 miles from his head-quarters. Meanwhile Raghunáthráv,

joining Dámáji Gáikwár, entered suddenly by an unusual route into

Gujarát, and news reached Áhmedábád that the Maráthás had crossed

the Narbada. On this the townspeople sent messenger after messenger

to recall Jawán Mard Khán, and building up the gateways prepared for

defence, while the inhabitants of the suburbs, leaving their houses,

crowded with their families into the city for protection. Raghunáthráv,

hearing that Jawán Mard Khán and his army were absent from the city,

pressed on by forced marches, and crossing the river Mahi despatched

an advance corps under Vithal Sukhdev. Kosáji, proprietor of Nadiád, at

Dámáji Gáikwár's invitation also marched towards Áhmedábád, plundering

Mehmúdábád Khokhri, only three miles from the city. In the meantime

Vithal Sukhdev reached Kaira, and taking with him the chief man of

that place, Muhammad Daurán, son of Muhammad Bábi, continued his

march. He was shortly joined by Raghunáthráv, and the combined forces

now proceeded to Áhmedábád and encamped by the Kánkariya lake. Next

day Raghunáthráv moved his camp to near the tomb of Hazrat Sháh

Bhíkan, [875] on the bank of the Sábarmati to the south-west of the

city. Raghunáthráv now proceeded to invest the city, distributing his

thirty to forty thousand horse into three divisions. The operations

against the north of the city were entrusted to Dámáji Gáikwár;

those on the east to Gopál Hari; while the troops on the south and

west were under the personal command of Raghunáthráv and his officers.

[Return of Jawán Mard Khán.] After leaving Sirohi Jawán Mard Khán

had gone westwards to Tharád and Váv, so that the first messengers

failed to find him. One of the later messengers, Mándan by name,

who had not left Áhmedábád until the arrival of Raghunáthráv at the

Kánkariya lake, made his way to Váv and Tharád, and told Jawán Mard

Khán what had happened. Jawán Mard Khán set out by forced marches

for Rádhanpur, and leaving his family and the bulk of his army at

Pátan, he pushed on with 200 picked horsemen to Kadi and from that

to Áhmedábád, contriving to enter the city by night. [He enters

Áhmedábád.] The presence of Jawán Mard Khán raised the spirits of

the besieged, and the defence was conducted with ardour. In spite of

their watchfulness, a party of about 700 Maráthás under cover of night

succeeded in scaling the walls and entering the city. Ere they could

do any mischief they were discovered and driven out of the town with

much slaughter. The bulk of the besieging army, which had advanced in

hopes that this party would succeed in opening one of the city gates,

were forced to retire disappointed. Raghunáthráv now made proposals

for peace, but Jawán Mard Khán did not think it consistent with his

honour to accept them. On his refusal, the Marátha general redoubled

his efforts and sprung several mines, but owing to the thickness

of the city walls no practicable breach was effected. Jawán Mard

Khán now expelled the Marátha deputies, and [Gallant Defence of the

City.] continuing to defend the city with much gallantry contrived at

night to introduce into the town by detachments a great portion of his

army from Pátan. At length, embarrassed by want of provisions and the

clamour of his troops for pay, he extorted £5000 (Rs. 50,000) from the

official classes. As Jawán Mard was known to have an ample supply of

money of his own this untimely meanness caused great discontent. The

official classes who were the repository of all real power murmured

against his rule and openly advocated the surrender of the city, and

[Jawán Mard Khán Surrenders.] Jawán Mard Khán, much against his will,

was forced to enter into negotiations with Raghunáthráv.

Raghunáthráv was so little hopeful of taking Áhmedábád that he

had determined, should the siege last a month longer, to depart on

condition of receiving the one-fourth share of the revenue and a safe

conduct. Had Jawán Mard Khán only disbursed his own money to pay the

troops, and encouraged instead of disheartening the official class, he

need never have lost the city. At last to Raghunáthráv's relief, Jawán

Mard Khán was reduced to treat for peace through Vithal Sukhdev. It

was arranged that the Maráthás should give Jawán Mard Khán the sum

of £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) to pay his troops, besides presenting him

with an elephant and other articles of value. It was at the same time

agreed that the garrison should leave the city with all the honours

of war. And that, for himself and his brothers, Jawán Mard Khán

should receive, free from any Marátha claim, the districts of Pátan,

Vadnagar, Sami, Munjpur, Visalnagar, Tharád, Kherálu, and Rádhanpur

with Tervada and Bijápur. It was further agreed that one of Jawán Mard

Khán's brothers should always serve the Maráthás with 300 horse and

500 foot, the expenses of the force being paid by the Maráthás. It

was also stipulated that neither the Peshwa's army nor his deputy's,

nor that of any commander should enter Jawán Mard Khán's territory,

and that in Áhmedábád no Marátha official should put up at any of the

Khán Bahádur's mansions, new or old, or at any of those belonging to

his brothers followers or servants. Finally that the estates of other

members of the family, namely Kaira, Kasba Mátar and Bánsa Mahudha,

which belonged to Muhammad Khán, Khán Daurán, and Ábid Khán were not

to be meddled with, nor were encroachments to be allowed on the lands

of Káyam Kúli Khán or of Zoráwar Khán. This agreement was signed and

sealed by Raghunáthráv, with Dámáji Gáikwár (half sharer), Malhárráv

Holkar, Jye Ápa Sindhia, Rámchandar Vithal Sukhdev, Sakhárám Bhagvant,

and Mádhavráv Gopálráv as securities. [The Maráthás take Possession,

1753.] The treaty was then delivered to Jawán Mard Khán, and he and

his garrison, marching out with the honours of war, the Maráthás took

possession of Áhmedábád on April 2nd, 1753.

[Collect Tribute.] On leaving Áhmedábád Jawán Mard Khán retired

to Pátan. At Áhmedábád Raghunáthráv with Dámáji arranged for the

government of the city, appointing Shripatráv his deputy. He then

marched into Jháláváda to levy tribute from the Limbdi and Wadhwán

chiefs; and was so far successful that Harbhamji of Limbdi agreed

to pay an annual tribute of £4000 (Rs. 40,000). As the rainy season

was drawing near Raghunáthráv returned to Dholka, while Patel Vithal

Sukhdev forced Muhammad Bahádur, the governor of Pálanpur, to consent

to a payment of £11,500 (Rs. 1,15,000). From Dholka Raghunáthráv went

to Tárápur, about twelve miles north of Cambay, and compelled Momín

Khán to submit to an annual payment of £1000 (Rs. 10,000). At the same

time Áli Muhammad Khán Bahádur, the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, was

appointed collector of customs, and his former grants were confirmed

and he was allowed to retain his villages of Sayadpur and Kûjádh close

to Áhmedábád, as well as the village of Pánmûl in Bijápur. Dámáji

Gáikwár, after levying tribute in the Vátrak Kántha, went to Kapadvanj,

which he took from Sher Khán Bábi. From Kapadvanj he passed to Nadiád

and appointed Shevakrái to collect his half share of the revenue of

Gujarát. [Mughal Coinage Ceases.] In the Áhmedábád mint, coin ceased

to be struck in the emperor's name and the suburbs of the city which

had been deserted during the siege were not again inhabited. The

Kolis commenced a system of depredation, and their outrages were so

daring that women and children were sometimes carried off and sold

as slaves. After the rains were over (A.D. 1754) Shetuji, commander

of the Áhmedábád garrison, and Shankarji, governor of Víramgám,

were sent to collect tribute from Sorath. Though the imperial power

was sunk so low, the emperor was allowed to confer the post of Kázi

of the city on Kázi Rûkn-ul-Hak Khán who arrived at Áhmedábád and

assumed office. [Failure of an Attempt on Cambay, 1753.] At the close

of the year Shripatráv, who was anxious to acquire Cambay, marched

against Momín Khán. After two doubtful battles in which the Maráthás

gained no advantage, it was agreed that Momín Khán should pay a sum

of £700 (Rs. 7000), and Shripatráv departed from Áhmedábád early in

A.D. 1754. [The Kolis.] When the Kolis heard of the ill success of

the Maráthás at Cambay, they revolted and Rághoshankar was sent to

subdue them. In an engagement near Luhára in Bahyal in His Highness

the Gáikwár's territory about eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád,

Rághoshankar scattered the Kolis, but they again collected and forced

the Maráthás to retire. At this time Shetuji and Shankarji returned

from Sorath, where they had performed the pilgrimage to Dwárka. Shetuji

was sent to the Bhíl district against the Kolis. He was unsuccessful,

and was so ashamed of his failure that he returned to the Dakhan and

Dandu Dátátri was appointed in his place.

In this year died Nek Álam Khán II. governor of Broach. He was

succeeded by his brother Khertalab Khán who expelled his nephew

Hámid Beg, son of Nek Álam Khán. Hámid Beg took refuge in Surat. At

Bálásinor a dispute arose between Sher Khán Bábi and a body of Arab

mercenaries who took possession of a hill, but in the end came to

terms. With the Peshwa's permission his deputy Bhagvantráv marched

on Cambay. But Varajlál, Momín Khán's steward, who was then at

Poona, sent word to his master, who prepared himself against any

emergency. When Bhagvantráv arrived at Cambay he showed no hostile

intentions and was well received by Momín Khán. Subsequently a

letter from Bhagvantráv to Sálim Jamádár at Áhmedábád ordering him

to march against Cambay fell into Momín Khán's hands. He at once

surrounded Bhagvantráv's house and made him prisoner. [Maráthás

Attack Cambay, 1754.] When the Peshwa heard that Bhagvantráv had been

captured, he ordered Ganesh Ápa, governor of Jambusar, as well as

the governors of Víramgám, Dhandhuka, and other places to march at

once upon Cambay. They went and besieged the town for three months,

but without success. Eventually Shripatráv, the Peshwa's deputy,

sent the author of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi to negotiate, and it was agreed

that Bhagvantráv should be released and that no alteration should be

made in the position of Momín Khán. Shortly afterwards Shripatráv was

recalled by the Peshwa and his place supplied by an officer of the

name of Rágho. About this time Khertalab Khán, governor of Broach,

died, and quarrels arose regarding the succession. Ultimately Hamid

Beg, nephew of Khertalab Khán, obtained the post, and he afterwards

received an imperial order confirming him as governor, and bestowing

on him the title of Neknám Khán Bahádur.

[Álamgir II. Emperor, 1754-1759.] At Dehli, during A.D. 1754, the

emperor Áhmed Sháh was deposed, and Âzíz-ud-dín, son of Jahándár Sháh,

was raised to the throne with the title of Álamgír II. After his

release Bhagvantráv established himself in the Cambay fort of Nápád

and not long after began to attack Momín Khán's villages. [Contest with

Momín Khán Renewed, 1754.] After several doubtful engagements peace was

concluded on Momín Khán paying £1000 (Rs. 10,000) on account of the

usual share of the Maráthás which he had withheld. This arrangement

was made through the mediation of Tukáji, the steward of Sadáshiv

Dámodar, who had come to Gujarát with an army and orders to help

Bhagvantráv. As Momín Khán had no ready money Tukáji offered himself

as security and Bhagvantráv and Tukáji withdrew to the Dakhan. Momín

Khán's soldiery now clamoured for pay. As he was not in a position

to meet their demands he sent a body of men against some villages to

the west belonging to Limbdi and plundered them, dividing the booty

among his troops. In the following year, [Momín Khán takes Gogha,

1755.] A.D. 1755, Momín Khán went to Gogha, a port which, though at

one time subordinate to Cambay, had fallen into the hands of Sher Khán

Bábi, and was now in the possession of the Peshwa's officers. Gogha

fell and leaving a garrison of 100 Arabs under Ibráhím Kúli Khán, Momín

Khán returned to Cambay, levying tribute. He then sent the bulk of his

army under the command of Muhammad Zamán Khán, son of Fidá-ud-dín Khán,

and Varajlál his own steward, to plunder and collect money in Gohilváda

and Káthiáváda. Here they remained until their arrears were paid off,

and then returned to Cambay. After this Momín Khán plundered several

Petlád villages and finally, in concert with the Kolis of Dhowan,

attacked Jambusar and carried off much booty. Momín Khán next marched

against Borsad, and was on the point of taking the fort when Sayáji,

son of Dámáji Gáikwár, who lived at Baroda, hearing of Momín Khán's

success, came rapidly with a small body of men to the relief of the

fort and surprised the besiegers. The Muhammadan troops soon recovered

from the effects of the surprise, and Sayáji fearing to engage them

with so small a force retired. On Sayáji's departure Momín Khán raised

the siege of Borsad and returned to Cambay.

