DIVISION OF THE MONGOL HORDE
Lithuania increased after Gedimin’s death, and so did Moscow when Ivan
Kalitá was succeeded by Simeon.
After the death of Ivan, who died a few months before Uzbek, his sons
Simeon, Ivan, and Andrei went to Sarai. Other princes went hither also,
among them Constantine, son of Michael of Tver, and the Suzdal prince,
Constantine, son of Vassili. Both the Tver prince and the Suzdal prince
hoped to obtain the first place through seniority. Uzbek, now very old,
received the three Moscow princes with kindness and sympathy. Through
friendship for their father, he preferred them to others, and gave
Simeon the patent immediately. He enjoined obedience to the Grand Khan,
declared that he would listen to no calumnies against them, and
dismissed the three brothers with affection and honor. Ivan’s heirs
were all included in this grand patent. Uzbek engaged not to take from
those heirs the inheritance of their ancestors, to give the
principality to them, and not to others. After them it should go to
their children. This distinction exalted the Moscow house above others
immediately, and raised Simeon, the oldest man in it, supremely.
Simeon, like his father, used the title Grand Prince of All Russia.
This title, so great in its meaning and future importance, received
strength from the Moscow throne, which had now become magnified. On
returning from the Horde Simeon took his place in Moscow as Grand
Prince. While at the Horde he had met many Russian princes; he met
others in Vladimir, where, after he had received the metropolitan’s
blessing, he was solemnly greeted by all men. Later, there was a
general assembling of princes in Moscow, at Simeon’s invitation.
“Esteemed and dear brethren,” said Simeon, addressing the princes, “if
there be peace and agreement among us, Russia will be free again, as
she was in the days of the earlier princes.”
According to Simeon, there was power enough to defend Russia, but there
was lack of agreement. At that meeting he mentioned the offenses of
Novgorod, complained of those unjust, wayward people, and said, “They
make war and peace with whomever they please, consulting with no one.
Novgorod regards not all Russia, and will not obey her Grand Prince.”
It was resolved then to punish and subdue Great Novgorod. War had been
declared by Ivan before his death, and Simeon had inherited this
struggle.
Meanwhile Novgorod had added a new offense. Its daring freebooters, who
were real river and land pirates, had plundered Moscow possessions in
the Ustyug and Bailozero regions. To such an insolent challenge, Simeon
replied with moderation. He sent men to collect Torjok arrears of long
established taxes, which, because of troubles in Vladimir, Novgorod had
neglected. At times these taxes were paid, at times they were disputed.
With the tax officials went now a small number of warriors. These men
remained in Torjok, and sent collectors to all appointed places. At
this the Novgorod boyars in Torjok sent to their city for aid. When the
Novgorod party appeared, they imprisoned Simeon’s lieutenant and his
officials. Torjok envoys arrived at this time in Moscow with haughty
speeches.
“How is this?” asked they of Simeon. “Thou art not confirmed yet in
Novgorod, and hast not taken thy seat in the city; still thy boyars are
acting among us.” They pointed out to Simeon that he was gosudar (lord)
in Moscow alone; that Novgorod chose its own princes and would not
endure dictation. To sum up briefly, they multiplied those explanations
because of which Kalitá had recently declared war against Novgorod.
Simeon did not argue; he mustered his forces. There was an outbreak and
riot in Torjok, where, as in Novgorod, common men took the part of the
Grand Prince. They freed the Moscow officials, and then fell to
plundering the rich men of Novgorod.
Meanwhile Simeon was rapidly approaching with his army. He was met with
gladness by the people of Torjok. With him came princes from Rostoff,
Yaroslavl, and Suzdal. Novgorod men, as ever, used lofty phrases at
first, but eschewed hopeless warfare, and sent to ask peace of the
Grand Prince. They paid all dues past and present; besides, it was
settled that without the consent of the Grand Prince, the city would
not war against any one, or make an alliance.
In general it may be said that during Simeon’s reign and that of his
immediate successors the affairs of Novgorod and Pskoff did not thrive
very greatly. Meanwhile there was continual conflict along Baltic
waters, east, north and south of Riga. Every place was in fear of being
attacked on a sudden. Hostility from foreigners was the great, the
chronic evil. In Moscow, peace reigned almost as completely as in
Kalitá’s day. The same relations with the Horde that had been
maintained during Uzbek’s reign were maintained during the rule of
Chanibek, who became Khan in 1340. The first threats of danger came
from the West, which was at this time an enemy far more dangerous to
Moscow than were the Mongols.
When Olgerd took Vilna in 1345, and declared himself lord of Lithuania,
certain brothers of his sought an asylum in Moscow. Simeon had now to
reckon on meeting Olgerd, whose attack on Majaisk was still fresh in
his memory, as well as his raid on Novgorod, and his insolent deeds in
Pskoff, which were followed by plundering Pskoff regions. Roused to
action by Olgerd’s fleeing brothers, Simeon was ready for conflict.
Olgerd, knowing this, planned to checkmate him. He sent a great embassy
to Chanibek with rich presents. At the head of this embassy went his
own brother, Koriat, accompanied by a number of princes. He asked for
an alliance against their common enemies, chief of whom, as he stated,
was the Grand Prince of Moscow.
Simeon learned of this move, and sent envoys immediately to Chanibek.
Among them were Russianized Mongol murzas, then serving the Moscow
prince.
By Lithuania they understood at the Horde, from Batu’s day, something
quite different and independent of that Russia subjected by Mongols. In
Gedimin’s time, Lithuania was not only independent, but dangerous, and
dreaded by Uzbek. Hence the imploring and lowly attitude of Lithuania
pleased the Khan greatly, and the embassy was received with
distinction. But when Simeon’s envoys came, the position changed
quickly. They explained through the Russianized murzas that Olgerd, by
his attacks and incursions, was devastating the Khan’s dominions, and
leading out prisoners in multitudes. “If thou permit this,” said they,
“Olgerd will take us all captive, and make thy dominions a desert.”
