EVENTS PRECEDING THE ANNEXATION.
In or about the year 1872, the burghers of the Republic elected Mr.
Burgers their President. This remarkable man was a native of the Cape
Colony, and passed the first sixteen or seventeen years of his life, he
once informed me, on a farm herding sheep. He afterwards became a
clergyman noted for the eloquence of his preaching, but his ideas
proving too broad for his congregation, he resigned his cure, and in an
evil moment for himself took to politics.
President Burgers was a man of striking presence and striking talents,
especially as regards his oratory, which was really of a very high
class, and would have commanded attention in our own House of Commons.
He possessed, however, a mind of that peculiarly volatile order that is
sometimes met with in conjunction with great talents, and which seems
to be entirely without ballast. His intellect was of a balloon-like
nature, and as incapable of being steered. He was always soaring in the
clouds, and, as is natural to one in that elevated position, taking a
very different and more sanguine view of affairs to that which men of a
more lowly, and perhaps a more practical, turn of mind would do.
But notwithstanding his fly-away ideas, President Burgers was
undoubtedly a true patriot, labouring night and day for the welfare of
the State of which he had undertaken the guidance; but his patriotism
was too exalted for his surroundings. He wished to elevate to the rank
of a nation a people who had not got the desire to be elevated; with
this view he contracted railway loans, made wars, minted gold, &c., and
then suddenly discovered that the country refused to support him. In
short, he was made of very different clay to that of the people he had
to do with. He dreamt of a great Dutch Republic "with eight millions of
inhabitants," doing a vast trade with the interior through the Delagoa
Bay Railway. They, on the other hand, cared nothing about republics or
railways, but fixed their affections on forced labour and getting rid
of the necessity of paying taxes--and so between them the Republic came
to grief. But it must be borne in mind that President Burgers was
throughout actuated by good motives; he did his best by a stubborn and
a stiff-necked people; and if he failed, as fail he did, it was more
their fault than his. As regards the pension he received from the
English Government, which has so often been brought up against him, it
was after all no more than his due after five years of arduous work. If
the Republic had continued to exist, it is to be presumed that they
would have made some provision for their old President, more especially
as he seems to have exhausted his private means in paying the debts of
the country. Whatever may be said of some of the other officials of the
Republic, its President was, I believe, an honest man.
In 1875, Mr. Burgers proceeded to Europe, having, he says in a
posthumous document recently published been empowered by the Volksraad
"to carry out my plans for the development of the country, by opening
up a direct communication for it, free from the trammels of British
ports and influence." According to this document, during his absence
two powerful parties, viz., "the faction of unprincipled
fortune-hunters, rascals, and runaways on the one hand, and the faction
of the extreme orthodox party in a certain branch of the Dutch Reform
Church on the other, began to co-operate against the Government of the
Republic and me personally.... Ill as I was, and contrary to the advice
of my medical men, I proceeded to Europe, in the beginning of 1875, to
carry out my project, and no sooner was my back turned on the Transvaal
than the conspiring elements began to act. The new coat of arms and
flag adopted in the Raad by an almost unanimous vote were abolished;
the laws for a free and secular education were tampered with; and my
resistance to a reckless inspection and disposal of Government lands,
still occupied by natives, was openly defied. The Raad, filled up to a
large extent with men of ill repute, who, under the cloak of progress
and favour to the Government view, obtained their seats, was too weak
to cope with the skill of the conspirators, and granted leave to the
acting President to carry out measures diametrically opposed to my
policy. _Native lands_ were inspected and given out to a few
speculators, who held large numbers of claims to lands which were
destined for citizens, and so a war was prepared for me, on my return
from Europe, which I could not avert." This extract is interesting, as
showing the state of feeling existing between the President and his
officers previous to the outbreak of the Secocoeni war. It also shows
how entirely he was out of sympathy with the citizens, seeing that, as
soon as his back was turned, they, with Mr. Joubert and Paul Kruger at
their head, at once undid all the little good he had done.
When Mr. Burgers got to England, he found that city capitalists would
have nothing whatever to say to his railway scheme. In Holland,
however, he succeeded in getting £90,000 of the £300,000 he wished to
borrow at a high rate of interest, and by passing a bond on five
hundred Government farms. This money was immediately invested in
railway plant, which, when it arrived at Delagoa Bay, had to be
mortgaged to pay the freight on it, and that was the end of the Delagoa
Bay railway scheme, except that the £90,000 is, I believe, still owing
to the confiding shareholders in Holland.
