From all these remarks it will easily be seen that in olden times the boy

enjoyed almost all the rights of majority long before the day of his being

“The Son of the Law.” The condition of the novice is hardly

distinguishable from that of the initiated priest. The Talmud, the Gaonim,

and even R. Isaac Alfasi and Maimonides knew neither the term “The Son of

the Law” (in our sense of the word) nor any ceremony connected with it.

There is only one slight reference to such an institution, recorded in the

Tractate _Sopherim_, with the quotation of which I shall conclude this

paper. We read there: “In Jerusalem there was the godly custom to initiate

the children at the _beginning_ of the thirteenth year by fasting the

whole Day of Atonement. During this year they took the boy to the priests

and learned men that they might bless him, and pray for him that God might

think him worthy of a life devoted to the study of the Torah and pious

works.” For, this author says, “they were beautiful, and their lives

harmonious and their hearts directed to God.”

XIII. WOMAN IN TEMPLE AND SYNAGOGUE

The learned Woman has always been a favourite subject with Jewish

students; and her intellectual capabilities have been fully vindicated in

many an essay and even fair‐sized book. Less attention, however, has been

paid to woman’s claims as a devotional being whom the Temple, and

afterwards the Synagogue, more or less recognised. At least it is not

known to me that any attempt has been made to give, even in outline, the

history of woman’s relation to public worship. It is needless to say that

the present sketch, which is meant to supply this want in some measure,

lays no claim to completeness; but I venture to hope that it will help to

direct the attention of the friends of research to the matter, and that it

may induce others to deal more fully with the subject and do it the

justice it deserves.

The earliest allusion to women’s participation in _public_ worship, is

that in Exodus xxxviii. 8, to the women who assembled to minister at the

door of the “tent of meeting,” of whose mirrors the lavers of brass were

made (cf. 1 Sam. ii. 22). Philo, who is not exactly enamoured of the

emancipation of women, and seeks to confine them to the “small state,” is

here full of their praise. “For,” he says, “though no one enjoined them to

do so, they of their own spontaneous zeal and earnestness contributed the

mirrors with which they had been accustomed to deck and set off their

beauty, as the most becoming first‐fruits of their modesty, and of the

purity of their married life, and, as one may say, of the beauty of their

souls.” In another passage Philo describes the Jewish women as “competing

with the men themselves in piety, having determined to enter upon a

glorious contest, and to the utmost extent of their power to exert

themselves so as not to fall short of their holiness.”

It is, however, very difficult to ascertain in what this ministry of women

consisted. The Hebrew term “Zobeoth”(264) would suggest the thought of a

species of religious Amazons, who formed a guard of honour round the

Sanctuary. Some commentators think that the ministry consisted in

performing religious dances accompanied by various instruments. The

Septuagint again speaks “of the women who fasted by the doors of the

Tabernacle.” But most of the old Jewish expositors, as well as Onkelos,

conceive that the women went to the tent of meeting to pray. Ibn Ezra

offers the interesting remark, “And behold, there were women in Israel

serving the Lord, who left the vanities of this world, and not being

desirous of beautifying themselves any longer, made of their mirrors a

free offering, and came to the tabernacle every day to pray and to listen

there to the words of the commandments.” When we find that in 1 Sam. i.

12, “Hannah continued to pray before the Lord,” she was only doing there

what many of her sisters did before and after her. We may also judge that

it was from the number of these noble women, who made religion the aim of

their lives, that the “twenty‐two” heroines and prophetesses sprang who

form part of the glory of Jewish history. Sometimes it even happened that

their husbands derived their religious inspiration from them. Thus the

husband of the prophetess Deborah is said to have been an unlettered man.

But his wife made him carry to the Sanctuary the candles which she herself

had prepared, this being the way in which she encouraged him to seek

communion with the righteous.

The language in which the husband of the “Great Woman” of Shunem addresses

his wife: “Wherefore wilt thou go to him” (the prophet)? “it is neither

New Moon nor Sabbath” (2 Kings iv. 23), proves that on Festivals and

Sabbaths the women used to attend some kind of worship, performed by the

prophet, though we cannot say in what this worship consisted. The New Moon

was especially a woman’s holiday, and was so observed even in the Middle

Ages, for the women refrained from doing work on that day. The explanation

given by the Rabbis is that when the men broke off their golden earrings

to supply material for the golden calf, the women refused to contribute

their trinkets, for which good behaviour a special day of repose was

granted to them. Some Cabbalists even maintain that the original

worshippers of the golden calf continue to exist on earth, their souls

having successively migrated into various bodies, while their punishment

consists in this, that they are ruled over by their wives. Rather

interesting as well as complimentary to women is the remark which the

Rabbis made with regard to the “Great Woman.” As will be remembered, it is

_she_ who says, “I perceive that this (Elisha) is a holy man of God” (2

Kings iv. 19). In allusion to this verse the Talmud says: “From this fact

we may infer that woman is quicker in recognising the worth of a stranger

than man.”