Chanibek was “as angry as fire.” He seized the Lithuanians and sent
them to Moscow. With them went, as special envoy, Tatuti, to deliver to
the Grand Prince Koriat, Olgerd’s brother, and all who were with him.
Olgerd grew mild now, the more so since he had suffered a crushing
defeat from the Germans. Those iron-clad warriors had broken into
Lithuania, taken Troki, and ravaged the country around it. Olgerd had
such a battle with them as he had never known previously. Fourteen
thousand Lithuanians fell. It was no time to quarrel with Moscow, hence
he sent an embassy to Simeon with many gifts and a humble prayer for
peace, the life of his brother, and the freedom of that brother’s
attendants.
Simeon, who had recourse to war only when war was unavoidable, received
Olgerd’s envoys with favor, concluded peace with them, and freed Koriat
with his embassy.
Soon after this, Olgerd again became related to Simeon, whose first
wife was a daughter of Gedimin. Simeon in 1347 married Maria, the
daughter of Alexander, son of Michael, the Tver prince, who, with his
father, was put to death by the Mongols. Olgerd asked now for the hand
of Julianna, Maria’s sister. Simeon, being the guardian of his
sister-in-law, was troubled about Olgerd’s Christianity. He had been
baptized before taking Maria of Vitebsk, his first wife, and had
declared at Pskoff that he was a Christian, but after Maria’s death he
had persecuted Christians, in order to hold his heathen subjects more
firmly, and three Orthodox Christians had been martyred in Vilna. But
after consulting the metropolitan, Simeon gave Julianna in marriage to
Olgerd.
This marriage was memorable, for by this Julianna Olgerd had his son
Yagello, the first of the Yagello dynasty, the man who gave Lithuania
to Latinism and to Poland.
The house of Gedimin strengthened its relations with the house of Rurik
by another marriage, that of Lyubart, Olgerd’s brother. After the death
of his first wife, the great-granddaughter of Daniel of Galitch,
Lyubart asked in marriage Simeon’s niece, a daughter of Constantine,
the Pskoff prince.
But Olgerd, though doubly a brother-in-law of the Moscow prince, became
more intimate with his wife’s brothers, Michael and Vsevolod, sons of
Alexander the martyr. Soon after this, Michael became the most
prominent of all the Tver princes, and threatened Moscow, through
Olgerd, with attacks, which Olgerd, in the guise of assistance to the
Tver prince, never ceased to make while it was humanly possible to do
so.
While Michael’s sons were living, Constantine in Tver, and Vassili in
Kashin, the Tver princes bore themselves peaceably. Their quarrels were
moderated somewhat by Simeon, who gave his daughter in marriage to
Michael, the son of Vassili. Simeon favored Vassili because of his
seniority, though he loved Vsevolod, who was quarreling with Michael.
But after Simeon’s death, the internal Tver quarrel broke out with
violence.
In Ryazan princely quarrels were endless, till Oleg rose there above
other princes, and for a time was important.
During his short reign Simeon warred only with those who attacked him,
against whom he was forced to defend himself. The first of these was
Olgerd, who, at the death of Simeon’s father, had attacked Mojaisk. In
company with the Smolensk prince, Olgerd also attacked Novgorod
savagely. But these wars were stopped before they became very serious.
After Olgerd’s second marriage he did not desist from those seizures.
When he had connected many towns of Smolensk with his rule, and annexed
some of them, he strove to extend his dominion to places claimed both
by Moscow and Tver, and also to places south of Smolensk and Kaluga.
In 1351–1352 Simeon was forced to take arms because of this action. He
declared war on Olgerd, and marched with strong forces against him.
Olgerd preferred to negotiate. He sent envoys with gifts, and Simeon
inclined to peace. Certain towns acknowledged by Olgerd as belonging to
Moscow were claimed by Smolensk. Simeon then led forward his forces,
and took possession of them. In this way the war ended favorably for
Moscow, and was the last act of Simeon’s life. He died of the plague
April 27, 1352. Forty days earlier, Feognost, the metropolitan of
Russia, had died of old age. That same week Simeon lost two young sons,
and almost at the same time Andrei, his brother. Of Kalitá’s sons there
now remained only one, Ivan, the successor of Simeon.
Before touching on the reign of Ivan, it is well to give some account
of the man who succeeded Feognost as metropolitan, namely, Alexis. In
the time of Nevski’s youngest son, Daniel, the boyar, Feodor Byakont,
came to Moscow from Chernigoff, and was looked on with favor by Daniel.
When Feodor’s first son was christened, Ivan, son of Daniel, then eight
years of age, became his sponsor. The child was named Yelevtheri. He
grew up, so to speak, in the palace, for he was a favorite in the
family of Prince Daniel. They reared him carefully to serve the prince,
but from childhood he was drawn in another direction. While still a
youth he became a monk, and was distinguished among all monks in Moscow
for love of letters, and zeal in everything with which he was
entrusted.
Feognost noted Yelevtheri, and tried him in various ways. The young
monk learned Greek sufficiently well to gain familiarity with the
ancient classics, and compare the Slav testament with the original.
There remains to this day a copy of the Gospels, which is not only his
translation, but is in his handwriting. When Yelevtheri, now called
Alexis, reached the office of abbot, Feognost, who was absent
frequently, made him assistant, and finally vicar. Later he was bishop
in Vladimir, and there he was when Feognost passed away from his
labors. Feognost had wished Alexis to be his successor if possible.