On his return to the Transvaal the President was well received, and for
a month or so all went smoothly. But the relations of the Republic with
the surrounding native tribes had by this time become so bad that an
explosion was imminent somewhere. In the year 1874 the Volksraad raised
the price of passes under the iniquitous pass law, by which every
native travelling through the territory was made to pay from £1 to £5.
In case of non-payment the native was made subject to a fine of from £1
to £10, and to a beating of from "ten to twenty-five lashes." He was
also to go into service for three months, and have a certificate
thereof, for which he must pay five shillings; the avowed object of the
law being to obtain a supply of Kafir labour. This was done in spite of
the earnest protest of the President, who gave the Raad distinctly to
understand that by accepting this law they would, in point of fact,
annul treaties concluded with the chiefs on the south-western borders.
It is not clear, however, if this amended pass law ever came into
force. It is to be hoped it did not, for even under the old law natives
were shamefully treated by Boers, who would pretend that they were
authorised by Government to collect the tax; the result being that the
unfortunate Kafir was frequently obliged to pay twice over. Natives had
such a horror of the pass laws of the country, that when travelling to
the Diamond Fields to work they would frequently go round some hundreds
of miles rather than pass through the Transvaal.
That the Volksraad should have thought it necessary to enact such a law
in order that the farmers should obtain a supply of Kafir labour in a
territory that had nearly a million of native inhabitants, who, unlike
the Zulus, are willing to work if only they meet with decent treatment,
is in itself an instructive commentary on the feelings existing between
Boer master and Kafir servant.
But besides the general quarrel with the Kafir race in its entirety,
which the Boers always have on hand, they had just then several
individual differences, in each of which there lurked the possibilities
of disturbance.
To begin with, their relations with Cetywayo were by no means amicable.
During Mr. Burgers' absence the Boer Government, then under the
leadership of P. J. Joubert, sent Cetywayo a very stern message--a
message that gives the reader the idea that Mr. Joubert was ready to
enforce it with ten thousand men. After making various statements and
demands with reference to the Amaswazi tribe, the disputed boundary
line, &c. it ends thus:--
"Although the Government of the South African Republic has never
wished, and does not now desire, that serious disaffection and
animosities should exist between you and them, yet it is not the less
of the greatest consequence and importance for you earnestly to weigh
these matters and risks, and to satisfy them; the more so, if you on
your side also wish that peace and friendship shall be maintained
between you and us."
The Secretary for Native Affairs for Natal comments on this message in
these words: "The tone of this message to Cetywayo is not very
friendly, it has the look of an ultimatum, and if the Government of the
Transvaal were in circumstances different to what it is, the message
would suggest an intention to coerce if the demands it conveys are not
at once complied with; but I am inclined to the opinion that no such
intention exists, and that the transmission of a copy of the message to
the Natal Government is intended as a notification that the Transvaal
Government has proclaimed the territory hitherto in dispute between it
and the Zulus to be Republican territory, and that the Republic intends
to occupy it."
In the territories marked out by a decision known as the Keate Award,
in which Lieutenant-Governor Keate of Natal, at the request of both
parties, laid down the boundary line between the Boers and certain
native tribes, the Boer Government carried it with a yet higher hand,
insomuch as the natives of those districts, being comparatively
unwarlike, were less likely to resist.
On the 18th August 1875, Acting President Joubert issued a proclamation
by which a line was laid down far to the southward of that marked out
by Mr. Keate, and consequently included more territory within the
elastic boundaries of the Republic. A Government notice of the same
date invites all claiming lands now declared to belong to the Republic
to send in their claims to be settled by a land commission.
On the 6th March 1876, another chief in the same neighbourhood
(Montsoia) writes to the Lieutenant-Governor of Griqualand West in
these terms:--
"MY FRIEND,--I wish to acquaint you with the doings of some people
connected with the Boers. A man-servant of mine has been severely
injured in the head by one of the Boers' servants, which has proved
fatal. Another of my people has been cruelly treated by a Boer
tying a rein about his neck, and then mounting his horse and
dragging him about the place. My brother Molema, who is the bearer
of this, will give you full particulars."
Molema explains the assaults thus: "The assaulted man is not dead; his
skull was fractured. The assault was committed by a Boer named Wessels
Badenhorst, who shamefully ill-treated the man, beat him till he
fainted, and, on his revival, fastened a rim round his neck, and made
him run to the homestead by the side of his (Badenhorst's) horse
cantering. At the homestead he tied him to the waggon-wheel, and
flogged him again till Mrs. Badenhorst stopped her husband."