The great woman, or women, continued to pray and to join in the public

worship also after the destruction of the first Temple. Thus Esther is

reported by tradition to have addressed God in a long extempore prayer

before she presented herself before the throne of Ahasuerus to plead her

people’s cause; and women were always enjoined to attend the reading of

the Book of Esther. When Ezra read the Law for the first time, he did so

in the presence of the men and the women (Neh. viii. 3). In the Book of

the Maccabees we read of “The women girt with sackcloth ... and the

maidens that ran to the gates.... And all holding their hands towards

heaven made supplication.” In the Judith legend, mention is also made of

“Every man and woman ... who fell before the Temple, and spread out their

sackcloth before the face of the Lord ... and cried before the God of

Israel.” In the second Temple, the women, as is well known, possessed a

court reserved for their exclusive use. There the great illuminations and

rejoicings on the evening of the Feast of Tabernacles used to be held. On

this occasion, however, the women were confined to galleries specially

erected for them. It was also in this Women’s Hall that the great public

reading of certain portions of the Law by the king, once in seven years,

used to take place, and women had also to attend at the function. On the

other hand, it is hardly necessary to say that women were excluded from

performing any important service in the Temple. If we were to trust a

certain passage in the “Chapters of R. Eliezer,” we might perhaps conclude

that during the first Temple, the wives of the Levites formed a part of

the choir, but the meaning of the passage is too obscure and doubtful for

us to be justified in basing on it so important an inference. Nor can the

three hundred maidens who were employed for the weaving of the curtains in

the Temple, be looked upon as having stood in closer connection with the

Temple, or as having formed an order of women‐priests or girl‐devotees (as

one might wrongly be induced to think by certain passages in Apocryphal

writings of the New Testament). But on the other hand, it is not

improbable that their frequent contact with the Sanctuary of the nation

produced in them that religious enthusiasm and zeal which may account for

the heroic death which—according to the legend—they sought and found after

the destruction of the Temple. It is to be remarked that, according to the

law, women were even exempted from putting their hands on the head of the

victim, which formed an important item in the sacrificial worship. It is,

however, stated by an eye‐witness, that the authorities permitted them to

perform this ceremony if they desired to do so, and that their reason for

this concession was “to give calmness of the spirit, or satisfaction, to

women.”

Still greater, perhaps, was “the calmness of spirit” given to women in the

synagogue. We find in ancient epitaphs that such titles of honour were

conferred upon them as “Mistress of the Synagogue,” and “Mother of the

Synagogue,” and, though they held no actual office in the Synagogue, it is

not improbable that they acquired these titles by meritorious work

connected with a religious institution, viz.: Charity. There was, indeed,

a tendency to exclude women from the synagogue at certain seasons, but

almost all the authorities protest against it, many of them declaring such

a notion to be quite un‐Jewish. Some Jewish scholars even think that the

ancient synagogues knew of no partition for women. I am rather inclined to

think that the synagogue took for its model the arrangements in the

Temple, and thus confined women to a place of their own. But, whether they

sat side by side with the men or occupied a special portion of the

edifice, there can be no doubt that the Jewish women were great synagogue‐

goers. To give only one instance. One Rabbi asks another: Given the case

that the members of the synagogue are all descendants of Aaron, to whom

then would they impart their blessing? The answer is, to the women who are

there.

Of the sermon they were even more fond than their husbands. Thus one woman

was so much interested in the lectures of R. Meir, which he was in the

habit of giving every Friday evening, that she used to remain there so

long that the candles in her house burnt themselves out. Her lazy husband,

who stopped at home, so strongly resented having to wait in the dark, that

he would not permit her to cross the threshold until she gave some offence

to the preacher, which would make him sure that she would not venture to

attend his sermons again.

The prayers they said were the Eighteen Benedictions which were prescribed

by the Law. But it would seem that occasionally they offered short prayers

composed by themselves as suggested by their personal feelings and needs.

Thus, to give one instance, R. Johanan relates that one day he observed a

young girl fall on her face and pray: “Lord of the world, Thou hast

created Paradise, Thou hast created hell, Thou hast created the wicked,

Thou hast created the righteous; may it be Thy will that I may not serve

as a stumbling‐block to them.” The fine Hebrew in which the prayer is

expressed, and the notion of the responsibility of Providence for our

actions, manifest a high degree of intelligence and reflection. It would

also seem that some women went so far in their religious sensibility as to

lead a regular ascetic life, and, according to the suggestion of some

scholars, even took the vow of celibacy. Of these the Rabbis did not

approve, and stigmatised them as the “destroyers of the world.” Perhaps it

was just at this period that Judaism could not afford to give free play to

those morbid feelings, degenerating into religious hysterics, which led

some to join rival sects, and others to abandon themselves to the gross

immorality we read of in the history of the Gnostics.