[Momín Khán recovers Áhmedábád, 17th Oct. 1756.] In the year A.D. 1756

the rains were very heavy, and the walls of Áhmedábád fell in many

places. Momín Khán, hearing of this as well as of the discontent of the

inhabitants, resolved to capture the city. He sent spies to ascertain

the strength of the garrison and set about making allies of the chief

men in the province and enlisting troops. About this time Rághoji,

the Marátha deputy, was assassinated by a Rohilla. As soon as Momín

Khán heard of Rághoji's death he sent his nephew, Muhammad Zamán Khán,

with some men in advance, and afterwards himself at the close of the

year, A.D. 1756, marched from Cambay and camped on the Vátrak. From

this camp they moved to Kaira, and from Kaira to Áhmedábád. After

one or two fights in the suburbs the Muhammadans, finding their way

through the breaches in the walls, opened the gates and entered the

town. The Kolis commenced plundering, and a hand-to-hand fight ensued,

in which the Maráthás were worsted and were eventually expelled from

the city. The Kolis attempted to plunder the Dutch factory, but met

with a spirited resistance, and when Shambhúrám, a Nágar Bráhman,

one of Momín Khán's chief supporters, heard it he ordered the Kolis

to cease attacking the factory and consoled the Dutch.

[Jawán Mard Khán allies himself with the Maráthás.] In the meantime

Jawán Mard Khán, who had been invited by the Maráthás to their

assistance, set out from Pátan, and when he arrived at Pethápur

and Mánsa he heard of the capture of Áhmedábád. On reaching Kalol

he was joined by Harbhamrám, governor of Kadi. They resolved to send

Zoráwar Khán Bábi to recall Sadáshiv Dámodar, and to await his arrival

at Víramgám. Shevakrám, the Gáikwár's deputy, had taken refuge at

Dholka. Momín Khán himself now advanced, and entering Áhmedábád on the

17th October 1756, appointed Shambhúrám his deputy. Sadáshiv Dámodar

now joined Jawán Mard Khán at Víramgám, and at Jawán Mard Khán's advice

it was resolved, before taking further steps, to write to the Peshwa

for aid. Jawán Mard Khán, although he held large service estates,

charged the Maráthás £150 (Rs. 1500) a day for his troops. Jawán Mard

Khán and the Maráthás then advanced to Sánand and Jitalpur, and thence

marched towards Cambay. On their way they were met, and, after several

combats, defeated by a detachment of Momín Khán's army. Momín Khán

sent troops to overrun Kadi, but Harbhamrám, the governor of Kadi,

defeated the force, and captured their guns. When the emperor heard

of the capture of Gogha, he sent a sword as a present to Momín Khán;

and when the news of the capture of Áhmedábád reached Ágra, Momín

Khán received many compliments. Bálájiráv Peshwa on the other hand

was greatly enraged at these reverses. He at once sent off Sadáshiv

Rámchandra to Gujarát as his deputy, and Dámáji and Khanderáv Gáikwár

also accompanied him with their forces. Momín Khán refusing to give

up Áhmedábád, prepared for defence. Sadáshiv Rámchandra, Dámáji

and Khanderáv Gáikwár advanced, and, crossing the Mahi, reached

Kaira. Here they were met by Jawán Mard Khán and the rest of the

Marátha forces in Gujarát, and the combined army advancing against

the capital camped by the Kánkariya lake.

[Maráthás Invest Áhmedábád, 1756.] The Maráthás now regularly invested

the city, but Momín Khán, aided by Shambhúrám, made a vigorous

defence. Up to this time Jawán Mard Khán was receiving £150 (Rs. 1500)

daily for the pay of his own and his brother's troops. Sadáshiv

Rámchandra, considering the number of the troops too small for so

large a payment, reduced the amount and retained the men in his

own service. After a month's siege, Momín Khán's troops began to

clamour for pay, but Shambhúrám, by collecting the sum of £10,000

(Rs. 1 lákh) from the inhabitants of the town managed for the time

to appease their demands. When they again became urgent for pay,

Shambhúrám diverted their thoughts by a general sally from all the

gates at night. On this occasion many men were slain on both sides,

and many of the inhabitants deserted the town. The copper vessels of

such of the townspeople as had fled were melted and coined into money

and given to the soldiery. In this state of affairs an order arrived

from the imperial court bestowing on Momín Khán a dress of honour

and the title of Bahádur. Although the imperial power had for years

been merely a name Momín Khán asked and obtained permission from the

besiegers to leave the city and meet the bearers of the order. The

Maráthás redoubled their efforts. Still though the besiegers were

successful in intercepting supplies of grain the garrison fought

gallantly in defence of the town.

[Ráv of Ídar helps Momín Khán, 1757.] At this juncture, in

A.D. 1757, Rája Shivsingh of Ídar, son of the late Anandsingh, who

was friendly to Momín Khán, sent Sajánsingh Hazári with a force to

assist the besieged. On their way to Áhmedábád, Harbhamrám with a

body of Maráthás attacked this detachment, while Momín Khán sent to

their aid Muhammad Lál Rohilla and others, and a doubtful battle was

fought. Shortly afterwards Sadáshiv Rámchandar made an attempt on the

fort of Kálikot. The fort was successfully defended by Jamádár Núr

Muhammad, and the Maráthás were repulsed. The Maráthás endeavoured

in vain to persuade Shambhúrám to desert Momín Khán, and though the

garrison were often endangered by the faithlessness of the Kolis and

other causes, they remained staunch. Momín Khán, though frequently in

difficulties owing to want of funds to pay his soldiery, continued

to defend the town. The Maráthás next tried to seduce some of Momín

Khán's officers, but in this they also failed, and [Successful Sally

under Shambhurám.] in a sally Shambhúrám attacked the camp of Sadáshiv

Rámchandar, and burning his tents all but captured the chief himself.

[Negotiations for Peace.] When the siege was at this stage, Hassan

Kúli Khán Bahádur, viceroy of Oudh, relinquishing worldly affairs

and dividing his property among his nephews, set out to perform a

pilgrimage to Makkah. Before he started Shuja-ûd-daulah, the Nawáb of

Lucknow, requested him on his way to visit Bálájiráv, and endeavour

to come to some settlement of Áhmedábád affairs. Accordingly, adopting

the name of Sháh Núr, and assuming the dress of an ascetic, Hassan Kúli

made his way to Poona, and appearing before the Peshwa offered to make

peace at Áhmedábád. Sháh Núr with much difficulty persuaded the Peshwa

to allow Momín Khán to retain Cambay and Gogha without any Marátha

share, and to grant him a lákh of rupees for the payment of his troops,

on condition that he should surrender Áhmedábád. He obtained letters

from the Peshwa addressed to Sadáshiv Rámchandra to this effect, and

set out with them for Áhmedábád. When he arrived Sadáshiv Rámchandra

was unwilling to accede to the terms, as the Áhmedábád garrison were

reduced to great straits. Sháh Núr persuaded him at last to agree,

provided Momín Khán would surrender without delay. Accordingly Sháh

Núr entered the city and endeavoured to persuade Momín Khán. Momín

Khán demanded in addition a few Petlád villages, and to this the

Maráthás refused their consent. Sháh Núr left in disgust. Before

many days Momín Khán was forced to make overtures for peace. After

discussions with Dámáji Gáikwár, it was agreed that Momín Khán should

surrender the city, receive £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh) to pay his soldiery,

and be allowed to retain Cambay as heretofore, that is to say that the

Peshwa should, as formerly, enjoy half the revenues. In addition to

this Momín Khán had to promise to pay the Maráthás a yearly tribute

of £1000 (Rs. 10,000) and to give up all claims on the town of Gogha

and hand over Shambhúrám to the Maráthás. It was also arranged that

the £3500 (Rs. 35,000) worth of ashrafis which he had taken through

Jamádár Sálim should be deducted from the £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh). Momín

Khán surrendered the town on February 27th, 1758.

[Marátha Arrangements in Áhmedábád.] Sadáshiv Rámchandar and Dámáji

Gáikwár entered the city and undertook its management on behalf of

the Maráthás. Of the other chiefs who were engaged in prosecuting

the siege, Sadáshiv Dámodar returned to the Dakhan and Jawán Mard

Khán receiving some presents from Sadáshiv Rámchandar departed for

Pátan after having had a meeting with Dámáji Gáikwár at a village a

few miles from the capital. Shambhurám, the Nágar Bráhman, who had so

zealously supported Momín Khán, when he saw that further assistance

was useless, tried to escape, but was taken prisoner and sent in

chains to Baroda. Sadáshiv Rámchandar, on taking charge of the city,

had interviews with the principal officials, among whom was the author

of the Mirat-i-Áhmedi, and, receiving them graciously, confirmed most

of them in their offices. Then, after choosing Náro Pandit, brother

of Pándurang Pandit, to be his deputy in Áhmedábád, he started on an

expedition to collect tribute in Jháláváda and Sorath. [New Coins.] On

receiving the government of the city the Marátha generals ordered

new coin bearing the mark of an elephant goad to be struck in the

Áhmedábád mint. Sayájiráv Gáikwár remained in Áhmedábád on behalf of

his father Dámáji, and shortly afterwards went towards Kapadvanj to

collect tribute. Thence at his father's request he proceeded to Sorath

to arrange for the payment of the Gáikwár's share of the revenues of

that district. On his return to Cambay Momín Khán was much harassed

by his troops for arrears of pay. The timely arrival of his steward

Varajlál with the Peshwa's contribution of £10,000 (Rs. 1 lákh)

enabled him to satisfy their demands.

[Momín Khán at Cambay.] Momín Khán now began to oppress and extort

money from his own followers, and is said to have instigated the murder

of his steward Varajlál. Sadáshiv Rámchandar went from Porbandar to

Junágadh, where he was joined by Sayájiráv Gáikwár. At Junágadh Sher

Khán Bábi presented Sadáshiv Rámchandra and Siyájiráv with horses

and they spoke of the necessity of admitting a Marátha deputy into

Junágadh. Nothing was settled as the Maráthás were forced to return to

Áhmedábád. In accordance with orders from the Peshwa, Shambhurám and

his sons, who were still in confinement, were sent to Poona. Dámáji

Gáikwár was also summoned to Poona, but he did not go. In this year

Ráo Lakhpat of Kachh presented Kachh horses and Gujarát bullocks to

the emperor, and in return received the title of Mírza Rája.

[Expedition from Kachh against Sindh, 1758.] About this time the Ráo

of Kachh, who planned an expedition against Sindh, solicited aid both

from Dámáji Gáikwár and Sadáshiv Rámchandar to enable him to conquer

Thatta, and, as he agreed to pay expenses, Sadáshiv sent Ranchordás,

and Dámáji sent Shevakrám to help him. In this year also Neknám Khán,

governor of Broach, received the title of Bahádur and other honours. In

A.D. 1758, Sadáshiv Rámchandar advanced to Kaira and after settling

accounts with Dámáji's agent proceeded against Cambay. Momín Khán,

who was about to visit the Peshwa at Poona, remained to defend the

town, but was forced to pay arrears of tribute amounting to £2000

(Rs. 20,000). In this year Sher Khán Bábi died at Junágadh, and the

nobles of his court seated his son Muhammad Mahábat Khán in his place.

[The Maráthás levy Tribute.] Shortly after at the invitation of the

Peshwa, Dámáji Gáikwár went to Poona, and sent his son Sayájiráv

into Sorath. After his success at Cambay Sadáshiv Rámchandra levied

tribute from the chiefs of Umeta, and then returned. On his way

back, on account of the opposition caused by Sardár Muhammad Khán

son of Sher Khán Bábi, the chief of Bálásinor, Sadáshiv Rámchandar

besieged Bálásinor and forced the chief to pay £3000 (Rs. 30,000). Next

marching against Lunáváda, he compelled the chief Dípsingh to pay £5000

(Rs. 50,000). Sadáshiv then went to Visalnagar and so to Pálanpur,

where Muhammad Khán Bahádur Jhálori resisted him; but after a month's

siege he agreed to pay a tribute of £3500 (Rs. 35,000). Passing south

from Pálanpur, Sadáshiv went to Únja-Unáva, and from that to Katosan

where he levied £1000 (Rs. 10,000) from the chief Shuja, and then

proceeded to Limbdi.

[Surat Affairs, 1758.] During A.D. 1758 important changes took place

in Surat. In the early part of the year Sayad Muîn-ud-dín, otherwise

called Sayad Achchan, visited the Peshwa at Poona, and received from

him the appointment of governor of Surat. Sayad Achchan then set out

for his charge, and as he was aided by a body of Marátha troops under

the command of Muzaffar Khán Gárdi and had also secured the support of

Neknám Khán, the governor of Broach, he succeeded after some resistance

in expelling Áli Nawáz Khán, son of the late Safdar Muhammad Khán, and

establishing himself in the government. During the recent troubles, the

English factory had been plundered and two of their clerks murdered by

Ahmed Khán Habshi, commandant of the fort. [The English take command of

Surat, 1759.] The English therefore determined to drive out the Habshi

and themselves assume the government of the castle. With this object

men-of-war were despatched from Bombay to the help of Mr. Spencer,

the chief of the English factory, and the castle was taken in March

A.D. 1759, and Mr. Spencer appointed governor. The Peshwa appears to

have consented to this conquest. The Marátha troops aided and made a

demonstration without the city, and a Marátha man-of-war which had

been stationed at Bassein, came to assist the English. A Mr. Glass

appears to have been appointed kiledár under Governor Spencer.