Though it will be seen that the Boers were on good terms neither with
the Zulus nor the Keate Award natives, they still had one Kafir ally,
namely, Umbandeni, the Amaswazi king. This alliance was concluded under
circumstances so peculiar that they are worthy of a brief
recapitulation. It appears that in the winter of the year 1875, Mr.
Rudolph, the Landdrost of Utrecht, went to Swaziland, and, imitating
the example of the Natal Government with Cetywayo, crowned Umbandeni
king, on behalf of the Boer Government. He further made a treaty of
alliance with him, and promised him a commando to help him in case of
his being attacked by the Zulus. Now comes the curious part of the
story. On the 18th May 1876, a message came from this same Umbandeni to
Sir H. Bulwer, of which the following is an extract:--"We are sent by
our king to thank the Government of Natal for the information sent to
him last winter by that Government, and conveyed by Mr. Rudolph, of the
intended attack on his people by the Zulus. We are further instructed
by the king to thank the Natal Government for the influence it used to
stop the intended raid, and for instructing a Boer commando to go to
his country to render him assistance in case of need; and further for
appointing Mr. Rudolph at the head of the commando to place him
(Umbandeni) as king over the Amaswazi, and to make a treaty with him
and his people on behalf of the Natal Government.... The Transvaal
Government has asked Umbandeni to acknowledge himself a subject of the
Republic, but he has distinctly refused to do so." In a minute written
on this subject, the Secretary for Native Affairs for Natal says, "No
explanation or assurance from me was sufficient to convince them
(Umbandeni's messengers) that they had on that occasion made themselves
subjects of the South African Republic; they declared it was not their
wish or intention to do so, and that they would refuse to acknowledge a
position into which they had been unwittingly betrayed." I must
conclude this episode by quoting the last paragraph of Sir H. Bulwer's
covering despatch, because it concerns larger issues than the supposed
treaty: "It will not be necessary that I should at present add any
remarks to those contained in the minute of the Secretary for Native
Affairs, but I would observe that the situation arising out of the
relations of the Government of the South African Republic with the
neighbouring native States is so complicated, and presents so many
elements of confusion and of danger to the peace of this portion of
South Africa, that I trust some way may be found to an early settlement
of questions that ought not, in my opinion, to be left alone, as so
many have been left, to take the chance of the future."
And now I come to the last and most imminent native difficulty that at
the time faced the Republic. On the borders of Lydenburg district there
lived a powerful chief named Secocoeni. Between this chief and the
Transvaal Government difficulties arose in the beginning of 1876 on the
usual subject--land. The Boers declared that they had bought the land
from the Swazis, who had conquered portions of the country, and that
the Swazis offered to make it "clean from brambles," _i.e._, kill
everybody living on it; but that they (the Boers) said that they were
to let them be, that they might be their servants. The Basutos, on the
other hand, said that no such sale ever took place, and, even if it did
take place, it was invalid, because the Swazis were not in occupation
of the land, and therefore could not sell it. It was a Christian Kafir
called Johannes, a brother of Secocoeni, who was the immediate cause
of the war. This Johannes used to live at a place called Botsobelo, the
mission-station of Mr. Merensky, but moved to a stronghold on the
Spekboom river, in the disputed territory. The Boers sent to him to
come back, but he refused, and warned the Boers off his land.
Secocoeni was then appealed to, but declared that the land belonged
to his tribe, and would be occupied by Johannes. He also told the Boers
"that he did not wish to fight, but that he was quite ready to do so if
they preferred it." Thereupon the Transvaal Government declared war,
although it does not appear that the natives committed any outrage or
acts of hostility before the declaration. As regards the Boers' right
to Secocoeni's country, Sir H. Barkly sums up the question thus, in a
despatch addressed to President Burgers, dated 28th Nov. 1876:--"On the
whole, it seems perfectly clear, and I feel bound to repeat it, that
Sikukuni was neither _de jure_ or _de facto_ a subject of the
Republic when your Honour declared war against him in June last." As
soon as war had been declared, the clumsy commando system was set
working, and about 2500 white men collected; the Swazis also were
applied to to send a contingent, which they did, being only too glad of
the opportunity of slaughter.
At first all went well, and the President, who accompanied the commando
in person, succeeded in reducing a mountain stronghold, which, in his
high-flown way, he called a "glorious victory" over a "Kafir
Gibraltar."