It had been the fixed habit of the Patriarchs to appoint Greeks to the
office of metropolitan. On the eve of Feognost’s death he sent his last
letter to Tsargrad. In this letter he asked with insistence that Alexis
succeed him. He explained that it would harm the Empire if another were
chosen, and no matter whom they might send, the Grand Prince would not
receive him.
For his zeal Feognost, though a Greek, was beloved in Russia, since he
understood the true interests of the country. When he came to Russia in
that gloomy day of the Mongol domination, it depended greatly on him to
keep the seat of his office in Moscow. Selected by Peter, his
predecessor, he did not forget Peter’s blessing to the city, and he
made it his residence.
Tenibek and Chanibek, Uzbek’s successors at the Horde, were not
tolerant like their father. They had a Mohammedan hatred of Christians,
and wished to tax Christianity. The metropolitan stood firm against
this, though threatened with torture, and he succeeded in preserving
ecclesiastical freedom. Among his many services one of the greatest was
his choice of a successor, whose services to the Church of Russia at
that time were beyond estimate.
Simeon, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was succeeded by Ivan, his brother.
Constantine of Suzdal, assisted by Novgorod, strove in vain to obtain
the Grand Principality. Though Novgorod sent great gifts to the Horde,
we may be sure that the Moscow gifts were not of less value. This Ivan,
called the Mild, who, according to contemporary opinion, looked on the
honor and glory of this world as nothing, and was considered notably
good by his people, later historians speak of as being weak, though
facts do not bear out this estimate. The difficulties of his time rose
from circumstances, and not from Ivan’s lack of ability. In fact his
patience was perhaps the best weapon that could have been used. The
evils not being serious, dropped away of themselves, and Ivan left to
his successor a principality strengthened by peace, and not weakened by
struggles.
The first trouble of his reign was an attack from Ryazan. Oleg, the new
prince there, seized Lopasnya. A Moscow boyar, Ivan’s lieutenant, was
imprisoned, and was freed only after a heavy ransom had been paid.
Oleg, not hoping to keep the place without the Khan’s sanction, took
means to obtain it.
Five years later Mamat Hodja informed Ivan that he had been appointed
by the Khan to establish an exact boundary between Ryazan and Moscow.
The Moscow prince, knowing that this was a move directed against him,
refused to let Mamat enter Moscow territory, and sent word to him that
his boundaries were known to himself and undoubted. Mamat could
accomplish nothing; so he started to return to the Horde. On the road
he quarreled with one of the Khan’s favorites and killed him. He fled
to the mouth of the Don, but quick pursuers overtook him, and he was
slain at command of the Khan. Thus the places seized by Oleg were not
yielded by Moscow.
More serious than Oleg’s attempt to change the boundaries, which
remained without result, were the efforts of the Suzdal prince,
Constantine, who, assisted by Novgorod, strove to win the Grand
Principality. Failing in this, he still did not make peace with Moscow,
neither did Novgorod, which withheld Mongol tribute, and expelled
Moscow lieutenants.
Not succeeding at the Horde, Constantine withdrew to Nizni-Novgorod,
where he built a stone church to the Saviour, and strengthened the
Kremlin. Boris, his son, he married to a daughter of Olgerd: he made
friends with Lithuania; kept up with Novgorod relations hostile to
Moscow, and bore himself haughtily at all times.
Olgerd attacked now most actively. His plan was to master all Russia,
as he had mastered Polotsk, Kief, and Vilna. While at war with Smolensk
he captured the heir to that place and detained him. In regions
touching Kaluga and Tula, such as Obolensk, Novasil, and Odoeff he
seated his lieutenants as in Grodno or Vitebsk. In regions where his
plans had been balked by Simeon of Moscow, he made himself master in
Ivan’s time. In all places he injured the Moscow prince, set aside his
authority, and extended his own power; in one place by dominion, in
another by influence. In Tver, in Nizni-Novgorod, even in Ryazan, he
had adherents. In Tsargrad itself he met no refusal. At his request,
and through gifts, a second metropolitan, named Roman, was appointed
for Russia.
Olgerd considered as his own not only all parts of Western and Southern
Russia, but also those regions which were under the Khan; caring little
that the Mongol was its master. Nay, he used this fact as reason for
extending dominion, since the shield of Lithuania promised freedom from
the Mongol. Olgerd looked on the Tver principality as half conquered.
In Tver at this time, the reduced princes, descendants of Constantine
and Vassili, the younger sons of Michael the Martyr, were on the verge
of political extinction.
Alexander, Michael’s second son, had become the eldest of the line,
through the death of Michael’s brother Dmitri Terrible-Eyes, who died
childless. The chief power of this prince and his brothers came from
Olgerd, whose wife was Julianna, their sister, the mother of Yagello,
It is clear that at this time Olgerd’s influence in Tver was very
great. The descendants of Constantine and Vassili, who had become poor
and were quarreling continually, sought the assistance of Moscow, while
Olgerd’s brothers-in-law turned from Moscow and were growing hostile to
Ivan.
Tver began to recognize Roman, Olgerd’s metropolitan. Novgorod also,
through enmity to Moscow, preferred Roman. Even Boris, Olgerd’s new
son-in-law, refused somewhat later in Nizni to communicate with Moscow
in church matters, and turned to Lithuania. But if in places like those
just mentioned, subject only to Olgerd’s remote influence, there was
such opposition to the Moscow metropolitan of Kief and all Russia, in
places half subject to Olgerd,—and there were many such,—if people
wished to recognize him, the civil power stopped them when possible. In
places where Olgerd had real power, Roman, the metropolitan whom he had
created, was declared metropolitan of Kief and all Russia.