[Momín Khán Visits Poona, 1759.] Shortly afterwards Momín Khán, by the

advice of Sayad Husain, an agent of the Peshwa, contracted friendship

with the English through Mr. Erskine, the chief of the English factory

at Cambay. Momín Khán then asked Mr. Erskine to obtain permission

for him to go to Poona by Bombay. Leave being granted, Momín Khán set

out for Surat, and was there received by Mr. Spencer. From Surat he

sailed for Bombay, where the governor, Mr. Bourchier, treating him

with much courtesy, informed the Peshwa of his arrival. The Peshwa

sending permission for his further advance to Poona, Momín Khán took

leave of Mr. Bourchier and proceeded to Poona.

[Sadáshiv Rámchandra Peshwa's Viceroy, 1760.] From Limbdi, to which

point his tribute tour has been traced, Sadáshiv Rámchandra advanced

against Dhrángadhra, when the chief who was at Halvad sent an army

against him. The Maráthás, informed of the chief's design, detaching a

force, attacked Halvad at night, and breaching the walls forced open

the gates. The chief retired to his palace, which was fortified,

and there defended himself, but was at last forced to surrender,

and was detained a prisoner until he should pay a sum of £12,000

(Rs. 1,20,000). The neighbouring chiefs, impressed with the fate of

Halvad, paid tribute without opposition. [The Maráthás in Káthiáváda,

1759.] Sadáshiv Rámchandra now went to Junágadh, but ere he could

commence operations against the fortress, the rainy season drew near,

and returning to Áhmedábád he prepared to depart for Poona. Sayáji

Gáikwár, who was also in Sorath collecting tribute, amongst other

places besieged Kundla, and levying from that town a tribute of £7500

(Rs. 75,000) returned to the capital. During this time Khanderáv

Gáikwár had been levying tribute from the Kolis, and after visiting

the Bhíl district went to Bijápur, Ídar, Kadi, Dholka, and Nadiád. The

chief of Halvad on paying his £12,000 (Rs. 1,20,000) was allowed

to depart, and Dípsingh of Lunáváda, who was also a prisoner, was

sent to Lunáváda and there released after paying his tribute. On

receiving the news of the capture of the Surat fort by the English

the emperor issued an order, in the name of the governor of Bombay,

confirming the command of the fort to the English instead of to the

Habshis of Janjira, appointing the Honourable East India Company

admirals of the imperial fleet, and at the same time discontinuing

the yearly payment of £2000 (Rs. 20,000) formerly made to the Habshi

on this account. When in the course of the following year, A.D. 1760,

this imperial order reached Surat, Mr. Spencer and other chief men of

the city went outside of the walls to meet and escort the bearers of

the despatch. Sadáshiv Rámchandra was appointed viceroy of Áhmedábád

on behalf of the Peshwa. Bhagvantráv now conquered Bálásinor from

Sardár Muhammad Khán Bábi, and then marching to Sorath, collected the

Peshwa's share of the tribute of that province, according to the scale

of the previous year. Sayáji Gáikwár, when Bhagvantráv had returned,

set out to Sorath to levy the Gáikwár's share of the tribute. He was

accompanied by Harbhamrám whom Dámáji Gáikwár had specially sent from

his own court to act as Kámdár to Sayáji. When Sadáshiv Rámchandra

reported to the Peshwa the conquest of Bálásinor by Bhagvantráv he

was highly pleased, and gave Bhagvantráv a dress of honour and allowed

him to keep the elephant which he had captured at Lunáváda; and passed

a patent bestowing Bálásinor upon him. Momín Khán, after making firm

promises to the Peshwa never to depart from the terms of the treaty

he had made with the Maráthás, left Poona and came to Bombay, where he

was courteously entertained by the Governor, and despatched by boat to

Surat. From Surat he passed to Cambay by land through Broach. Sayáji

Gáikwár had returned to Áhmedábád from Sorath in bad health, and his

uncle Khanderáv Gáikwár, who had been vainly endeavouring to subdue

the Kolis of Lúhára, came to Áhmedábád and took Sayáji Gáikwár to

Nadiád. In 1761 Sadáshiv Rámchandra was displaced as viceroy of Gujarát

by [Ápa Ganesh Viceroy, 1761.] Ápa Ganesh. This officer acted in a

friendly manner to Momín Khán, and marching to Cambay, he fixed the

Marátha share of the revenues of that place for that year at £8400

(Rs. 84,000), and then went to Áhmedábád by way of Dákor. Narbherám

collected this year the Gáikwár's share of the tribute of Sorath and

Sayáji Gáikwár went to Baroda. On his return to Áhmedábád at the end

of the year, Sayáji sacked and burned the Koli village of Lúhára in

Bahyal about eighteen miles east of Áhmedábád. Jawán Mard Khán now

issued from Pátan and levied small contributions from the holdings in

Vágad, as far as Anjár in Kachh. From Vágad he proceeded to Sorath,

and in concert with Muhammad Mahábat Khán of Junágadh and Muhammad

Muzáffar Khán Bábi, between whom he made peace, he levied tribute in

Sorath as far as Loliyána, and returned to Pátan.

[Pánipat, 1761.] While their power and plunderings were thus prospering

in Gujarát the crushing ruin of Pánipat (A.D. 1761) fell on the

Maráthás. Taking advantage of the confusion that followed, the Dehli

court despatched instructions to the chief Musalmán nobles of Gujarát,

directing Momín Khán, Jawán Mard Khán, and the governor of Broach

to join in driving the Maráthás out of the province. In consequence

of this despatch Sardár Muhammad Khán Bábi, defeating the Marátha

garrison, regained Bálásinor, while the governor of Broach, with the

aid of Momín Khán, succeeded in winning back Jambúsar. Ápa Ganesh,

the Peshwa's viceroy, remonstrated with Momín Khán for this breach of

faith. In reply his envoy was shown the despatch received from Dehli,

and was made the bearer of a message, that before it was too late,

it would be wisdom for the Maráthás to abandon Gujarát. Things were

in this state when Dámáji Gáikwár, wisely forgetting his quarrels with

the Peshwa, marched to the aid of Sadáshiv with a large army. Advancing

against Cambay he attacked and defeated Momín Khán, plundering one of

his villages. But the Maráthás were too weak to follow up this success,

or exact severer punishment from the Musalmán confederates. Ápa

Ganesh invited Sardár Muhammad Khán Bábi to Kaira, and on condition

of the payment of tribute, agreed to allow him to keep possession of

Bálásinor. Subsequently Dámáji's energy enabled him to enlarge the

power and possessions of the Gáikwár's house, besides acquisitions

from other chiefs, recovering the districts of Visalnagar, Kherálu,

Vadnagar, Bijápur, and Pátan from Jawán Mard Khán. After the death

of the great Dámáji, the importance of the Gáikwár's power sensibly

diminished. Had it not been for their alliance with the British,

the feeble hands of Sayájiráv I. (A.D. 1771-1778) would probably have

been the last to hold the emblem of Gáikwár rule. If in the zenith of

Gáikwár power Momín Khán could reconquer, and for so long successfully

defend Áhmedábád, what might not have been possible in its decline?

APPENDIX I.

The Death of Sultán Bahádur, A.D. 1526-1536. [876]

Colonel Briggs (Muhammadan Power in India, IV. 132) gives the following

summary of the events which led to the fatal meeting of Sultán Bahádur

and the Portuguese viceroy Nono da Cunha in the beginning of 1536-37:

When in 1529 Nono daCunha came as viceroy to India he held instructions

to make himself master of the island of Diu. In the following year a

great expedition, consisting of 400 vessels and 15,600 men, met in

Bombay and sailed to the Káthiáváda coast. After vigorous assaults

it was repulsed off Diu on the 17th February 1531. From that day

the Portuguese made ceaseless efforts to obtain a footing on the

island of Diu. In 1531 besides harrying the sea trade of Gujarát

the Portuguese sacked the towns of Tárápur, Balsár, and Surat, and,

to give colour to their pretensions, received under their protection

Chánd Khán an illegitimate brother of Bahádur. In 1532, under James

de Silveira, the Portuguese burned the south Káthiáváda ports of

Pattan-Somnáth, Mangrul, Talája, and Muzaffarábád, killing many of the

people and carrying off 4000 as slaves. Shortly after the Portuguese

took and destroyed Bassein in Thána obtaining 400 cannon and much

ammunition. They also burned Daman, Thána, and Bombay. "All this"

says the Portuguese historian "they did to straiten Diu and to oblige

the king of Gujarát to consent to their raising a fort on the island

of Diu." When Bahádur was engaged with the Mughals (A.D. 1532-1534)

the Portuguese Governor General deputed an embassy to wait on Humáyún

to endeavour to obtain from him the cession of Diu, hoping by this

action to work indirectly on the fears of Bahádur. At last in 1534

Bahádur consented to a peace by which he agreed to cede the town

of Bassein to Portugal; not to construct ships of war in his ports;

and not to combine with Turkish fleets against Portugal.

Permission was also given to the Portuguese to build in Diu. In

consideration of these terms the Portuguese agreed to furnish Bahádur

with 500 Europeans of whom fifty were men of note. According to the

Portuguese historian it was solely because of this Portuguese help that

Bahádur succeeded in driving the Mughals out of Gujarát. Bahádur's

cession of land in Diu to the Portuguese was for the purpose of

building a mercantile factory. From the moment Bahádur discovered

they had raised formidable fortifications, especially when by the

withdrawal of the Mughals he no longer had any motive for keeping on

terms with them, he resolved to wrest the fort out of the hands of the

Portuguese. On the plea of separating the natives from the Europeans,

Bahádur instructed his governor of Diu to build a wall with a rampart

capable of being mounted with guns. But as this created much dispute

and ill-will the rampart was given up. Bahádur next attempted to

seize Emanuel de Souza the captain of Diu fort. With this object he

invited DeSouza to his camp. DeSouza was warned but determined to

accept Bahádur's invitation. He went attended by only one servant,

an act of courage which Bahádur so greatly admired that he treated

him with honour and allowed him to return in safety. Bahádur next

schemed to secure DeSouza in the fort by surprise. With this end he

began to pay the Portuguese officers visits at all hours. But DeSouza

was always on his guard and Bahádur's surprise visits failed to give

him an opportunity. In 1536 DeSouza wrote to the viceroy complaining

of the bad feeling of the Gujarát Moors towards the Portuguese in

Diu and of the efforts of the king to drive them out of the fort. In

consequence of DeSouza's letter Nono daCunha the viceroy arrived at

Diu early in 1536-7. Bahádur went to visit the viceroy on board the

viceroy's ship. On his return he was attacked and leaping into the

water was killed by a blow on the head and sank.

Of the unplanned and confused circumstances in which the brave Bahádur

met his death four Musalmán and four Portuguese versions remain. The

author of the Mirat-i-Sikandari (Persian Text, 280-281) states that

the Portuguese, who offered their help to Bahádur in the days of his

defeat by the emperor Humáyún, obtained from him the grant of land

at Diu, and on this land built a fort. After the re-establishment

of his power the Sultán, who had no longer any need of their help,

kept constantly planning some means of ousting the Portuguese from

Diu. With this object Bahádur came to Diu and opened negotiations with

the Portuguese viceroy, hoping in the end to get the viceroy into his

power. The viceroy knowing that Bahádur regretted the concessions he

had made to them was too wary to place himself in Bahádur's hands. To

inspire confidence Bahádur, with five or six of his nobles all unarmed,

paid the viceroy a visit on board his ship. Suspecting foul play

from the behaviour of the Portuguese the king rose to retire, but

the Portuguese pressed upon him on all sides. He had nearly reached

his boat when one of the Portuguese struck him a blow with a sword,

killed him, and threw his body overboard.

The same author gives a second version which he says is more generally

received and is probably more accurate. According to this account the

Portuguese had come to know that Bahádur had invited the Sultáns of

the Dakhan to co-operate with him in driving the Portuguese from the

Gujarát, Konkan, and Dakhan ports. That the Portuguese viceroy had come

with 150 ships and had anchored at Diu off the chain bastion. That

Sultán Bahádur not suspecting that the Portuguese were aware of his

insincerity went in a barge to see the fleet, and when he got in the

midst of their ships, the Portuguese surrounded his barge and killed

him with lances.