On the 14th July another engagement took place, when the Boers and
Swazis attacked Johannes' stronghold. The place was taken with
circumstances of great barbarity by the Swazis, for when the signal was
given to advance the Boers did not move. Nearly all the women were
killed, and the brains of the children were dashed out against the
stones; in one instance, before the captive mother's face. Johannes was
badly wounded, and died two days afterwards. When he was dying, he said
to his brother, "I am going to die. I am thankful I do not die by the
hands of these cowardly Boers, but by the hand of a black and
courageous nation like myself...." He then took leave of his people,
told his brother to read the Bible, and expired. The Swazis were so
infuriated at the cowardice displayed by the Boers on this occasion
that they returned home in great dudgeon.
On the 2d of August Secocoeni's mountain, which is a very strong
fortification, was attacked in two columns, or rather an attempt was
made to attack it, for when it came to the pinch only about forty men,
mostly English and Germans, would advance. Thereupon the whole commando
retreated with great haste, the greater part of it going straight home.
In vain the President entreated them to shoot him rather than desert
him; they had had enough of Secocoeni and his stronghold, and home
they went. The President then retreated with what few men he had left
to Steelport, where he built a fort, and from thence returned to
Pretoria. The news of the collapse of the commando was received
throughout the Transvaal, and indeed the whole of South Africa, with
the greatest dismay. For the first time in the history of that country
the white man had been completely worsted by a native tribe, and that
tribe wretched Basutos, people whom the Zulus call their "dogs." It was
glad tidings to every native from the Zambesi to the Cape, who learnt
thereby that the white man was not so invincible as he used to be.
Meanwhile the inhabitants of Lydenburg were filled with alarm, and
again and again petitioned the Governors of the Cape and Natal for
assistance. Their fears were, however, to a great extent groundless,
for, with the exception of occasional cattle-lifting, Secocoeni did
not follow up his victory.
On the 4th September the President opened the special sitting of the
Volksraad, and presented to that body a scheme for the establishment of
a border force to take the place of the commando system, announcing
that he had appointed a certain Captain Von Schlickmann to command it.
He also requested the Raad to make some provision for the expenses of
the expedition, which they had omitted to do in their former sitting.
Captain Von Schlickmann determined to carry on the war upon a different
system. He got together a band of very rough characters on the Diamond
Fields, and occupied the fort built by the President, from whence he
would sally out from time to time and destroy kraals. He seems, if
we may believe the reports in the blue-books and the stories of
eye-witnesses, to have carried on his proceedings in a somewhat savage
way. The following is an extract from a private letter written by one
of his volunteers:--
"About daylight we came across four Kafirs. Saw them first, and charged
in front of them to cut off their retreat. Saw they were women, and
called out not to fire. In spite of that, one of the poor things got
her head blown off (a d----d shame).... Afterwards two women and a baby
were brought to the camp prisoners. The same night they were taken out
by our Kafirs and murdered in cool blood by order of ----. Mr. ---- and
myself strongly protested against it, but without avail. I never heard
such a cowardly piece of business in my life. No good will come of it,
you may depend.... ---- says he would cut all the women and children's
throats he catches. Told him distinctly he was a d----d coward."
Schlickmann was, however, a mild-mannered man when compared to a
certain Abel Erasmus, afterwards denounced at a public dinner by Sir
Garnet Wolseley as a fiend "in human form." This gentleman, in the
month of October, attacked a friendly kraal of Kafirs. The incident is
described thus in a correspondent's letter:--
"The people of the kraals, taken quite by surprise, fled when they saw
their foes, and most of them took shelter in the neighbouring bush. Two
or three men were distinctly seen in their flight from the kraal, and
one of them is known to have been wounded. According to my informant
the remainder were women and children, who were pursued into the bush,
and there, all shivering and shrieking, were put to death by the Boers'
Kafirs, some being shot, but the majority stabbed with assegais. After
the massacre he counted thirteen women and three children, but he says
he did not see the body of a single man. Another Kafir said, pointing
to a place in the road where the stones were thickly strewn, 'the
bodies of the women and children lay like these stones.' The Boer
before mentioned, who has been stationed outside, has told one of his
own friends, whom he thought would not mention it, that the shrieks
were fearful to hear."
Several accounts of, or allusion to, this atrocity can be found in the
blue-books, and I may add that it, in common with others of the same
stamp, was the talk of the country at the time.
I do not relate these horrors out of any wish to rake up old stories to
the prejudice of the Boers, but because I am describing the state of
the country before the Annexation, in which they form an interesting
and important item. Also, it is as well that people in England should
know into what hands they have delivered over the native tribes who
trusted in their protection. What happened in 1876 is probably
happening again now, and will certainly happen again and again. The
character of the Transvaal Boer and his sentiments towards the native
races have not modified during the last five years, but, on the
contrary, a large amount of energy, which has been accumulating during
the period of British protection, will now be expended on their devoted
heads.