Olgerd’s design was to unite Russia, both spiritually and temporally.
To do this he must eliminate the metropolitan of Moscow, and bring all
princes under his own dominion. At this time, too, the Horde sternly
demanded fresh tribute. This was the situation which confronted Ivan
the Mild. It was not created by him, and was not the result of his
qualities. It may be that Olgerd’s daring was roused and strengthened
by Ivan’s mildness, but in the end Lithuania gained nothing by it. The
ill-will between Novgorod and Moscow ended easily. Novgorod continued
its opposition for a year and a half, but no evil to Moscow resulted
from it.
After Prince Constantine had strengthened Nizni-Novgorod, and built a
stone church there, no warriors came from Moscow to threaten him, but
that was not through any weakness in Moscow. Ivan did not hide his
displeasure at Novgorod for supporting Constantine at the Horde, and
withholding the tribute. Novgorod complained against the Moscow
metropolitan at Tsargrad, and had relations with Olgerd. Ivan was well
aware of this. It was known that he was preparing to chastise Novgorod,
and that many of the other princes were ready to march with him.
Constantine, not daring to disobey an order from the Khan to make peace
with the Grand Prince, sent envoys to Moscow. Those envoys were joined
by others from Novgorod. Thus Ivan, without warring, won peace at last
from all opponents, Novgorod paid the tribute, and received the tax
officials who had been appointed by Moscow in Simeon’s time.
In the popular mind there was later a wonderful tradition concerning
the days of Ivan the Mild; that serious and even dreadful period when
all feared destruction. There had been demands for fresh tribute, and
there were ominous reports from the Horde, when, as the tale runs, this
message came to the Grand Prince: “Send thy chief priest (the
metropolitan) to us quickly. We hear that God listens to his prayers
always. Let him cure our Tsaritsa.” The metropolitan answered: “That is
beyond my measure.” Encouraged, however, by the Grand Prince, and
trusting in God, he went to the Horde and found that Taidula, the
Khan’s wife, was blind, in addition to other ailings. He declared that
he was not a physician of the body, but that whoso asks with faith him
God will not despise, and he prayed over the sick woman. She was cured
and there was great rejoicing at the Horde. Taidula made the
metropolitan a present of much value, a ring with her seal on it. By
putting this seal to papers, he could give them the power of the Khan’s
patent. Such was the faith in Alexis. But he hurried from the Horde,
for trouble came quickly. Taidula’s husband was no longer Khan, but her
son Berdibek, who had seized the place of his father, Chanibek.
Chanibek had been able to keep together for a short time the
inheritance of Uzbek, his father, by killing his two brothers. He had
ruled the Horde in the old way and extended his power from the Volga to
the Aral, and beyond the river Terek to Persia. Terrible to his
Mohammedan subjects, he was kind to Russian Christians. He reigned,
however, only eighteen years.
Not long before Chanibek’s death, there rose in the Horde a strong
personage, Tavlug Bey, who disliked Chanibek and did not cease to
whisper to Berdibek, the Khan’s son: “It is time for thee to sit on the
throne. It is time for thy father to leave it.” Through various devices
he was able to bring the Horde magnates to that way of thinking. When
in 1358 his perfidious advice was accepted, Chanibek died by
strangulation.
Berdibek’s accession forced the princes to go to the Horde for fresh
confirmation. On gaining power the new Khan killed all his
brothers—there were twelve of them. There was now great trouble in
Russia, a new demand was made for tribute. From Moscow came a request
for Alexis the metropolitan to go to the Horde and soothe Berdibek’s
anger. So he hastened back, and was there probably when Berdibek’s
brothers were murdered. It is undoubted that the metropolitan was able
to influence Berdibek, and save the Russian Church from taxation.
Ivan the Mild died November, 1359, at the age of thirty-three, after a
reign of six years. Now too died Berdibek, who had ruled a little more
than a year. Then evil gave birth to new evil, one conspiracy succeeded
another, parricide was followed by fratricide; one Khan took the place
of another on a blood-reeking throne, and over each one the chronicler
utter these words: “He received the reward of his actions.”
Berdibek was followed by Kulpa, who ruled six months and five days,
then “the judgment of God did not suffer him longer.” He and his two
sons were assassinated by Nurus, but not long could Nurus hold the
throne, for Hidjrbek of the Blue Horde on the Yaik intrigued against
him. He was given up to Hidjrbek, and he and his sons were murdered.
Hidjrbek was murdered by his son, Timur Khoja, in 1361. One month and
seven days later Timur Khoja was slain in a revolution effected
unexpectedly by a new man, Mamai. This Mamai surpassed in a short time
all others to such a degree that the bloody revolution made by him put
an end to uprisings.
Mamai’s adherents, who were in the Don region, separated from those of
Sarai on the Volga, and rose against Timur Khoja. This parricide feared
death in Sarai, and fled from the left to the right bank of the Volga,
where he perished most wretchedly.
Mamai placed now in his own Horde a new Khan, Abdul; but the Sarai men
proclaimed Hidjrbek’s brother, Murad; thus the original Volga Horde
became divided, and the seeds of destruction were sown. About that time
Kildybek, who declared himself to be Chanibek’s son, and a grandson of
Uzbek, began war as a third Khan, and killed many prisoners, after
which he himself was killed. Khan Murad now made an effort to unite the
two Hordes. He attacked Mamai, and slew many warriors, but did not
succeed in his purpose. There were now two Khans, Abdul was made Khan
by Mamai on the right bank of the Volga, and Murad was Khan on the east
of that river, “and those two Khans were in enmity always.”