According to Farishtah (II. 442, 443, Pers. Text) on the invasion

of Gujarát by the emperor Humáyún, Sultán Bahádur had asked help of

the Portuguese. When his power was re-established, Bahádur, hearing

of the arrival of between five and six thousand Portuguese at Diu,

feared they would take possession of that port. He therefore hastened

to Diu from Junágadh. The Portuguese who were aware that Humáyún had

withdrawn and that Bahádur had re-established his power, preferred to

attempt to gain Diu by stratagem rather than by force. Bahádur asked

the viceroy to visit him. The viceroy feigned sickness and Bahádur

with the object of proving his goodwill offered to visit the viceroy

on board his ship. On leaving the viceroy's ship to enter his own

barge the Portuguese suddenly moved their vessel and Bahádur fell

overboard. While in the water a Portuguese struck the king with a

lance and killed him.

Abul Fazl's account A.D. 1590 (Akbarnámah in Elliot, VI. 18) seems

more natural and in better keeping with Bahádur's impetuous vigour

and bravery than either the Gujarát or Farishtah's narratives. The

Portuguese chief was apprehensive that as the Sultán was no longer in

want of assistance he meditated treachery. So he sent to inform the

Sultán that he had come as requested, but that he was ill and unable

to go on shore, so that the interview must be deferred till he got

better. The Sultán, quitting the royal road of safety, embarked on the

12th February 1536 (3rd Ramazan H. 943) with a small escort to visit

the viceroy on board the viceroy's ship. As soon as Bahádur reached

the vessel he found the viceroy's sickness was a pretence and regretted

that he had come. He at once sought to return. But the Portuguese were

unwilling that such a prey should escape them and hoped that by keeping

him prisoner they might get more ports. The viceroy came forward and

asked the Sultán to stay a little and examine some curiosities he had

to present. The Sultán replied that the curiosities might be sent after

him and turned quickly towards his own boat. A European kázi or priest

placed himself in the Sultán's way and bade him stop. The Sultán,

in exasperation, drew his sword and cleft the priest in twain. He

then leaped into his own boat. The Portuguese vessels drew round

the Sultán's boat and a fight began. The Sultán and Rúmi Khán threw

themselves into the water. A friend among the Portuguese stretched

a hand to Rúmi Khán and saved him: the Sultán was drowned in the waves.

Of the four Portuguese versions of Bahádur's death the first appears

in Correa's (A.D. 1512-1550) Lendas Da Asia, A.D. 1497 to 1550;

the second in DeBarros' (died A.D. 1570) Decadas, A.D. 1497 to 1539;

the third in Do Couto's (died A.D. 1600 ?) continuation of DeBarros,

A.D. 1529 to 1600; and the fourth in Faria-e-Souza's (died A.D. 1650)

Portuguese Asia to A.D. 1640. A fifth reference to Bahádur's death

will be found in Castaneda's Historia which extends to A.D. 1538.

As Correa was in India from A.D. 1512 till his death in Goa in

A.D. 1550, and as his narrative which was never published till

A.D. 1856-64 has the highest reputation for accuracy of detail his

version carries special weight. According to Correa (Lendas Da Asia,

Vol. III. Chap. XCV.) during the monsoon of 1536, Nono DaCunha the

viceroy received by land a letter from Manoel deSouza the captain

of Diu fort, telling him of the discontent of the Gujarát Moors with

king Bahádur for allowing the Portuguese to build a fort at Diu. In

consequence of this information early in the fair season Nono daCunha

sailed from Goa in his own galleon accompanied by about ten small

vessels fustas and katurs under the command of Antonio deSylveira. Nono

reached Diu about the end of December. King Bahádur was glad that the

viceroy should come to Diu almost alone since it seemed to show he was

not aware of Bahádur's designs against the Portuguese. When Bahádur

arrived at Diu he sent a message to the viceroy inviting him to come

ashore to meet him as he had important business to transact. The

king's messenger found the viceroy ill in bed, and brought back a

message that the viceroy would come ashore to meet the king in the

evening. Immediately after the king's messenger left, Manoel deSouza,

the captain of Diu fort, came on board to see the viceroy. The viceroy

told Manoel to go and thank the king and to return his visit. The

king expressed his grief at the viceroy's illness and proposed to

start at once to see him. He went to his barge and rowed straight to

the viceroy's galleon. The king had with him, besides the interpreter

St. Jago, seven men and two pages one carrying a sword and the other

a bow. The captain of the fort and some other officers in their own

barges followed the king. Bahádur, who was the first to arrive, came

so speedily that the viceroy had hardly time to make preparations to

receive him. He put on heavy clothes to show he was suffering from

ague and ordered all the officers to be well armed. When Bahádur

came on board he saw the men busy with their weapons but showed no

signs that he suspected foul play. He went straight to the viceroy's

cabin. The viceroy tried to get up but Bahádur prevented him, asked

how he was, and returned at once to the deck. As Bahádur stood on the

deck the captain of the fort boarded the galleon, and, as he passed to

the cabin to see the viceroy, Bahádur laughingly upbraided him with

being behind time. Then without taking leave of the viceroy Bahádur

went to his barge. When the viceroy learned that the king had left he

told the captain to follow the king and to take him to the fort and

keep him there till the viceroy saw him. The captain rowed after the

king who was already well ahead. He called to the king asking him to

wait. The king waited. When the captain came close to the king's barge

he asked the king to come into his vessel. But the interpreter without

referring to the king replied that the captain should come into the

king's barge. DeSouza ordered his boat alongside. His barge struck

the king's barge and DeSouza who was standing on the poop tripped and

fell into the water. The rowers of the royal barge picked him out

and placed him near the king who laughed at his wet clothes. Other

Portuguese barges whose officers thought the Moors were fighting

with the captain began to gather. The first to arrive was Antonio

Cardoza. When Cardoza came up the interpreter told the king to make

for land with all speed as the Portuguese seemed to be coming to seize

and kill him. The king gave the order to make for the shore. He also

told the page to shoot the hollow arrow whose whistling noise was a

danger signal. When the Moors in the king's barge heard the whistle

they attacked Manoel deSouza, who fell dead into the sea. Then Diogo

de Mesquita, D'Almeida, and Antonio Correa forced their way on to the

king's barge. When the king saw them he unsheathed his sword and the

page shot an arrow and killed Antonio Cardoza, who fell overboard

and was drowned. D'Almeida was killed by a sword-cut from a Moor

called Tiger and Tiger was killed by Correa. At that moment Diogo de

Mesquita gave the king a slight sword-cut and the king jumped into the

sea. After the king, the interpreter and Rúmi Khán, two Moors, and all

the rowers leapt into the water. The Portuguese barges surrounded them

and the men struck at the three swimmers with lances and oars. The king

twice cried aloud 'I am Sultán Bahádur,' hoping that some one would

help him. A man who did not know that he was the king struck Bahádur

on the head with a club. The blow was fatal and Bahádur sank. The

second version is given by Barros (A.D. 1560) in his Decadas da Asia,

Vol. V. page 357 of the 1707 edition. The third version by Do Couto

(A.D. 1600) in his continuation of Barros' Decadas, and the fourth by

Faria-e-Souza (A.D. 1650) in his Portuguese Asia are in the main taken

from De Barros. The following details are from Steevens' (A.D. 1697)

translation of Faria given in Briggs' Muhammadan Power in India,

IV. 135-138.

Bahádur king of Cambay, who had recovered his kingdom solely by the

assistance of the Portuguese, now studied their ruin, and repenting

of the leave he had granted to build a fort at Diu endeavoured

to take it and to kill the commander and the garrison. Nono da

Cunha the Portuguese viceroy understood his designs and prepared to

prevent them. Emanuel deSouza who commanded at Diu was warned by a

Moor that the king would send for him by a certain Moor and kill

him. DeSouza determined to go, and, when sent for, appeared with

only one servant. Admiring DeSouza's courage the king treated him

honourably and allowed him to return in safety. The king's mother

tried to dissuade her son from plotting against DeSouza but to

no effect. To remove suspicion Bahádur began to pay the Portuguese

officers visits at unseasonable hours, but was ever received by DeSouza

on his guard. Meanwhile, on the 9th January 1536, Nono daCunha the

Portuguese viceroy set out from Goa for Diu with 300 sail. When he

put in at Cheul he found Nizám-ul-Mulk who pretended he had come to

divert his women at sea but really with designs on that place. When

Nono reached Diu the king was hunting in the mountains and Nono

apprised him of his arrival. The king sent for him by a Portuguese

apostate of the name of John de St. Jago called Firangi Khán, but

Nono daCunha pleaded illness. The king pretending great friendship

came to Diu accompanied by Emanuel deSouza, who had brought the last

message from DaCunha. At Diu the king went on board the viceroy's

ship and for a time they discoursed. The king was troubled at a page

whispering something to DaCunha, but as DaCunha took no notice his

suspicions were allayed. The message was from DeSouza, stating that

the captains whom he had summoned were awaiting orders to secure

or kill the king. DaCunha thought it strange that DeSouza had not

killed the king while he was in his power in the fort; and DeSouza

thought it strange that DaCunha did not now seize the king when he

was in his power in the ship. DaCunha directed all the officers to

escort the king to the palace and then accompany DeSouza to the fort,

where DaCunha intended to seize the king when he came to visit him. The

king on his part had resolved to seize DaCunha at a dinner to which he

had invited him and send him in a cage to the Great Turk. De Souza who

was going to invite the king to the fort after DaCunha had entered it,

came up with the king's barge and delivered his invitation through Rúmi

Khán. Rúmi Khán warned the king not to accept it. The king disregarding

this warning invited DeSouza into his barge. While stepping into the

king's barge DeSouza fell overboard, but was picked up by officers

who carried him to the king. At this time three Portuguese barges

came up and some of the officers seeing DeSouza hastily enter the

king's barge drew close to the king's barge. The king remembering

Rúmi Khán's warning ordered Emanuel deSouza to be killed. James de

Mesquita understanding the order flew at and wounded the king. An

affray followed and four Portuguese and seven of the king's men were

killed. The king tried to get away in a boat but a cannon shot killed

three of his rowers and he was stopped. He next attempted to escape

by swimming, but being in danger of drowning discovered himself by

crying for help. A Portuguese held out an oar to him; but others

struck him fatal blows, so that he sank.

The conclusion to be drawn from these four Musalmán and four

Portuguese versions is that on either side the leader hoped by some

future treachery to seize the person of the other; and that mutual

suspicion turned into a fatal affray a meeting which both parties

intended should pass peacefully and lull the other into a false and

favourable security.

APPENDIX II.

THE HILL FORT OF MÁNDU.

PART I.--DESCRIPTION.

Mándu, about twenty-three miles south of Dhár in Central India, is a

wide waving hill-top, part of the great wall of the Vindhyan range. The

hill-top is three to four miles from north to south and four to five

miles from east to west. On the north, the east, and the west, Mándu

is islanded from the main plateau of Málwa by valleys and ravines that

circle round to its southern face, which stands 1200 feet out of the

Nímár plain. The area of the hill-top is over 12,000 English acres,

and, so broken is its outline, that the encircling wall is said to have

a length of between thirty-seven and thirty-eight miles. Its height,

1950 feet above the sea, secures for the hill-top at all seasons the

boon of fresh and cool air.

About twenty miles south of Dhár the level cultivated plateau breaks

into woody glades and uplands. Two miles further the plain is cleft

by two great ravines, which from their deeper and broader southern

mouths 700 to 800 feet below the Dhár plateau, as they wind northwards,

narrow and rise, till, to the north of Mándu hill, they shallow into

a woody dip or valley about 300 yards broad and 200 feet below the

south crest of Málwa. From the south crest of the Málwa plateau,

across the tree tops of this wild valley, stand the cliffs of the

island Mándu, their crests crowned by the great Dehli gateway and its

long lofty line of flanking walls. At the foot of the sudden dip into

the valley the Âlamgír or World-Guarding Gate stands sentinel. [877]

Beyond the gateway, among wild reaches of rock and forest, a noble

causeway with high domed tombs on either hand fills the lowest dip of

the valley. From the south end of the causeway the road winds up to a

second gateway, and beyond the second gateway between side walls climbs

till at the crest of the slope it passes through the ruined but still

lofty and beautiful Dehli or northern gateway, one of the earliest

works of Diláwar Khán (A.D. 1400), the founder of Musalmán Mándu.