As regards the truth of these atrocities, the majority of them are
beyond the possibility of doubt; indeed, to the best of my knowledge,
no serious attempt has ever been made to refute such of them as have
come into public notice, except in a general way, for party purposes.
As, however, they may be doubted, I will quote the following extract
from a despatch written by Sir H. Barkly to Lord Carnarvon, dated 18th
December 1876:--
"As Von Schlickmann has since fallen fighting bravely, it is not
without reluctance that I join in affixing this dark stain on his
memory, but truth compels me to add the following extract from a letter
which I have since received from one whose name (which I communicate to
your Lordship privately) forbids disbelief: 'There is no longer the
_slightest doubt_ as to the murder of the two women and the child
at Steelport by the direct order of Schlickmann, and in the attack on
the kraal near which these women were captured (or some attack about
that period) he ordered his men to cut the throats of all the wounded!
This is no mere report; it is positively true.'" He concludes by
expressing a hope that the course of events will enable Her Majesty's
Government to take such steps "as will terminate this wanton and
useless bloodshed, and prevent the recurrence of the _scenes of
injustice, cruelty, and rapine which abundant evidence is every day
forthcoming to prove have rarely ceased to disgrace the Republics
beyond the Vaal ever since they first sprang into existence_."[4]
[4] The italics are my own.--AUTHOR.
These are strong words, but none too strong for the facts of the case.
Injustice, cruelty, and rapine have always been the watchwords of the
Transvaal Boers. The stories of wholesale slaughter in the earlier days
of the Republic are very numerous. One of the best known of those
shocking occurrences took place in the Zoutpansberg war in 1865. On
this occasion a large number of Kafirs took refuge in caves, where the
Boers smoked them to death. Some years afterwards Dr. Wangeman, whose
account is, I believe, thoroughly reliable, describes the scene of
their operations in these words:--
"The roof of the first cave was black with smoke; the remains of the
logs which were burnt lay at the entrance. The floor was strewn with
hundreds of skulls and skeletons. In confused heaps lay karosses,
kerries, assegais, pots, spoons, snuff-boxes, and the bones of men,
giving one the impression that this was the grave of a whole people.
Some estimate the number of those who perished here from twenty to
thirty thousand. This is, I believe, too high. In the one chamber there
were from two hundred to three hundred skeletons; the other chambers I
did not visit."
In 1868 a public meeting was held at Potchefstroom to consider the war
then going on with the Zoutpansberg natives. According to the report of
the proceedings, the Rev. Mr. Ludorf said that "on a particular
occasion a number of native children, who were too young to be removed,
had been collected in a heap, covered with long grass, and burned
alive. Other atrocities had also been committed, but these were too
horrible to relate." When called upon to produce his authority for this
statement, Mr. Ludorf named his authority "in a solemn declaration to
the State Attorney." At this same meeting Mr. J. G. Steyn, who had been
Landdrost of Potchefstroom, said, "there now was innocent blood on our
hands which had not yet been avenged, and the curse of God rested on
the land in consequence." Mr. Rosalt remarked that "it was a singular
circumstance that in the different colonial Kafir wars, as also in the
Basuto wars, one did not hear of destitute children being found by the
commandoes, and asked how it was that every petty commando that took
the field in this Republic invariably found numbers of destitute
children. He gave it as his opinion that the present system of
apprenticeship was an essential cause of our frequent hostilities with
the natives." Mr. Jan Talyard said, "Children were forcibly taken from
their parents, and were then called destitute and apprenticed." Mr.
Daniel Van Nooren was heard to say, "If they had to clear the country,
and could not have the children they found, he would shoot them." Mr.
Field-Cornet Furstenburg stated "that when he was at Zoutpansberg with
his burghers, the chief Katse-Kats was told to come down from the
mountains; that he sent one of his subordinates as a proof of amity;
that whilst a delay of five days was guaranteed by Commandant Paul
Kruger, who was then in command, orders were given at the same time to
attack the natives at break of day, which was accordingly done, but
which resulted in total failure." Truly, this must have been an
interesting meeting.
Before leaving these unsavoury subjects, I must touch on the question
of slavery. It has been again and again denied, on behalf of the
Transvaal Boers, that slavery existed in the Republic. Now, this is,
strictly speaking, true; slavery did not exist, but apprenticeship
did--the rose was called by another name, that is all. The poor
destitute children who were picked up by kind-hearted Boers, after the
extermination of their parents, were apprenticed to farmers till they
came of age. It is a remarkable fact that these children never attained
their majority. You might meet oldish men in the Transvaal who were
not, according to their masters' reckoning, twenty-one years of age.