The division of the Horde brought great unrest and disturbance in
Russia, not because Prince Dmitri, the heir to the Grand Principality,
was a boy, but because at the Horde there was no one in permanent
possession. Though the Moscow boyars had sent an envoy, they did not
decide that Dmitri should go to either rival. This delay gave the
Suzdal princes some advantage. The Moscow men, hearing of Hidjrbek’s
accession, took their Dmitri, who was nine years of age, to the Horde
at Sarai and presented him to the Khan. But their journey was not
successful. Troubles increased at the Horde. There was no time for
talking with Hidjrbek. The great point was to escape at the earliest
moment.
Taking advantage of the turmoil of Sarai, Dmitri, son of Constantine,
the late Suzdal ruler and prince in Nizni-Novgorod, settled in
Vladimir, and declared himself Grand Prince, trying thus to restore to
Vladimir its old-time prestige and position as capital. This namesake
of Dmitri of Moscow, and some years later his father-in-law, had been
advised by Andrei, his elder brother, to avoid the Grand Principality.
“The Khan wants gifts,” said Andrei. “Dmitri of Moscow is the natural
heir, and will get his own a little later.” But Dmitri of Suzdal would
not wait; he gave immense gifts to the Horde, and got the patent. By
this time many of the Russian princes had become accustomed to the idea
that the Grand Principality belonged to the Moscow princes. Novgorod
men, however, were well satisfied with the son of Constantine, Moscow’s
opponent, but no other people were pleased with him; even in Tver they
preferred the Moscow prince, and no later than 1362 Dmitri of Moscow
received the patent.
The Horde was so divided, that no one knew whom to obey. In Sarai, east
of the Volga, was Murad, and west, on the Don side, was Abdul. Moscow
preferred Murad because he held Sarai, the old capital. But as this
Khan gave no troops, the Suzdal prince would neither obey nor abandon
Vladimir. The Moscow boyars then put Dmitri on horseback, and also his
brother and cousin, both young boys, and set out with great forces to
expel the son of Constantine, who fled from Vladimir to Suzdal. His
brother, Andrei, now reproached him a second time: “Have I not told
thee never to trust Mongols? Why not listen to me? Thou seest that it
is easy to lose what is thine while striving to take what belongs to
another.” And he advised friendship with Moscow, “that Christianity
might not perish.” For in Moscow men began now to see the first hope of
liberation from the Mongol. The two brothers divided their inheritance.
Andrei took Nizni; to Dmitri fell Suzdal.
Dmitri of Moscow entered Vladimir and took his seat on the throne
there. That done, he returned to Moscow. So Kalitá’s grandson made
certain the purpose of his grandfather. He made that inheritance of his
family secure, and began the great work, the real mission of Russia.
It was given to the Russian people as a task from the first to stand
unbroken between Europe and Asia, to stand apart and independent of
both. From the time that the name Rus first appeared the country had
its own individuality, and was self-determining. From of old two
warring principles attacked her, one from the West, the other from the
East. This gave the great problem to Russian history. Russia was to
give way neither to Europe, nor Asia; she was to fathom and understand
both of them, but be subject to neither. This, too, was the position of
the whole Slav race, a position which tortured and tore it, till some
parts were conquered and absorbed by strange nations, so that on the
west they were turned into Germans, Magyars and Italians, while on the
south they were turned into Mussulman.
This old and difficult problem had to be met in all its weight and its
terrible bitterness by the Moscow principality. To meet it, struggle
with it, and solve it successfully required an enormous waste of force,
a continuous and endless persistence. If Moscow had not grown
sufficiently strong at the right time there would have been no Russia
at present. For on the one side there would not have been strength
enough to emerge from Mongol slavery, while on the other side, if there
had not been the moral and physical power to face Western Europe,
Russia would have been absorbed, would have taken another form, would
have been an element in the strength of her enemy. On the east, Moscow
was forced to defend herself, weapons in hand, or yield to the Mongol
forever. She had either to rise up in desperate war, or be voiceless
and obedient. On the west, a still more dangerous power was
threatening, a power which might be permanent and inexorable.
This was the position of the Moscow principality when Dmitri, grandson
of Kalitá, began rule in Moscow. Though the struggle on the east and
the west was contemporary, the great battle was first begun with the
Mongol.
Abdul, the Khan on the right bank of the Volga, became jealous upon
learning that Dmitri had received his patent from Murad, and
immediately sent a patent from himself with a gracious embassy, though
no one had asked him to do so. The Moscow boyars met these men
courteously, and gave them good presents at parting. But when Murad of
Sarai heard that a patent had gone from Abdul to Dmitri, he was greatly
enraged against Moscow, and, to spite Abdul, he made Dmitri of Suzdal
Grand Prince a second time.
There was in Sarai at this juncture one of the reduced Bailozero
princes; with this prince, and very likely other adherents of the
Suzdal prince, a Mongol embassy numbering thirty persons arrived in
Suzdal to declare the Khan’s will. They had no warriors with them,
still Dmitri of Suzdal was delighted with the Khan’s favor, and again
took his seat in Vladimir.
Moscow could not forgive this. Dmitri of Moscow marched with a great
force, and not only hunted Dmitri out of Vladimir and Suzdal with
shame, but ravaged Suzdal. The Suzdal prince, thus humiliated, had
recourse to Andrei, who was ruling quietly in Nizni, and had often
warned his foolish brother against rivalry with Moscow. Owing to
Andrei’s intercession, the Moscow prince left Dmitri in Suzdal, but
reduced him to thorough subjection, and deprived some of his allies of
dominion.