Close inside of the Dehli gate, on the right or west, stands the

handsome Hindola Palace. The name Hindola, which is probably the title

of the builder, is explained by the people as the Swingcot palace,

because, like the sides of the cage of a swinging cot, the walls of

the hall bulge below and narrow towards the top. Its great baronial

hall and hanging windows give the Hindola palace a special merit and

interest, and an air of lordly wealth and luxury still clings to the

tree-covered ruins which stretch west to large underground cisterns

and hot weather retreats. About a quarter of a mile south stand the

notable group of the Jaház Mehel or Ship palace on the west, and the

Tapela Mehel or Caldron palace on the south, with their rows of lofty

pointed arches below deep stone caves, their heavy windowless upper

stories, and their massive arched and domed roof chambers. These

palaces are not more handsomely built than finely set. The massive

ship-like length of the Jaház Mehel lies between two large tree-girt

ponds, and the Tapela, across a beautiful foreground of water and

ruin, looks east into the mass of tangled bush and tree which once

formed part of the 130 acres of the Lál Bágh or Royal Gardens.

The flat palace roofs command the whole 12,000 acres of Mándu hill,

north to the knolls and broken uplands beyond the great ravine-moat and

south across the waving hill-top with its miles of glades and ridges,

its scattered villages hamlets and tombs, and its gleaming groves of

mangoes, khirnis, banyans, mhowras, and pipals. In the middle distance,

out from the tree-tops, stand the lofty domes of Hoshang's tomb and

of the great Jámá mosque. Further south lies the tree-girt hollow

of the Ságar Taláv or Sea Lake, and beyond the Ságar lake a woody

plateau rises about 200 feet to the southern crest, where, clear

against the sky, stand the airy cupolas of the pavilion of Rúp Mati,

the beautiful wife of Báz Bahádur (A.D. 1551-1561), the last Sultán

of Málwa. Finally to the west, from the end of the Rúp Mati heights,

rises even higher the bare nearly isolated shoulder of Songad, the

citadel or inner fort of Mándu, the scene of the Gujarát Bahádur's

(A.D. 1531) daring and successful surprise. This fair hill-top,

beautiful from its tangled wildness and scattered ruins, is a strange

contrast to Mándu, the capital of a warlike independent dynasty. During

the palmy days of the fifteenth century, of the 12,000 acres of the

Mándu hill-top, 560 were fields, 370 were gardens, 200 were wells,

780 were lakes and ponds, 100 were bazár roads, 1500 were dwellings,

200 were rest-houses, 260 were baths, 470 were mosques, and 334 were

palaces. These allotments crowded out the wild to a narrow pittance

of 1560 acres of knolls and ridges.

From the Jaház Mehel the road winds through fields and woods, gemmed

with peafowl and droll with monkeys, among scattered palaces mosques

and tombs, some shapely some in heaps, about a mile south to the

walled enclosure of the lofty domed tomb of the establisher of Mándu's

greatness, Hoshang Sháh Ghori (A.D. 1405-1432). Though the badly-fitted

joinings of the marble slabs of the tomb walls are a notable contrast

to the finish of the later Mughal buildings, Hoshang's tomb, in

its massive simplicity and dim-lighted roughness, is a solemn and

suitable resting-place for a great Pathán warrior. Along the west of

the tomb enclosure runs a handsome flat-roofed colonnade. The pillars,

which near the base are four-sided, pass through an eight-sided and

a sixteen-sided belt into a round upper shaft. The round shaft ends

in a square under-capital, each face of which is filled by a group

of leafage in outline the same as the favourite Hindu Singh-múkh or

horned face. Over the entwined leafy horns of this moulding, stone

brackets support heavy stone beams, all Hindu in pattern. [878]

Close to the east of Hoshang's tomb is Hoshang's Jámá Masjid or

Great Mosque, built of blocks of red limestone. Hoshang's mosque is

approached from the east through a massive domed gateway and across a

quadrangle enclosed on the east north and south by wrecked colonnades

of pointed arches. The west is filled by the great pointed arches

of the mosque in fair repair. On the roof of the mosque from a thick

undergrowth of domelets rise three lofty domes. [879]

In front of the gateway of the Great Mosque, in the centre of a masonry

plinth about three feet high, stands an iron pillar about a foot in

diameter at the base and twenty feet high. Close to the east of the

gateway is the site of Mehmúd's (A.D. 1442) Tower of Victory, traces of

which remained as late as A.D. 1840. About fifty yards further east are

the ruins of a great building called the Ashrafi Mehel, said to have

been a Musalmán college. To the north-east a banner marks a temple and

the local state offices. South the road passes between the two lines

of small houses and huts that make modern Mándu. Beyond the village,

among ruins and huge swollen baobab stems, the road winds south along

a downward slope to the richly-wooded lowland, where stretches to

the west the wide coolness of the Ságar Taláv or Sea lake. Its broad

surface covering 600 acres is green with fanlike lotus leaves, reeds,

and water-grasses. Its banks are rough with brakes of tangled bush

from which, in uncramped stateliness, rise lofty mhauras, mangoes,

kirnis, and pípals. To the east round a smaller tank, whose banks are

crowned by splendid mangoes and tamarinds, stand the domes of several

handsome tombs. Of some of these domes the black masses are brightened

by belts of brilliant pale and deep-blue enamel. To the north of this

overflow-pool a long black wall is the back of the smaller Jámá or

congregation mosque, badly ruined, but of special interest, as each

of its numerous pillars shows the uninjured Hindu Singh-múkh or horned

face. By a rough piece of constructive skill the original cross corners

of the end cupolas have been worked into vaulted Musalmán domes. [880]

From the Sea Lake, about a mile across the waving richly-wooded plain,

bounded by the southern height of the plateau, the path leads to

the sacred Rewa Kund or Narbada Pool, a small shady pond lined with

rich masonry, and its west side enriched by the ruins of a handsome

Bath or Hammám Khánah. From the north-east corner of the Rewa Pool a

broad flight of easy stairs leads thirty or forty feet up the slope

on whose top stands the palace of Báz Bahádur (A.D. 1551-1561) the

last independent chief of Mándu. [881] The broad easy flight of steps

ends in a lofty arched gateway through which a roomy hall or passage

gives entrance into a courtyard with a central masonry cistern and an

enclosing double colonnade, which on the right opens into an arched

balcony overlooking the Rewa Kund and garden. Within this courtyard

is a second court enclosed on three sides by an arched gallery. The

roof of the colonnades, which are reached by flights of easy steps,

are shaded by arched pavilions topped by cupolas brightened by belts

of blue enamel.

To the south of Báz Bahádur's Palace a winding path climbs the steep

slope of the southern rim of Mándu to the massive pillared cupolas of

Rúp Mati's palace, which, clear against the sky, are the most notable

ornament of the hill-top. From a ground floor of heavy masonry walls

and arched gateways stairs lead to a flat masonry terrace. At the north

and south ends of the terrace stand massive heavy-eaved pavilions,

whose square pillars and pointed arches support lofty deep-grooved

domes. The south pavilion on the crest of the Vindhyan cliff commands

a long stretch of the south face of Mándu with its guardian wall

crowning the heights and hollows of the hill-top. Twelve hundred

feet below spreads the dim hazy Nímár plain brightened eastwards by

the gleaming coil of the Narbada. The north pavilion, through the

clear fresh air of the hill-top, looks over the entire stretch of

Mándu from the high shoulder of Songad in the extreme south-west

across rolling tree-brightened fields, past the domes, the tangled

bush, and the broad gray of the Sea Lake, to the five-domed cluster

of Hoshang's mosque and tomb, on, across a sea of green tree tops,

to the domed roof-chambers of the Jaház and Tapela palaces, through

the Dehli gateway, and, beyond the deep cleft of the northern ravine,

to the bare level and the low ranges of the Málwa plain.

From the Rewa Pool a path, along the foot of the southern height

among noble solitary mhauras and khirnis, across fields and past

small clusters of huts, guides to a flight of steps which lead down

to a deep shady rock-cut dell where a Muhammadan chamber with great

open arched front looks out across a fountained courtyard and sloping

scalloped water table to the wild western slopes of Mándu. This is

Nilkanth, where the emperor Akbar lodged in A.D. 1574, and which

Jehángír visited in A.D. 1617. [882]

From the top of the steps that lead to the dell the hill stretches

west bare and stony to the Songad or Tárápúr gateway on the narrow

neck beyond which rises the broad shoulder of Songad, the lofty

south-west limit of the Mándu hill-top. [883]

PART II.--HISTORY. [884]

[HISTORY] The history of Mándu belongs to two main sections, before

and after the overthrow by the emperor Akbar in A.D. 1563 of the

independent power of the Sultáns of Málwa.

SECTION I.--THE MÁLWA SULTÁNS, A.D. 1400-1570.

[The Málwa Sultáns, A.D. 1400-1570.] Of early Hindu Mándu, which

is said to date from A.D. 313, nothing is known. [885] Hind spire

stones are built into the Hindola palace walls; and the pillars of

the lesser Jámá mosque, about a hundred yards from the east end of

the sea or Ságar Lake, are Hindu apparently Jain. Of these local Hind

chiefs almost nothing is known except that their fort was taken and

their power brought to an end by Sultán Shams-ud-dín Altamsh about

A.D. 1234. [886] Dhár, not Mándu, was at that time the capital. It

seems doubtful whether Mándu ever enjoyed the position of a capital

till the end of the fourteenth century. In A.D. 1401, in the ruin

that followed Timúr's (A.D. 1398-1400) conquest of Northern India, a

Pathán from the country of Ghor, Diláwar Khán Ghori (A.D. 1387-1405),

at the suggestion of his son Alp Khán, assumed the white canopy

and scarlet pavilion of royalty. [887] Though Dhár was Diláwar's

head-quarters he sometimes stayed for months at a time at Mándu,

[888] strengthening the defences and adorning the hill with buildings,

as he always entertained the desire of making Mándu his capital. [889]

Three available inscriptions of Diláwar

Khán (A.D. 1387-1405) seem to show that he built an assembly mosque

near the Ship Palace, a mosque near the Dehli Gate, and a gate at

the entrance to Songadh, the south-west corner and citadel of Mándu,

afterwards known as the Tárápúr Gate.

In A.D. 1398 Alp Khán, son of Diláwar Khán, annoyed with his father

for entertaining as his overlord at Dhár Mehmúd Tughlak, the refugee

monarch of Dehli, withdrew to Mándu. He stayed in Mándu for three

years, laying, according to Farishtah, the foundation of the famous

fortress of solid masonry which was the strongest fortification in that

part of the world. [890] On his father's death in A.D. 1405 Alp Khán

took the title of Sultán Hoshang, and moved the capital to Mándu. The

rumour that Hoshang had poisoned his father gave Diláwar's brother

in arms, Muzaffar Sháh of Gujarát (A.D. 1399-1411), an excuse for an

expedition against Hoshang. [891] Hoshang was defeated at Dhár, made

prisoner, and carried to Gujarát, and Muzaffar's brother Nasrat was

appointed in his place. Nasrat failed to gain the goodwill either

of the people or of the army of Málwa; and was forced to retire

from Dhár and take refuge in Mándu. In consequence of this failure

in A.D. 1408, at Hoshang's request Muzaffar set Hoshang free after a

year's confinement, and deputed his grandson Ahmed to take Hoshang to

Málwa and establish Hoshang's power. [892] With Ahmed's help Hoshang

took Dhár and shortly after secured the fort of Mándu. Hoshang

(A.D. 1405-1431) made Mándu his capital and spread his power on

all sides except towards Gujarát. [893] Shortly after the death of

Muzaffar I. and the accession of Ahmed, when (A.D. 1414) Ahmed was

quelling the disturbances raised by his cousins, Hoshang, instead

of helping Ahmed as requested, marched towards Gujarát and created

a diversion in favour of the rebels by sending two of his nobles to

attack Broach. They were soon expelled by Ahmed Sháh. Shortly after

Hoshang marched to the help of the chief of Jháláváda in Káthiáváda,

and ravaged eastern and central Gujarát. [894] To punish Hoshang for

these acts of ingratitude, between A.D. 1418 and 1422, Ahmed twice

besieged Mándu, and though he failed to take the fort his retirement

had to be purchased, and both as regards success and fair-dealing

the honours of the campaign remained with Ahmed. [895] In A.D. 1421

Hoshang went disguised as a horse-dealer to Jájnagar (now Jájpur)

in Cuttack in Orissa. He took with him a number of cream-coloured

horses, of which he had heard the Rája was very fond. His object was

to barter these horses and other goods for the famous war elephants

of Jájnagar. An accident in the camp of the disguised merchants led

to a fight, in which the Rája was taken prisoner and Hoshang was

able to secure 150 elephants to fight the Gujarát Sultán. [896]