The assertion that slavery did not exist in the Transvaal is only made
to hoodwink the English public. I have known men who have owned slaves,
and who have seen whole waggon-loads of "black ivory," as they were
called, sold for about £15 a-piece. I have at this moment a tenant,
Carolus by name, on some land I own in Natal, now a well-to-do man, who
was for many years--about twenty, if I remember right--a Boer slave.
During those years, he told me, he worked from morning till night, and
the only reward he received was two calves. He finally escaped into
Natal.
If other evidence is needed it is not difficult to find, so I will
quote a little. On the 22d August 1876 we find Khama, king of the
Bamangwato, one of the most worthy chiefs in South Africa, sending a
message to "Victoria, the great Queen of the English people," in these
words:--
"I write to you, Sir Henry, in order that your Queen may preserve for
me my country, it being in her hands. The Boers are coming into it, and
I do not like them. Their actions are cruel among us black people. We
are like money, they sell us and our children. I ask Her Majesty to
pity me, and to hear that which I write quickly. I wish to hear upon
what conditions Her Majesty will receive me, and my country and my
people, under her protection. I am weary with fighting. I do not like
war, and I ask Her Majesty to give me peace. I am very much distressed
that my people are being destroyed by war, and I wish them to obtain
peace. I ask Her Majesty to defend me, as she defends all her people.
There are three things which distress me very much--war, selling
people, and drink. All these things I shall find in the Boers, and it
is these things which destroy people to make an end of them in the
country. _The custom of the Boers has always been to cause people to
be sold, and to-day they are still selling people._ Last year I saw
them pass with two waggons full of people whom they had bought at the
river at Tanane" (Lake Ngate).
The Special Correspondent of the _Cape Argus_, a highly respectable
journal, writes thus on the 28th November 1876:--"The Boer from whom
this information was gleaned has furnished besides some facts which may
not be uninteresting, as a commentary on the repeated denials by Mr.
Burgers of the existence of slavery. During the last week slaves have
been offered for sale on his farm. The captives have been taken from
Secocoeni's country by Mapoch's people, and are being exchanged at the
rate of a child for a heifer. He also assures us that the whole of the
High-veld is being replenished with Kafir children, whom the Boers have
been lately purchasing from the Swazis at the rate of a horse for a
child. I should like to see this man and his father as witnesses before
an Imperial Commission. He let fall one or two incidents of the past
which were brought to mind by the occurrences of the present. In 1864,
he says, 'The Swazis accompanied the Boers against Males. The Boers did
nothing but stand by and witness the fearful massacre. The men and
women were also murdered. One poor woman sat clutching her baby of
eight days old. The Swazis stabbed her through the body, and when she
found that she could not live, she wrung the baby's neck with her own
hands to save it from future misery. On the return of that commando the
children who became too weary to continue the journey were killed on
the road. The survivors were sold as slaves to the farmers.'"
The same gentleman writes in the issue of the 12th December as
follows:--"The whole world may know it, for it is true, and
investigation will only bring out the horrible details, that through
the whole course of this Republic's existence it has acted in
contravention of the Sand River Treaty; and slavery has occurred not
only here and there in isolated cases, but as an unbroken practice, and
has been one of the peculiar institutions of the country, mixed up with
all its social and political life. It has been at the root of most of
its wars. It has been carried on regularly even in times of peace. It
has been characterised by all those circumstances which have so often
roused the British nation to an indignant protest, and to repeated
efforts to banish the slave trade from the world. The Boers have not
only fallen on unsuspecting kraals simply for the purpose of obtaining
the women and children and cattle, but they have carried on a traffic
through natives who have kidnapped the children of their weaker
neighbours, and sold them to the white man. Again, the Boers have sold
and exchanged their victims among themselves. Waggon-loads of slaves
have been conveyed from one end of the country to the other for sale,
and that with the cognisance of, and for the direct advantage of, the
highest officials of the land. The writer has himself seen in a town,
situated in the south of the Republic, the children who had been
brought down from a remote northern district. One fine morning, in
walking through the streets, he was struck with the number of little
black strangers standing about certain houses, and wondered where they
could have come from. He learnt a few hours later that they were part
of loads which were disposed of on the outskirts of the town the day
before. The circumstances connected with some of these kidnapping
excursions are appalling, and the barbarities practised by cruel
masters upon some of these defenceless creatures during the course of
their servitude are scarcely less horrible than those reported from
Turkey. It is no disgrace in this country for an official to ride a
fine horse which was got for two Kafir children, to procure whom the
father and mother were shot. No reproach is inherited by the mistress
who, day after day, tied up her female servant in an agonising posture,
and had her beaten until there was no sound part in her body, securing
her in the stocks during the intervals of torture. That man did not
lose caste who tied up another woman and had her thrashed until she
brought forth at the whipping-post. These are merely examples of
thousands of cases which could be proved were an Imperial Commission to
sit, and could the wretched victims of a prolonged oppression recover
sufficiently from the dread of their old tyrants to give a truthful
report."