In 1363, when Moscow took final possession of Bailozero and Galiten
beyond the Volga, the Starodub prince lost his possessions; his
province was added to Moscow. The Grand Prince then extended his rule
over the entire Rostoff region; some of the princes were left, but left
as assistants of Moscow. Dmitri of Suzdal became now a firm ally of the
Grand Prince. Thus the very first year of Dmitri’s reign was
successful. It was distinguished by the strengthening of his primacy,
and by considerable accretions. The two succeeding years were made
calamitous for Moscow and all Russia by a second appearance of the
“black death.” A multitude of people died, and among them were many
princes. In Novgorod died Prince Andrei, so friendly to Moscow, and his
brother, Dmitri of Suzdal, became by inheritance prince in Nizni, but
Olgerd’s son-in-law, Boris, the youngest son of Constantine, seized
Nizni before Dmitri, and would not yield. Dmitri turned then to Moscow,
and the Grand Prince assisted him. At this time the Suzdal prince
showed obedience to Moscow willingly. His eldest son, Vassili, who
afterward lost all his possessions, and is known in history as
Kirdyapa, was at the Sarai Horde just then, and secured a patent for
his father, but his father refused it, and informed the Grand Prince
that he preferred his friendship to the favor of the Mongols.
At the Horde, meanwhile, Boris, the younger brother, obtained the Nizni
patent. In view of this complication, an unusual decision was taken in
Moscow. As on a time the metropolitan, Peter, had forbidden the
Terrible-Eyed Dmitri to lead his warriors against Nizni, where the
prince should be subordinate to Yuri of Moscow, so now, in the dispute
about Nizni, the metropolitan was active a second time.
As Nizni was merely an adjunct of Suzdal, Nizni and Gorodets were
subjected to Alexis, the Suzdal bishop. The metropolitan separated the
Novgorod district from the Suzdal diocese, and declared it as belonging
to the metropolitan directly. But Boris communicated with Olgerd, his
father-in-law, and, having well-wishers in Tver, showed resistance to
the metropolitan, and would not yield Nizni to his elder brother. In
view of this disobedience, the metropolitan summoned Sergius of
Radonej, the abbot of the Troitsa monastery, and sent him to declare to
Boris that he must go with Dmitri and his brother to have their dispute
adjudged by the Grand Prince of Moscow.
The mild Sergius, who obeyed the command sorrowfully, was forced to
bear another burden also: in case Boris would not obey he was to close
the Nizni churches. The mildness of Sergius, his continual avoidance of
quarrels and disturbance, frequent in his day, was well known, and if
he did not refuse these difficult tasks it was clear to all that the
disobedience of Boris was beyond measure.
Boris was unbending. He would not go to Moscow; he would not yield to
his brother. So troops were moved from Moscow against him; and because
he refused to obey the Church order the churches in Nizni were closed
to all people. Dmitri, his brother, at the head of troops sent from
Moscow and his own troops, approached Nizni in great force. But the
affair did not come to blows. Boris came out to meet his brother,
repented, and was forgiven. The Grand Prince did not take all from him;
he left Gorodets, and took Nizni, joining it again to Suzdal. Soon
after this the Nizni See was restored to the Suzdal bishop.
Boris lived peacefully afterward, a faithful subordinate to his
brother, and to Suzdal. The Nizni prince remained friendly to Dmitri of
Moscow, who shortly after married Yevdokiya, daughter of the Nizni
prince. Through respect for his future father-in-law, Dmitri did not
wish to invite the bride to Moscow for the wedding, and as Grand Prince
of all Russia he did not care to visit Suzdal, hence the ceremony took
place in Kolomna, with all the rich display of that time. The country
rejoiced greatly at this marriage, which strengthened the union of
Nizni and Suzdal with Moscow.
But barely had Moscow won agreement with Suzdal and the principalities
attached to it, when a long and stubborn struggle began with Tver,
which at that time had come to an alliance with Olgerd.
During Dmitri’s reign Moscow had no such inveterate foe as was Olgerd,
except, perhaps, Mamai the Mongol. And Olgerd, in his struggle with
Moscow, had a devoted assistant in Tver, where reigned Michael, brother
of Julianna, whose son, Yagello, was Olgerd’s favorite offspring. After
countless blood-spilling struggles with each other for possession of
petty districts, during which two towns, Tver and Kashin, were
subjected to ruin repeatedly, and after the plague, which brought death
to many thousands of people, there remained two rivals for the headship
of Tver. The first was the only surviving son of the martyr, Michael,
Vassili, then an old man; the second was Michael, a grandson of the
martyr, and son of the ill-fated Alexander. This Michael was born in
Pskoff, as we remember, where the Bishop of Novgorod was his godfather;
through his sister, Julianna, he was brother-in-law of Olgerd. At first
the small town of Mikulin was Michael’s single possession, and for a
long time he was called Mikulinski. But he had now become strong
through places left to him by his brothers. He had also received by
will from Simeon, his cousin, the town of Dórogobuj, with its
dependencies. This he received to the detriment of Vassili, his uncle,
and Yeremi, Simeon’s own brother. This cousin and uncle turned now to
Moscow for redress, and Dórogobuj became the cause of great trouble.
Kalitá and his successors had been more inclined to Constantine and
Vassili, the younger sons of Michael the Martyr. Both elder sons, the
Terrible-Eyed Dmitri and Alexander, had been always incurably hostile
to Moscow. Terrible-Eyes left no children, but the sons of Alexander
had inherited the pride of their father, and his hatred of Moscow.