During Hoshang's absence at Jájnagar Ahmed pressed the siege of

Mándu so hard that the garrison would have surrendered had Hoshang

not succeeded in finding his way into the fort through the south

or Tárápur Gate. [897] For ten years after the Gujarát campaign,

by the help of his minister Malik Mughís of the Khilji family and

of his minister's son Mehmúd Khán, Málwa prospered and Hoshang's

power was extended. Hoshang enriched his capital with buildings,

among them the Great Mosque and his own tomb, both of which he left

unfinished. Hoshang's minister Malik Mughís (who received the title of

Ulugh Aâzam Humáyún Khán) appears to have built the assembly mosque

near the Ságar Lake in Hoshang's life-time, A.D. 1431. Another of

his buildings must have been a mint, as copper coins remain bearing

Hoshang's name, and Mándu Shádiábád as the place of mintage. [898]

In A.D. 1432, at Hoshangábád, on the left bank of the Narbada, about

120 miles east of Mándu, Hoshang, who was suffering from diabetes,

took greatly to heart the fall of a ruby out of his crown. He said:

A few days before the death of Fírúz Tughlak a jewel dropped from

his crown. Hoshang ordered that he should be taken to Mándu. Before

he had gone many miles the king died. His nobles carried the body to

the Madrasah or college in Shádiábád or Mándu, and buried him in the

college on the ninth day of Zil Hajjah, the twelfth month of A.H. 838 =

A.D. 1434. The year of Hoshang's death is to be found in the letters

Ah Sháh Hoshang na mund: Alas, Sháh Hoshang stayed not. [899]

On Hoshang's death his son Ghazni Khán, with the title of Sultán

Muhammad Ghori, succeeded. Malik Mughís, his father's minister,

and the minister's son Mehmúd were maintained in power. In three years

(A.D. 1433-1436), as Sultán Muhammad proved dissipated, cruel

and suspicious, Mehmúd, the minister's son, procured his death

by poison. Mehmúd Khilji then asked his father to accept the

succession, but his father declined, saying that Mehmúd was fitter

to be king. In A.D. 1436 Mehmúd was accordingly crowned with the

royal tiara of Hoshang. [900] He conferred on his father the honour

of being attended by mace-bearers carrying gold and silver sticks,

who, when the Khán mounted or went out, had, like the mace-bearers

of independent monarchs, the privilege of repeating the Bismillah

'In the name of the compassionate and merciful Alláh.' [901] He gave

his father royal honours, the white canopy and the silver quiver,

and to his title of Malik Ashraf Khán Jehán he added among others

Amír-ul-Umara and Aâzam Humáyún. [902] Mehmúd quelled a revolt among

his nobles. An outbreak of plague in the Gujarát camp relieved him

from a contest with Ahmed Sháh. [903] In A.D. 1439 Mehmúd repaired the

palace of Sultán Hoshang and opened the mosque built in commemoration

of that monarch which Farishtah describes as a splendid edifice with

208 columns. [904] About the same time Mehmúd completed Hoshang's

tomb which Hoshang had left unfinished. On the completion of this

building Hoshang's remains seem to have been moved into it from

their first resting-place in the college. In A.D. 1441 Mehmúd built

a garden with a dome and palaces [905] and a mosque at Naâlchah about

three miles north of the Dehli Gate of Mándu, a pleasing well-watered

spot where the plateau of Málwa breaks into glades and knolls. [906]

In A.D. 1443 in honour of his victory over Rána Kúmbha of Chitor,

Mehmúd built a beautiful column of victory, [907] seven storeys high,

and a college in front of the mosque of Hoshang Ghori. Facing the east

entrance to the Great Mosque stands a paved ramp crowned by a confused

ruin. As late as A.D. 1843 this ruin is described as a square marble

chamber. Each face of the chamber had three arches, the centre arch in

two of the faces being a door. Above the arches the wall was of yellow

stone faced with marble. Inside the chamber the square corners were cut

off by arches. No roof or other trace of superstructure remained. [908]

This chamber seems to be the basement of the column of victory which

was raised in A.D. 1443 by Mehmúd I. (A.D. 1432-1469) in honour of

his victory over Rána Kúmbha of Chitor. [909] Mehmúd's column has the

special interest of being, if not the original, at least the cause

of the building of Kúmbha Rána's still uninjured Victory Pillar,

which was completed in A.D. 1454 at a cost of £900,000 in honour

of his defeat of Mehmúd. [910] That the Mándu Column of Victory was

a famous work is shown by Abul Fazl's reference to it in A.D. 1590

as an eight-storeyed minaret. [911] Farishtah, about twenty years

later (A.D. 1610), calls it a beautiful Victory Pillar seven storeys

high. [912] The emperor Jehángír (A.D. 1605-1627) gives the following

account of Mehmúd's Tower of Victory [913]: "This day, the 29th of the

month Tir, corresponding to July-August of A.D. 1617, about the close

of the day, with the ladies of the palace, I went out to see the Haft

Manzar or Seven Storeys, literally Seven Prospects. This building is

one of the structures of the old rulers of Málwa, that is of Sultán

Mehmúd Khilji. It has seven storeys, and on each storey there are

four porticos, and in each portico are four windows. The height of

this tower is about 163 feet and its circumference 150 feet. From the

surface of the ground to the top of the seventh storey there are one

hundred and seventy-one steps." Sir Thomas Herbert, the traveller,

in A.D. 1626 describes it from hearsay, or at least at second-hand,

as a tower 170 steps high, supported by massive pillars and adorned

with gates and windows very observable. It was built, he adds, by

Khán Jehán, who there lies buried. [914]

Two years later (A.D. 1445) Mehmúd built at Mándu, and endowed with

the revenues of several villages a large Shifa Khánah or Hospital,

with wards and attendants for all classes and separate apartments

for maniacs. He placed in charge of it his own physician Maulána

Fazlulláh. [915] He also built a college to the east of the Jámá

mosque, of which traces remain. [916]

In A.D. 1453, though defeated, Mehmúd brought back from Gujarát the

jewelled waistbelt of Gujarát, which in a daring charge he had taken

from the tent of the Gujarát king Kutb-ud-dín Sháh. [917] In A.D. 1441

Mehmúd's father died at Mandisor. Mehmúd felt the loss so keenly that

he tore his hair like one bereft of reason. [918] After his father's

death Mehmúd made his son Ghiás-ud-dín minister, and conferred the

command of the army and the title of Aâzam Humáyún on his kinsman Táj

Khán. In A.D. 1469, after a reign of thirty-four years (A.D. 1436-1469)

of untiring energy and activity Mehmúd died. Farishtah says of him:

"His tent was his home: the field of battle his resting-place. He

was polite, brave, just, and learned. His Hindu and Musalmán subjects

were happy and friendly. He guarded his lands from invaders. He made

good his loss to any one who suffered from robbery in his dominions,

recovering the amount from the village in whose lands the robbery

had taken place, a system which worked so well that theft and robbery

became almost unknown. Finally, by a systematic effort he freed the

country from the dread of wild beasts." [919]

In A.D. 1469 Mehmúd was succeeded by his son and minister Ghiás-ud-dín,

to whose skill as a soldier much of Mehmúd's success had been due. On

his accession Ghiás-ud-dín made his son Abdul Kádir Prime Minister and

heir-apparent, and gave him the title of Násir-ud-dín. He called his

nobles, and in their presence handed his sword to Násir-ud-dín, saying:

"I have passed thirty-four years in ceaseless fighting. I now devote

my life to rest and enjoyment." [920] Ghiás-ud-dín, who never left

Mándu during the whole thirty years of his reign (A.D. 1469-1499),

is said to have completed the Jaház Mehel or Ship Palace, [921] and

the widespread buildings which surround it. It seems probable that

the Tapela Palace close to the south-east of the Ship palace and

the lake and royal gardens immediately to the north and north-east

of the Tapela palace were part of Ghiás-ud-dín's pleasure-houses

and grounds. The scale of the ruins behind the Hindola or Swingcot

palace to the north, and their connection with the out-buildings to

the west of the Jaház Mehel, suggest that they also belonged to the

palaces and women's quarters of the pleasure-loving Ghiás-ud-dín.

Of the surprising size and fantastic arrangements of Ghiás-ud-dín's

pleasure city, the true Mándu Shádiábád or Abode of Joy, curious

details have been preserved. This Abode of Pleasure was a city not

a palace. It contained 15,000 inhabitants, all of them women, none

either old or plain-featured, and each trained to some profession

or craft. Among them were the whole officers of a court, besides

courtiers, teachers, musicians, dancers, prayer-readers, embroiderers,

and followers of all crafts and callings. Whenever the king heard of

a beautiful girl he never rested till he obtained her. This city of

women had its two regiments of guards, the Archers and the Carabineers,

each 500 strong, its soldiers dressed like men in a distinguishing

uniform. The archers were beautiful young Turkí damsels, all armed

with bows and arrows: the carabineers were Abyssinian maidens, each

carrying a carbine. Attached to the palace and city was a deer park,

where the Lord of Leisure used to hunt with his favourites. Each

dweller in the city of women received her daily dole of grain and

coppers, and besides the women were many pensioners, mice, parrots

and pigeons, who also received the same dole as their owners. So

evenly just was Ghiás-ud-dín in the matter of his allowances, that

the prettiest of his favourites received the same allowance as the

roughest carabineer. [922]

The Lord of the City of Pleasure was deeply religious. Whenever

he was amusing himself two of his companions held in front of him

a cloth to remind him of his shroud. A thousand Háfizahs, that is

women who knew the Kurâán by heart, constantly repeated its holy

verses, and, under the orders of the king, whenever he changed his

raiment the Háfizahs blew on his body from head to foot with their

prayer-hallowed breath. [923] None of the five daily prayers passed

unprayed. If at any of the hours of prayer the king was asleep he

was sprinkled with water, and when water failed to arouse him, he was

dragged out of bed. Even when dragged out of bed by his servants the

king never uttered an improper or querulous word.

So keen was his sense of justice that when one of his courtiers

pretending he had purchased her, brought to him a maiden of ideal

beauty, and her relations, not knowing she had been given to the king,

came to complain, though they gladly resigned her, the king grieved

over his unconscious wrong. Besides paying compensation he mourned

long and truly, and ordered that no more inmates should be brought

to his palace. [924] So great was the king's charity that every night

below his pillow he placed a bag containing some thousand gold-mohurs,

and before evening all were distributed to the deserving. So religious

was the king that he paid 50,000 tankas for each of the four feet of

the ass of Christ. A man came bringing a fifth hoof, and one of the

courtiers said: "My Lord, an ass has four feet. I never heard that it

had five, unless perhaps the ass of Christ had five." "Who knows,"

the king replied, "it may be that this last man has told the truth,

and one of the others was wrong. See that he is paid." So sober was

the king that he would neither look upon nor hear of intoxicants

or stimulants. A potion that had cost 100,000 tankas was brought to

him. Among the 300 ingredients one was nutmeg. The king directed the

potion to be thrown into a drain. His favourite horse fell sick. The

king ordered it to have medicine, and the horse recovered. "What

medicine was given the horse?" asked the king. "The medicine ordered

by the physicians" replied his servants. Fearing that in this medicine

there might be an intoxicant, the king commanded that the horse should

be taken out of the stables and turned loose into the forest. [925]

The king's spirit of peace steeped the land, which, like its ruler,

after thirty years of fighting yearned for rest. For fourteen years

neither inward malcontent nor foreign foe broke the quiet. In A.D. 1482

Bahlol Lodi advanced from Dehli to subdue Málwa. The talk of Mándu

was Bahlol's approach, but no whisper of it passed into the charmed

City of Women. At last the son-minister forced his way into the king's

presence. At the news of pressing danger his soldier-spirit awoke in

Ghiás-ud-dín. His orders for meeting the invaders were so prompt and

well-planned that the king of Dehli paid a ransom and withdrew. A

second rest of fifteen years ended in the son-minister once more

forcing his way into the Presence. In A.D. 1500 the son presented his

father, now an aged man of eighty, with a cup of sherbet and told him

to drink. The king, whose armlet of bezoar stone had already twice

made poison harmless, drew the stone from his arm. He thanked the

Almighty for granting him, unworthy, the happiest life that had ever

fallen to the lot of man. He prayed that the sin of his death might

not be laid to his son's charge, drank the poison, and died. [926]

Ghiás-ud-dín can hardly have shut himself off so completely from

state affairs as the story-tellers make out. He seems to have been

the first of the Málwa kings who minted gold. He also introduced new

titles and ornaments, which implies an interest in his coinage. [927]

Farishtah says that Ghiás-ud-dín used to come out every day for an

hour from his harím, sit on the throne and receive the salutations

of his nobles and subjects, and give orders in all weighty matters of

state. He used to entrust all minor affairs to his ministers; but in

all grave matters he was so anxious not to shirk his responsibility as

a ruler, that he had given strict orders that all such communications

should be made to him at whatever time they came through a particular

female officer appointed to receive his orders. [928]

According to most accounts Násir-ud-dín was led to poison his

father by an attempt of his younger brother Shujáât Khán, supported

if not organised by some of Ghiás-ud-dín's favourite wives to oust

Násir-ud-dín from the succession. [929] In the struggle Násir-ud-dín

triumphed and was crowned at Mándu in A.D. 1500. [930] The new

king left Mándu to put down a revolt. On his return to Mándu he

devoted himself to debauchery and to hunting down and murdering his

brother's adherents. He subjected his mother Khurshíd Ráni to great

indignities and torture to force from her information regarding his

father's concealed treasures. [931] In a fit of drunkenness he fell

into a reservoir. He was pulled out by four of his female slaves. He

awoke with a headache, and discovering what his slaves had done put

them to death with his own hand. [932] Some time after in A.D. 1512,

he again fell into the reservoir, and there he was left till he was

dead. [933] Násir-ud-dín was fond of building. His palace at Akbarpur

in the Nímar plain about twenty miles south of Mándu was splendid

and greatly admired. [934] And at Mándu besides his sepulchre [935]

which the emperor Jehángír (A.D. 1617) mentions, [936] an inscription

shows that the palace now known by the name of Báz Bahádur was built

by Násir-ud-dín.