To come to some evidence more recently adduced. On the 9th May 1881, an
affidavit was sworn to by the Rev. John Thorne, curate of St. John the
Evangelist, Lydenburg, Transvaal, and presented to the Royal Commission
appointed to settle Transvaal affairs, in which he states:--"That I was
appointed to the charge of a congregation in Potchefstroom, about
thirteen years ago, when the Republic was under the presidency of Mr.
Pretorius.[5] I remember noticing one morning as I walked through the
streets, a number of young natives, whom I knew to be strangers. I
inquired where they came from. I was told that they had just been
brought from Zoutpansberg. This was the locality from which slaves were
chiefly brought at that time, and were traded for under the name of
'Black Ivory.' One of these natives belonged to Mr. Munich, the State
Attorney. It was a matter of common remark at that time that the
President of the Republic was himself one of the greatest dealers in
slaves." In the fourth paragraph of the same affidavit Mr. Thorne says,
"That the Rev. Doctor Nachtigal, of the Berlin Missionary Society, was
the interpreter for Shatane's people in the private office of Mr. Roth,
and, at the close of the interview, told me what had occurred. On my
expressing surprise, he went on to relate that he had information on
native matters which would surprise me more. He then produced the copy
of a register, kept in the Landdrost's office, of men, women, and
children, to the number of four hundred and eighty (480), who had been
disposed of by one Boer to another for a consideration. In one case an
ox was given in exchange, in another goats, in a third a blanket, and
so forth. Many of these natives he (Mr. Nachtigal) knew personally. The
copy was certified as true and correct by an official of the Republic,
and I would mention his name now, only that I am persuaded that it
would cost the man his life if his act became known to the Boers."
[5] One of the famous Triumvirate.
On the 16th May 1881, a native, named Frederick Molepo, was examined by
the Royal Commission. The following are extracts from his
examination:--
"(_Sir E. Wood._) Are you a Christian?--Yes.
"(_Sir H. de Villiers._) How long were you a slave?--Half a year.
"How do you know that you were a slave? Might you not have been an
apprentice?--No, I was not apprenticed.
"How do you know?--They got me from my parents, and ill-treated me.
"(_Sir E. Wood._) How many times did you get the stick?--Every day.
"(_Sir H. de Villiers._) What did the Boers do with you when they
caught you?--They sold me.
"How much did they sell you for?--One cow and a big pot."
On the 28th May 1881, amongst the other documents handed in for the
consideration of the Royal Commission, is the statement of a headman,
whose name it has been considered advisable to omit in the blue-book
for fear the Boers should take vengeance on him. He says, "I say, that
if the English government dies I shall die too; I would rather die than
be under the Boer Government. I am the man who helped to make bricks
for the church you see now standing in the square here (Pretoria), as a
slave without payment. As a representative of my people I am still
obedient to the English Government, and willing to obey all commands
from them, even to die for their cause in this country, rather than
submit to the Boers.
"I was under Shambok, my chief, who fought the Boers formerly, but he
left us, and we were _put up to auction_ and sold among the Boers. I
want to state this myself to the Royal Commission in Newcastle. I was
bought by Fritz Botha and sold by Frederick Botha, who was then veld
cornet (justice of the peace) of the Boers."[6]
[6] I have taken the liberty to quote all these extracts
exactly as they stand in the original, instead of weaving
their substance into my narrative, in order that I may not be
accused, as so often happens to authors who write upon this
subject, of having presented a garbled version of the truth.
The original of every extract is to be found in blue-books
presented to Parliament. I have thought it best to confine
myself to these, and avoid repeating stories of cruelties and
slavery, however well authenticated, that have come to my
knowledge privately such stories being always more or less
open to suspicion.