Michael, on becoming Prince of Tver, found no quarrels between the two
principalities. Dórogobuj caused the first trouble. Vassili was prince
in Kashin; he had been prince in Tver after the death of his elder
brother, Constantine, but was forced to yield that place to Michael,
his nephew. When he, with another nephew, Yeremi, turned to Moscow for
justice against Michael, the question was left to Alexis the
metropolitan, who deputed Vassili, the Tver bishop, to settle it. But
Vassili’s decision brought hostility instead of peace. Resting on the
fact that Michael had taken Dórogobuj not by force, but by the will of
the late prince, the bishop recognized it as Michael’s lawful property,
and decided against Yeremi and Vassili.
The baffled heirs took advantage of Michael’s visit to Lithuania, and
made a new complaint in Moscow. They demanded that the bishop be called
to account for judging unjustly. The inheritance, they said, did not
belong to Simeon in such fashion that he could dispose of it
absolutely. Only a portion belonged to him, and that portion, besides,
was connected with conditions. Simeon’s uncle and his brother, Yeremi,
claimed their rights with insistence. The bishop was summoned to
Moscow, where it was settled that his decision was irregular, and he
was forced to pay damages to the princes. Troops were then given to
instate Yeremi and Vassili in that part of the property adjudged to
them. But instead of peacefully taking possession of this property,
they moved against Tver and demanded a ransom. They got no ransom, and
could not take Tver, hence they plundered the country about it
unmercifully. Michael, the Tver prince, returned from Lithuania with
assistance from Olgerd, and marched directly on Kashin, where he seized
the wives of the two princes with their relatives and many boyars.
Vassili and Yeremi begged for peace, which was granted, and all,
including Michael, treated with Dmitri of Moscow concerning it. But a
year later, 1367, Yeremi set aside his oath to Michael of Tver, and
went to Moscow. The princes complained that Michael oppressed and
deceived them. The introduction of a Lithuanian force, and the crushing
of the Kashin prince, an adherent of Moscow, but most of all, perhaps,
the active and unbending pride of Prince Michael, were displeasing to
the Grand Prince of Moscow. Though the Tver prince had discussed peace
in company with Yeremi and Vassili, he had attacked Kashin, and thus
belittled the allies of Moscow, forgetting that those allies had Moscow
troops at their command.
Moscow might have answered with war, but another course was thought
better. It seemed well to connect with this settlement all the Tver
princes, and in giving a part of the inheritance to Michael to let him
have as much as Simeon had a right to bequeath, and give the remainder
to Yeremi and Vassili, who had struggled so stubbornly for their
rights. Moreover, by thus doing justice, Moscow would somewhat weaken
the Tver prince, which was the real point of the question. The
complainants being allies, or rather subordinates of Moscow, Michael of
Tver did not oppose this division, and agreed to visit Moscow. The
Grand Prince invited him, and the metropolitan declared that they
awaited him in peace and good-will for a general discussion.
Michael, then thirty years old, went to visit Dmitri, who was only
eighteen, but he found in Moscow what he had not expected. Having
brought his most notable boyars, he thought to see the principal Moscow
boyars, and present his own in Dmitri’s capital. They received him,
however, not as a relative, but with haughtiness. He had thought to
astonish Moscow by readiness to yield a part of his own to the other
two princes, but this was considered in Moscow as decided long before,
and they let him feel that that was not the main question. They wanted
him to show subjection to Moscow. Michael flushed up with rage, and did
not hesitate to tell Dmitri before all his boyars that the rights of
hospitality had been violated. After that was said, Moscow violated
those rights in reality.
The men who had gone to Moscow with Michael were taken from him, and
treated as if in detention. Michael himself was lodged in a separate
house, or palace, as if in imprisonment. Such a turn of affairs was
almost more grievous for Dmitri than for Michael, and it grieved most
of all the metropolitan, for the Tver prince put the blame of the act
on him. That passionate prince was indignant at the metropolitan: “I
believed his words, and came hither to Moscow,” said Michael; “now see
what they have done to me.” Michael considered it all planned
previously through policy and cunning. Both sides were equally
vehement, each side declared itself right, and each felt offended.
There seemed no way to reconcile them. To hasten Michael’s release
would be to declare that Dmitri had been the offender; his boyars would
not agree to this; they had brought about the detention and they
insisted that it should continue.
Dmitri now asked the metropolitan’s aid with all seriousness.
Unexpectedly, at this juncture, Mongol envoys came to deliver a
reprimand to Dmitri. He had not paid the tribute and had not shown
himself to his master.
The Tver question must be settled immediately. Michael was freed with
fair promptness, and if there was some delay, it was to avoid the
appearance of over haste, and preserve proprieties. The land which
Michael had offered, namely Gorodok, was accepted for Yeremi, and an
oath paper was taken from Michael that he was satisfied, and had no
claim against any one. This done, he departed. After that Dmitri gave
troops to instate Yeremi in Gorodok.
During this year, 1368, Prince Vassili died in Kashin, and Michael, by
the death of his uncle, became Prince of Tver in the fullest sense
possible. He was now the eldest of the house, and besides, the Tver
people were satisfied with him. The angry enemy of Moscow was
strengthened. The position was still more entangled by the fact that
the heir of the late Prince Vassili, also Michael, now Prince of
Kashin, and married to Vassilissa, a daughter of Simeon the Proud,
hastened in his turn to Moscow with petitions. In Moscow, opposition
from Michael was expected, and even an attack upon Moscow regions was
looked for. But the storm struck unexpectedly from elsewhere.
Late in the autumn of 1368, Olgerd suddenly, as was his wont in such
cases, attacked Moscow regions without declaring hostilities. With him
came Keistut, his brother, and Vitold, his nephew, the latter still
young and “not famous,” as the chronicler tells us. They led in large
forces. Moscow learned of this war only when the enemy was capturing
towns on the border. Moscow allies were summoned quickly, but only
inconsiderable regiments had time to muster. The invading force crushed
all before it. Now there was reason to be thankful for the stone walls
recently built in Moscow; Dmitri had all places cleared round the
Kremlin, and every house burned which was near that firm stronghold.