Násir-ud-dín was succeeded by his younger son (Mehmúd A.D. 1512-1530),

who, with the title of Mehmúd the Second, was crowned with great pomp

at Mándu. Seven hundred elephants in gold-embroidered velvet housings

adorned the procession. [937] Shortly after his accession Mehmúd

II. was driven out of Mándu by the revolt of the commandant Muhâfiz

Khán, but was restored by the skill and courage of Medáni Rái his

Rájput commander-in-chief. [938] A still more dangerous combination

by Muzaffar II. (A.D. 1511-1526) of Gujarát and Sikandar Sháh Lodi

(A.D. 1488-1516) of Dehli, was baffled by the foresight and energy of

the same Rájput general. Mehmúd, feeling that his power had passed

to the Hindus, tried to disband the Rájputs and assassinate Medáni

Rái. Failing in both attempts Mehmúd fled from Mándu to Gujarát,

where he was well received by Sultán Muzaffar (A.D. 1511-1526). [939]

They advanced together against Mándu, and in A.D. 1519, after a close

siege of several months, took the fort by assault. The Rájput garrison,

who are said to have lost 19,000 men, fought to the last, consecrating

the close of their defence by a general javar or fire-sacrifice. Sultán

Mehmúd entered Mándu close after the storming party, and while Mehmúd

established his authority in Mándu, Muzaffar withdrew to Dhár. When

order was restored Mehmúd sent this message to Muzaffar at Dhár:

"Mándu is a splendid fort. You should come and see it." "May Mándu,"

Muzaffar replied, "bring good fortune to Sultán Mehmúd. He is the

master of the fort. For the sake of the Lord I came to his help. On

Friday I will go to the fortress, and having had the sermon read in

Mehmúd's name will return." On Muzaffar's arrival in Mándu Mehmúd gave

a great entertainment; [940] and Muzaffar retired to Gujarát leaving a

force of 3000 Gujarátis to help to guard the hill. [941] Immediately

after Muzaffar's departure, as Sultán Mehmúd was anxious to recover

Chanderi and Gágraun, which still remained in the possession of Medáni

Rái and his supporters, he marched against them. Rána Sánga of Chitor

came to Medáni's aid and a great battle was fought. [942] Mehmúd's

hastiness led him to attack when his men were weary and the Rájputs

were fresh. In spite of the greatest bravery on the part of himself and

of his officers the Musalmán army was defeated, and Mehmúd, weakened

by loss of blood, was made prisoner. Rána Sánga had Mehmúd's wounds

dressed, sent him to Chitor, and on his recovery released him. [943]

[Sultán Bahádur of Gujarát, A.D. 1526-1534.] In A.D. 1526, by giving

protection to his outlawed brother Chánd Khán and to Razí-ul-Mulk, a

refugee Gujarát noble, Mehmúd brought on himself the wrath of Bahádur

Sháh of Gujarát (A.D. 1526-1536). The offended Bahádur did not act

hastily. He wrote to Mehmúd asking him to come to his camp and settle

their quarrels. He waited on the Gujarát frontier at Karji Ghát, east

of Bánswara, until at last satisfied that Mehmúd did not wish for a

peaceful settlement he advanced on Mándu. Meanwhile Mehmúd had repaired

the walls of Mándu, which soon after was invested by Bahádur. The

siege was proceeding in regular course by mines and batteries, and

the garrison, though overtaxed, were still loyal and in heart, when in

the dim light of morning Mehmúd suddenly found the Gujarát flag waving

on the battlements. According to the Mirat-i-Sikandari [944] Bahádur

annoyed by the slow progress of the siege asked his spies where was the

highest ground near Mándu. The spies said: Towards Songad-Chitor the

hill is extremely high. With a few followers the Sultán scaled Songad,

and rushing down the slope burst through the wall and took the fort

(May 20th, 1526). [945] Mehmúd surrendered. Near Dohad, on his way to

his prison at Chámpánír, an attempt was made to rescue Mehmúd, and to

prevent their escape he and some of his sons were slain and buried

on the bank of the Dohad tank. [946] Bahádur spent the rainy season

(June-October 1526) in Mándu, and Málwa was incorporated with Gujarát.

[The Emperor Humáyún, A.D. 1534-1535.] Mándu remained under Gujarát,

till in A.D. 1534, after Bahádur's defeat by Humáyún at Mandasor,

Bahádur retired to Mándu. Humáyún followed. At night 200 of Humáyún's

soldiers went to the back of the fortress, according to Farishtah

the south-west height of Songad [947] by which Bahádur had surprised

Mehmúd's garrison, scaled the walls by ladders and ropes, opened the

gate, and let others in. Mallu Khán, the commandant of the batteries,

a native of Málwa, who afterwards gained the title of Kádir Sháh,

went to Bahádur and wakened him. Bahádur rushed out with four or

five attendants. He was joined by about twenty more, and reaching

the gate at the top of the maidán, apparently the Tárápúr gate by

which Humáyún's men had entered, cut through 200 of Humáyún's troops

and went off with Mallu Khán to the fort of Songad, the citadel of

Mándu. While two of Bahádur's chiefs, Sadr Khán and Sultán Álam Lodi,

threw themselves into Songad, Bahádur himself let his horses down

the cliff by ropes and after a thousand difficulties made his way

to Chámpánír. [948] On the day after Bahádur's escape Sadr Khán and

Sultán Álam Lodi came out of Songad and surrendered to Humáyún. [949]

In the following year (A.D. 1535) the combined news of Sher Sháh's

revolt in Bengal, and of the defeat of his officers at Broach and

Cambay, forced Humáyún to retire from Gujarát. As he preferred its

climate he withdrew, not to Agra but to Mándu. [950] From Mándu, as

fortune was against him in Bengal, Humáyún went (A.D. 1535-36) to Agra.

[Local Musalmán Chiefs, A.D. 1536-1542.] On Humáyún's departure

three chiefs attempted to establish themselves at Mándu: Bhúpat Rái,

the ruler of Bíjágar, sixty miles south of Mándu; Mallu Khán or

Kádir Sháh, a former commandant of Mándu; and Mírán Muhammad Fárúki

from Burhánpur. [951] Of these three Mallu Khán was successful. In

A.D. 1536, when Humáyún fled from Sher Sháh to Persia, Mallu spread

his power from Mándu to Ujjain Sárangpúr and Rantambhor, assumed the

title of Kádir Sháh Málwi, and made Mándu his capital. Some time after

Sher Sháh, who was now supreme, wrote to Mallu Kádir Sháh ordering

him to co-operate in expelling the Mughals. Kádir Sháh resenting this

assumption of overlordship, addressed Sher Sháh as an inferior. [Sher

Sháh Súr, A.D. 1542-1545.] When Sher Sháh received Mallu's order he

folded it and placed it in the scabbard of his poniard to keep the

indignity fresh in his mind. Alláh willing, he said, we shall ask an

explanation for this in person. [952] In A.D. 1542 (H. 949) as Kádir

Sháh failed to act with Kutb Khán, who had been sent to establish Sher

Sháh's overlordship in Málwa, Sher Sháh advanced from Gwálior towards

Mándu with the object of punishing Kádir Sháh. [953] As he knew he

could not stand against Sher Sháh Kádir Sháh went to Sárangpúr to do

homage. Though on arrival Kádir Sháh was well received, his kingdom

was given to Shujáât Khán, one of Sher Sháh's chief followers, and

himself placed in Shujáât Khán's keeping. [954] Suspicious of what

might be in store for

him Kádir Sháh fled to Gujarát. Sher Sháh was so much annoyed at

Shujáât Khán's remissness in not preventing Kádir Sháh's escape that

he transferred the command at Dhár and Mándu from Shujáât Khán to

Háji Khán and Junaid Khán. Shortly after Kádir Sháh brought a force

from Gujarát and attacked Mándu. Shujáât came to Háji Khán's help and

routed Kádir Sháh under the walls of Mándu. In reward Sher Sháh made

him ruler of the whole country of Mándu. [955] Shujáât Khán established

his head-quarters at Mándu with 10,000 horse and 7000 matchlockmen.

[Salím Sháh Súr, A.D. 1545-1553.] During the reign of Sher Sháh's

successor Salím Sháh (A.D. 1545-1553), Shujáât was forced to leave

Málwa and seek shelter in Dúngarpúr. Selím pardoned Shujáât, but

divided Málwa among other nobles. Shujáât remained in Hindustán

till in A.D. 1553, on the accession of Salím's successor, Ádili,

he recovered Málwa, and in A.D. 1554, on the decay of Ádili's power,

assumed independence. [956] He died almost immediately after, and was

succeeded by his eldest son Malik Báyazíd. [957] Shujáât Khán was a

great builder. Besides his chief works at Shujáwalpúr near Ujjain,

he left many memorials in different parts of Málwa. [958] So far

none of the remains at Mándu are known to have been erected during

the rule of Shujáât Khán.

[Báz Bahádur, A.D. 1555-1570.] On the death of his father Malik

Báyazíd killed his brother Daulat Khán, and was crowned in A.D. 1555

with the title of Báz Bahádur. He attacked the Gonds, but met with so

crushing a defeat that he foreswore fighting. [959] He gave himself to

enjoyment and become famous as a musician, [960] and for his poetic

love of Rúp Mani or Rúp Mati, who according to one account was a

wise and beautiful courtezan of Saháranpur in Northern India, and

according to another was the daughter of a Nímar Rájput, the master

of the town of Dharampuri. [961] In A.D. 1560 Pír Muhammad, a general

of Akbar's, afterwards ennobled as Khán Jehán, defeated Báz Bahádur,

drove him out of Mándu, and made the hill his own head-quarters. [962]

In the following year (A.D. 1561), by the help of the Berár chief,

Pír Muhammad was slain and Báz Bahádur reinstated. On news of this

defeat (A.D. 1562) Akbar sent Abdulláh Khán Uzbak with almost unlimited

power to reconquer the province. Abdulláh was successful, but, as he

showed signs of assuming independence, Akbar moved against him and

he fled to Gujarát. [963] Akbar remained in Mándu during the greater

part of the following rains (A.D. 1563), examining with interest the

buildings erected by the Khilji kings. [964] At Mándu Akbar married

the daughter of Mírán Mubárak Khán of Khándesh. [965] When Akbar left

(August 1564) he appointed Karra Bahádur Khán governor of Mándu and

returned to Ágra. [966] In A.D. 1568 the Mírzás, Akbar's cousins,

flying from Gujarát attacked Ujjain. From Ujjain they retreated to

Mándu and failing to make any impression on the fort withdrew to

Gujarát. [967] The Mirzás' failure was due to the ability of Akbar's

general, Háji Muhammad Khán, to whom Akbar granted the province

of Mándu. [968] At the same time (A.D. 1568) the command of Mándu

hill was entrusted to Sháh Budágh Khán, who continued commandant of

the fort till his death many years later. During his command, in a

picturesque spot overlooking a well-watered ravine in the south of

Mándu, between the Ságar Lake and the Tárápur Gateway, Budágh Khán

built a pleasure-house, which he named, or rather perhaps which he

continued to call Nílkanth or Blue Throat. This lodge is interesting

from the following inscriptions, which show that the emperor Akbar

more than once rested within its walls. [969]

The inscription on the small north arch of Nílkanth, dated A.D. 1574,

runs:

(Call it not waste) to spend your life in water and earth. (i.e. in

building),

If perchance a man of mind for a moment makes your house his

lodging.