It would be easy to find more reports of the slave-trading practices of
the Boers, but as the above are fair samples it will not be necessary
to do so. My readers will be able from them to form some opinion as to
whether or not slavery or apprenticeship existed in the Transvaal. If
they come to the conclusion that it did, it must be borne in mind that
what existed in the past will certainly exist again in the future.
Natives are not now any fonder of working for Boers than they were a
few years back, and Boers must get labour somehow. If, on the other
hand, it did not exist, then the Boers are a grossly slandered people,
and all writers on the subject, from Livingstone down, have combined to
take away their character.
Leaving native questions for the present, we must now return to the
general affairs of the country. When President Burgers opened the
special sitting of the Volksraad, on the 4th September, he appealed, it
will be remembered, to that body for pecuniary aid to liquidate the
expenses of the war. This appeal was responded to by the passing of a
war tax, under which every owner of a farm was to pay £10, the owner of
half a farm £5, and so on. The tax was not a very just one, since it
fell with equal weight on the rich man who held twenty farms and the
poor man who held but one. Its justice or injustice was, however, to a
great extent immaterial, since the free and independent burghers,
including some of the members of the Volksraad who had imposed it,
promptly refused to pay it, or indeed, whilst they were about it, any
other tax. As the Treasury was already empty, and creditors were
pressing, this refusal was most ill-timed, and things began to look
very black indeed. Meanwhile, in addition to the ordinary expenditure,
and the interest payable on debts, money had to be found to pay Von
Schlickmann's volunteers. As there was no cash in the country, this was
done by issuing Government promissory notes, known as "goodfors," or
vulgarly as "good for nothings," and by promising them all booty, and
to each man a farm of two thousand acres, lying east and north-east of
the Loolu mountains--in other words, in Secocoeni's territory, which
did not belong to the Government to give away. The officials were the
next to suffer, and for six months before the Annexation these
unfortunate individuals lived as best they could, for they certainly
got no salary, except in the case of a postmaster, who was told to help
himself to his pay in stamps. The Government issued large numbers of
bills, but the banks refused to discount them, and in some cases the
neighbouring colonies had to advance money to the Transvaal post-cart
contractors who were carrying the mails, as a matter of charity. The
Government even mortgaged the great salt-pan near Pretoria for the
paltry sum of £400, whilst the leading officials of the Government were
driven to pledging their own private credit in order to obtain the
smallest article necessary to its continuance. In fact, to such a pass
did things come that when the country was annexed a single threepenny
bit (which had doubtless been overlooked) was found in the Treasury
chest, together with acknowledgments of debts to the extent of nearly
£300,000.
Nor was the refusal to pay taxes, which they were powerless to enforce,
the only difficulty with which the Government had to contend. Want of
money is as bad and painful a thing to a State as to an individual, but
there are perhaps worse things than want of money, one of which is to
be deserted by your own friends and household. This was the position of
the Government of the Republic; no sooner was it involved in
overwhelming difficulties than its own subjects commenced to bait it,
more especially the English portion of its subjects. They complained to
the English authorities about the commandeering of members of their
family or goods; they petitioned the British Government to interfere,
and generally made themselves as unpleasant as possible to the local
authorities. Such a course of action was perhaps natural, but it can
hardly be said to be either quite logical or just. The Transvaal
Government had never asked them to come and live in the country, and if
they did so, it was presumably at their own risk. On the other hand, it
must be remembered that many of the agitators had accumulated property,
to leave which would mean ruin; and they saw that, unless something was
done, its value would be destroyed.
Under the pressure of all these troubles the Boers themselves split up
into factions, as they are always ready to do. The Dopper party
declared that they had had enough progress, and proposed the extremely
conservative Paul Kruger as President, Burgers' time having nearly
expired. Paul Kruger accepted the candidature, although he had
previously promised his support to Burgers, and distrust of each other
was added to the other difficulties of the Executive, the Transvaal
becoming a house very much divided against itself. Natives, Doppers,
Progressionists, Officials, English, were all pulling different ways,
and each striving for his own advantage. Anything more hopeless than
the position of the country on the 1st January 1877 it is impossible to
conceive. Enemies surrounded it; on every border there was the prospect
of a serious war. In the exchequer there was nothing but piles of
overdue bills. The President was helpless, and mistrustful of his
officers, and the officers were caballing against the President. All
the ordinary functions of Government had ceased, and trade was
paralysed. Now and then wild proposals were made to relieve the State
of its burdens, some of which partook of the nature of repudiation, but
these were the exception; the majority of the inhabitants, who would
neither fight nor pay taxes, sat still and awaited the catastrophe,
utterly careless of all consequences.