The Lithuanian army stood three days outside those new walls. Olgerd
had not power to meet or crush them, but he did great harm to Moscow in
many parts. He burned nearly everything in the city and in the country
round, and took a multitude of captives. Then, driving along every
beast which he could find, he hastened homeward, for news had come to
him that the Germans had attacked his lands. He could say, however,
that he had satisfied the tearful prayers of the Tver prince, his
brother-in-law, Michael. Surely Moscow would remember him, for he had
done as much harm as possible, and Michael was avenged.
Dmitri ceased to defend Yeremi, from whom Gorodok was now taken, and
Yeremi went to Tver to seek favor from Michael. It seems that besides
aid from Olgerd, the Tver prince had sought to gain strength from the
Mongols by rich gifts to the Khan, and to others. At the Horde, anger
was increasing against Dmitri. Mamai, now all-powerful, had eliminated
every opponent, and had effected that for which he had been struggling,
the reunion of the Horde. He had instated Mamant, a new Khan, and was
now ready for action.
A storm was rising against Moscow. Peace between Tver and Moscow was
short-lived. In 1370 war broke out again. Michael, the new Prince of
Kashin, turned to Dmitri a second time for protection. Dmitri informed
Michael of Tver that he set aside his oath papers; and the Tver prince
immediately sought aid of Olgerd. This war with Tver, or more correctly
with Olgerd, lasted five years, counting intervals. If at times Olgerd
sought peace, even permanent peace, no one had faith in him, suspecting
it to be a plot to deceive Moscow. In view of this, only short truces
were given, and with caution. Through Lithuanian activity at the Horde,
and through presents to the Khan, the Mongols aided the Tver prince.
The war ended only when Dmitri and all the princes who acknowledged him
rose against Olgerd and the Mongols, and brought Tver to conditions.
Early in September, 1370, Moscow troops, led by Dmitri, marched against
Michael. They moved from Voloko-Lamsk directly on Zubtsoff, a city
which with Rjeff, its neighbor, had passed more than once into Olgerd’s
possession, thanks to Tver men. This time the Moscow troops did not
treat it with tenderness; they stormed, sacked, and destroyed the
place. Then, taking everyone captive, they marched to Mikulin, which
stood on the road between Moscow and Novgorod. This was Michael’s own
personal inheritance, hence no mercy was shown it. The native nest of
Alexander’s descendants was given to destruction. The troops took it by
storm, and then razed it to the ground.
After taking Mikulin, they made the whole region around it empty. They
captured the people, and seized all their cattle. Cattle were the main
wealth of Russia at that time, hence at the end of hostilities it was
often stipulated in treaties that the cattle should be returned. The
Grand Prince went back to Moscow with great herds, and filled his land
with cattle. He had avenged Olgerd’s insult, and humiliated the Tver
men most effectively.
When Michael, who was in Lithuania, heard of the ruin of his
birthplace, his sister assured him that Olgerd would send him aid when
he returned from warring with the Germans. Michael at the same time was
in active communication with the Horde. He had sent gifts of such value
to the Mongols, and had won Mamai’s confidence so thoroughly, that in
Moscow they soon received most astonishing news, though hardly anything
could astonish in those days,—news which made Dmitri indignant.
Mamai had placed Michael of Tver in Vladimir as Grand Prince. Sari
Hodja had already invited the Tver prince to come to the Horde for the
patent. Dmitri immediately placed guards on all roads, and sent mounted
men everywhere to seize Michael should he go for the patent. But
Michael, rejoicing at Olgerd’s return from warring successfully with
the Germans, deferred the Horde visit. Olgerd promised to strike the
Kremlin with his spear-points, and give a lesson to Dmitri. “The true
warrior makes no delay,” remarked Olgerd; “his plan being made, he
strikes quickly. Dmitri threatens to take Kief, Polotsk and Vitebsk
from me; through fire and sword he wants to say, in Vilna, ‘Christ has
arisen.’ He need not come so far. We will break the fast in Moscow.
Dmitri will be at Easter mass in the Moscow cathedral; we will give a
red egg to the prince on that morning.”
The campaign of Tver and Lithuania against Moscow was decided. This
time, too, Olgerd’s attack was distinguished for suddenness and fury.
He had not such success as the first time, however. Starting with a
strong army toward the end of November, he was at Moscow on December 6.
He was aided by Michael of Tver, by his brother, and by the Smolensk
prince, their ally. A number of thousands of peasants with axes cut a
road through dense forests, and laid logs in morasses. The troops
marched without rest; they hardly halted day or night. When he reached
Moscow, Olgerd again burned the city, which the people had barely had
time to rebuild since his first blow. He did not attack the Kremlin,
however, where Dmitri himself was commanding. The metropolitan was
absent in Nizni, whither he had gone to baptize a newly born grandson
of Olgerd, the son of Boris of Gorodets.
Meanwhile Vladimir, the cousin of the Grand Prince of Moscow, was
gathering his forces and marching on Olgerd. Even troops from Ryazan
were hurrying forward with assistance to Moscow. Olgerd now proposed
permanent peace and alliance. In proof of his sincerity he offered his
daughter to Dmitri’s cousin, Vladimir. The Grand Prince refused peace,
but made a truce for six months.
Thus ended Olgerd’s stay of eight days before the Kremlin. The haste,
and the care with which he retreated, show that numerous forces were
following. He had not found the Grand Prince unprepared, and had
boasted vainly in Vilna, for he did not break fast in Moscow. His fear
and his hurried retreat prove how little he trusted in truces or in
treaties.