Written by Sháh Budágh Khán in the year A.H. 982-87. [970]

The inscription on the great southern arch of Nílkanth, dated

A.D. 1574, runs:

This pleasant building was completed in the reign of the great

Sultán, the most munificent and just Khákán, the Lord of the

countries of Arabia and Persia, [971] the shadow of God on the

two earths, the ruler of the sea and of the land, the exalter

of the standards of those who war on the side of God, Abul

Fatah Jalál-ud-dín Muhammad Akbar, the warrior king, may his

dominion and his kingdom be everlasting.

Written by Farídún Husein, son of Hátim-al-Wardi, in the year

A.H. 982. [972]

The inscription on the right wall of Nílkanth, dated A.D. 1591-92,

runs:

In the year A.H. 1000, when on his way to the conquest of the

Dakhan, the slaves of the Exalted Lord of the Earth, the holder

of the sky-like Throne, the shadow of Alláh (the Emperor Akbar),

passed by this place.

That time wastes your home cease, Soul, to complain, Who will

not scorn a complainer so vain.

From the story of others this wisdom derive, Ere naught of

thyself but stories survive.

The inscription on the left wall of Nílkanth, dated A.D. 1600, runs:

The (Lord of the mighty Presence) shadow of Alláh, the Emperor

Akbar, after the conquest of the Dakhan and Dándes (Khándesh)

in the year A.H. 1009 set out for Hind (Northern India).

May the name of the writer last for ever!

At dawn and at eve I have watched an owl sitting

On the lofty wall-top of Shirwán Sháh's Tomb. [973]

The owl's plaintive hooting convey'd me this warning

"Here pomp, wealth, and greatness lie dumb."

In A.D. 1573, with the rest of Málwa, Akbar handed Mándu to Muzaffar

III. the dethroned ruler of Gujarát. It seems doubtful if Muzaffar ever

visited his new territory. [974] On his second defeat in A.D. 1562 Báz

Bahádur retired to Gondwána, where he remained, his power gradually

waning, till in A.D. 1570 he paid homage to the emperor and received

the command of 2000 horse. [975] His decoration of the Rewa Pool,

of the palace close by, which though built by Násir-ud-dín Khilji

(A.D. 1500-1512) was probably repaired by Báz Bahádur, and of Rúp

Mati's pavilion on the crest of the southern ridge make Báz Bahádur one

of the chief beautifiers of Mándu. According to Farishtah (Pers. Text,

II. 538-39) in 1562, when Báz Bahádur went out to meet Akbar's

general, Adham Khán Atkah, he placed Rúp Mati and his other singers

in Sárangpúr under a party of his men with orders to kill the women

in case of a reverse. On hearing of Báz Bahádur's defeat the soldiers

hastily sabred as many of the women as they could and fled. Among the

women left for dead was Rúp Mati, who, though dangerously wounded,

was not killed. When Adham Atkah entered Sárangpúr his first care was

to enquire what had become of Rúp Mati. On hearing of her condition

he had her wound attended to by the best surgeons, promising her, as

a help to her cure, a speedy union with her beloved. On her recovery

Rúp Mati claimed the general's promise. He prevaricated and pressed

his own suit. Rúp Mati temporised. One night the impatient Turk

sent her a message asking her to come to him. Rúp Mati to gain time

invited him to her own pavilion which she said was specially adorned

to be the abode of love. Next night the Atkah went to her house in

disguise. Her women directed him to Rúp Mati's couch. Adham found

her robed and garlanded, but cold in death. Rúp Mati was buried on an

island in a lake at Ujjain, and there, according to the Áin-i-Akbari,

Báz Bahádur when he died was laid beside her. [976]

SECTION II.--MUGHALS (A.D. 1570-1720) AND MARÁTHÁS

(A.D. 1720-1820).

About A.D. 1590 Akbar's historian, the great Abul Fazl, described

Mándu as a large city whose fortress is twenty-four miles (twelve

kos) in circuit. He notices that besides in the centre of the hill

where stands an eight-storeyed minaret, the city had many monuments of

ancient magnificence, among them the tombs of the Khilji Sultáns. And

that from the dome which is over the sepulchre of Sultán Mehmúd, the

son of Hoshang (this should be the sepulchre of Hoshang built by his

successor Sultán Mehmúd) water drops in the height of summer to the

astonishment of the ignorant. But, he adds, men of understanding know

how to account for the water-drops. [977] Abul Fazl further notices

that on Mándu Hill is found a species of tamarind whose fruit is

as big as the cocoanut, the pulp of which is very white. This is

the African baobab or Adansonia digitata, known in Hindustáni as

goramli or white tamarind, whose great fruit is about the size of

a cocoanut. Its monster baobabs are still a feature of Mándu. Some

among them look old enough to have been yielding fruit 300 years

ago. Finally Abul Fazl refers to Mándu as one of twenty-eight towns

where Akbar's copper coins were struck. [978] About twenty years

later (A.D. 1610) the historian Farishtah [979] thus describes the

hill. The fort of Mándu is a work of solid masonry deemed to be one of

the strongest fortifications in that part of the world. It is built

on an insulated mountain thirty-eight miles in circumference. [980]

The place of a ditch round the fortification is supplied by a natural

ravine so deep that it seems impossible to take the fort by regular

approaches. Within the fort is abundance of water and forage, but

the area is not large enough to grow a sufficient store of grain. The

hill cannot be invested. The easiest access is from the north by the

Dehli Gate. The south road with an entrance by the Tárápúr Gate is

so steep that cavalry can with difficulty be led up. Like Abul Fazl

Farishtah notices that, except during the rains, water constantly

oozes from between the chinks in the masonry of the dome of Sultán

Hoshang's tomb. He says the natives of India attribute this dropping

to universal veneration for Sultán Hoshang, for whose death, they say,

the very stones shed tears.

Except that copper coins continued to be minted and that it was

nominally one of the four capitals of the empire, during the emperor

Akbar's reign Mándu was practically deserted. The only traces of

Akbar's presence on the hill are in two of the five inscriptions

already quoted from the Nílkanth pleasure-house, dated A.D. 1591 and

A.D. 1600.

After about fifty years of almost complete neglect the emperor

Jehángír, during a few months in A.D. 1617, enabled Mándu once more

to justify its title of Shádiábád, the Abode of Joy. Early in March

A.D. 1617, in the eleventh year of his reign, the emperor Jehángír

after spending four months in travelling the 189 miles from Ajmír by

way of Ujjain, arrived at Naâlchah on the main land close to the north

of Mándu. The emperor notices that most of the forty-six marches into

which the 189 miles were divided ended on the bank of some lake stream

or great river in green grass and woody landscape, brightened by poppy

fields. We came, he writes, enjoying the beauty of the country and

shooting, never weary, as if we were moving from one garden to another.

Of the country round Naâlchah Jehángír says: [981] What can be

written worthy of the beauty and the pleasantness of Naâlchah. The

neighbourhood is full of mango trees. The whole country is one

unbroken and restful evergreen. Owing to its beauty I remained

there three days. I granted the place to Kamál Khán, taking it from

Keshava Márú, and I changed its name to Kamálpúr. I had frequent

meetings with some of the wise men of the jogis, many of whom had

assembled here. Naâlchah is one of the best places in Málwa. It

has an extensive growth of vines, and among its mango groves and

vineyards wander streamlets of water. I arrived at a time when,

contrary to the northern climes, the vines were in blossom and fruit,

and so great was the vintage that the meanest boor could eat grapes

to his fill. The poppy was also in flower, and its fields delighted

the eye with their many-coloured beauty.

Of the emperor's entrance into Mándu the Memoirs have the following

note: On Monday the 23rd of Ispandád, the last month of the Persian

year, that is according to Sir Thomas Roe's account on the 6th of

March 1617, when one quarter of the day had passed, I mounted my

elephant, and, in good fortune and under kindly influences, made my

happy entry into the fort of Mándu. About an hour (three ghadis) later

I entered the quarters which had been prepared to receive me. During

my passage across the hill-top I scattered Rs. 1500. Before my arrival

Abdul Karím the engineer had been sent by me to repair the buildings

of the former kings of Mándu. While my fortunate standards were at

Ajmír Abdul Karím repaired such of the old Mándu buildings as were

fit to be repaired and built others anew. On the whole he had provided

quarters for me, the like of which have probably never been built in

any other place. Three lákhs of rupees were spent on these repairs

and buildings. I wish it had been possible to construct buildings like

these in all cities likely to be visited by royalty. This fortress, he

continues, stands on the top of a hill about thirty-six miles (18 kos)

in circumference. They say that before the days of Rája Bikramájit a

king was reigning over these parts whose name was Jaisingh Deva. In

his time a man went to the forest to cut grass. When he brought the

grass back he found that the blade of his sickle had turned yellow. The

grasscutter in his surprise went to Mándan, an ironsmith. Mándan knew

that the sickle was gold. He had heard that in those parts was to be

found the philosopher's stone, whose touch turns iron and copper into

gold. He told the grasscutter to lead him to the place where the sickle

had turned yellow, and there he found the philosopher's stone. The

smith presented this treasure to his king. The king amassed untold

wealth, part of which he spent in building Mándu fortress which he

completed in twelve years. At the request of the smith on most of the

stones in the walls a mark was cut in the form of an anvil. Towards

the close of his life, when king Jaisingh Deva withdrew his heart from

the world, he called many Bráhmans together on the bank of the Narbada

close to Mándu. He gave each Bráhman a share of his wealth. And to the

Bráhman in whom he had the greatest faith he gave the philosopher's

stone. Enraged at the gift of a paltry stone the Bráhman threw it

into the Narbada, and there the philosopher's stone still lies. The

emperor continues: On the 20th of Farwardín, five weeks after my

arrival (11th April 1617) in reward for his services in repairing

the buildings of Mándu, I conferred on my engineer Abdul Karím the

command of 1200 horse, with the title of Maámúr Khán.

Mándu had for the emperor the strong attraction of abundance of

game. Among numerous entries of nílgái or blue-bull shooting the

following occur: On the 4th of the first month of Farwardín (16th)

March the watchmen of the chase brought word that they had marked down

a lion near the Ságar Lake, which is a construction of the ancient

rulers of Mándu. I mounted and proceeded towards the lake. When the

lion broke cover he attacked and wounded ten or twelve of the Ahádís

[982] and other men of my retinue. In the end I brought him down

with three gun shots and saved God's creatures from his evil. On

the 22nd of the same month (April 3rd, 1617) the watchmen brought

news of a tiger. I mounted forthwith and despatched him with three

bullets. On the 7th of Ardí Bihisht (April 18th, 1617) the watchmen

brought word that they had marked down four tigers. At one in the

afternoon I started for the place with Núr Jehán Begam. Núr Jehán

asked my leave to shoot the tigers with her gun. I said "Be it

so." In a trice she killed these four tigers with six bullets. I

had never seen such shooting. To shoot from the back of an elephant

from within a closed howdah and bring down with six bullets four wild

beasts without giving them an opportunity of moving or springing is

wonderful. In acknowledgment of this capital marksmanship I ordered

a thousand ashrafis (Rs. 4500) to be scattered [983] over Núr Jehán

and granted her a pair of ruby wristlets worth a lákh of rupees. [984]

Of the mangoes of Mándu Jehángír says: In these days many mangoes have

come into my fruit stores from the Dakhan, Burhánpur, Gujarát, and

the districts of Málwa. This country is famous for its mangoes. There

are few places the mangoes of which can rival those of this country

in richness of flavour, in sweetness, in freedom from fibre, and in

size. [985]

The rains set in with unusual severity. Rain fell for forty days

continuously. With the rain were severe thunderstorms accompanied by

lightning which injured some of the old buildings. [986] His account

of the beauty of the hill in July, when clear sunshine followed the

forty days of rain, is one of the pleasantest passages in Jehángír's

Memoirs: What words of mine can describe the beauty of the grass

and of the wild flowers! They clothe each hill and dale, each slope

and plain. I know of no place so pleasant in climate and so pretty

in scenery as Mándu in the rainy season. This month of July which is

one of the months of the hot season, the sun being in Leo, one cannot

sleep within the house without a coverlet, and during the day there

is no need for a fan. What I have noticed is but a small part of the

many beauties of Mándu. Two things I have seen here which I had seen

nowhere in India. One of them is the tree of the wild plantain which

grows all over the hill top, the other is the nest of the mamolah or

wagtail. Till now no bird-catcher could tell its nest. It so happened

that in the building where I lodged we found a wagtail's nest with

two young ones.

The following additional entries in the Memoirs belong to Jehángír's

stay at Mándu. Among the presents submitted by Mahábat Khán, who

received the honour of kissing the ground at Mándu, Jehángír describes

a ruby weighing eleven miskáls. [987] He says: This ruby was brought

to Ajmír last year by a Frankish jeweller who wanted two lákhs of

rupees for it. Mahábat Khán bought it at Burhánpur for one lákh of

rupees. [988]