The same circumstances may have been the cause of public opinion being led

to accept the view of R. Eliezer, who thought it inadvisable—it would seem

on moral grounds—to permit woman to study the Law. This opinion was

opposed to that of Ben Azzai, who considered it incumbent upon every

father to teach his daughter Torah. But justified as the advice of R.

Eliezer may have been in his own time, it was rather unfortunate that

later generations continued to take it as the guiding principle for the

education of their children. Many great women in the course of history

indeed became law‐breakers and studied Torah; but the majority were

entirely dependent on men, and became in religious matters a sort of

appendix to their husbands, who by their good actions insured salvation

also for them, and sometimes the reverse. Thus there is a story about a

woman which, put into modern language, would be to the effect that she

married a minister and copied his sermons for him; he died, and she then

married a cruel usurer, and kept his accounts for him.

The fact that women were exempted from certain affirmative laws, which

become operative only at special seasons—_e.g._, the taking of the palm

branch on the Feast of Tabernacles—must also have contributed to weaken

their position as a religious factor in Judaism. The idea that women

should vie with men in the fulfilment of every law, became even for the

Rabbis a notion connected only with the remotest past. This is the

impression one gains when reading the legend about Michal, the daughter of

Saul, putting on phylacteries, or the wife of the prophet Jonah making a

pilgrimage to Jerusalem at the three Festivals. It would indeed seem as if

women were led to strive for the satisfaction of their religious wants in

another direction. Yet it was said of Jewish women, “The daughters of

Israel were stringent and laid certain restrictions on themselves.” They

were also allowed to form a quorum by themselves for the purpose of saying

the Grace, but they could not be counted along with males for this end. It

was also against the early notion of the dignity of the congregation that

women should perform any public service for men.

One privilege was left to women—that of weeping. In Judges xi. 40, we read

of the daughters of Israel that went yearly to lament the daughter of

Jephthah; while in 2 Chronicles xxxv. 25, we are told how “all the singing

men and the singing women spake of Josiah in their lamentations.” Of this

privilege they were not deprived, and if they were not allowed to sing any

longer, they at least retained the right to weep as much as they pleased.

Even in later times they held a public office as mourning women at

funerals. In the Talmud fragments of compositions by women for such

occasions are to be found. Indeed, woman became in these times the type of

grief and sorrow. She cannot reason, but she feels much more deeply than

man. Here is one instance from an old legend: Jeremiah said, “When I went

up to Jerusalem (after the destruction of the Temple) I lifted my eyes and

saw there a lonely woman sitting on the top of the mountain, her dress

black, her hair dishevelled, crying, ‘Who will comfort me?’ I approached

her and spake to her, ‘If thou art a woman, speak to me. If thou art a

ghost, begone.’ She answered, ‘Dost thou not know me?... I am the Mother,

Zion.’ ”

In general, however, the principle applied to women was: The king’s

daughter _within the palace_ is all glorious (Psalm xlv. 14), but _not_

outside of it. In the face of the “Femina in ecclesia taceat,” which was

the ruling maxim with other religions, Jewish women could only feel

flattered by this polite treatment by the Rabbis, though it meant the same

thing. We must not think, however, that this prevented them from attending

the service of the synagogue. According to the Tractate _Sopherim_, even

“the little daughters of Israel were accustomed to go to the synagogue.”

In the same tractate we find it laid down as “a duty to translate for them

the portion (of the Law) of the week, and the lesson from the prophets”

into the language they understand. The “King’s daughter” occasionally

asserted her rights without undue reliance on the opinion of the

authorities. And thus being ignorant of the Hebrew language women prayed

in the vernacular, though this was at least against the letter of the law.

And many famous Rabbis of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries express

their wonder that the “custom of women praying in other (non‐Hebrew)

languages extended over the whole world.” It is noteworthy that they did

not suppress the practice, but on the contrary, they endeavoured to give

to the Law such an interpretation as would bring it into accord with the

general custom. Some even recommended it, as, for example, the author of

_The Book of the Pious_, who gives advice to women to learn the prayers in

the language familiar to them.

At about the same period a lengthy controversy was being waged by the

commentators of the Talmud and the codifiers, about woman’s partaking in

the fulfilment of the laws for special seasons, from which, as already

remarked, they were exempted. To the action itself there could not be much

objection, but the difficulty arose when women also insisted on uttering

the blessing. Now the point at issue was whether they could be permitted

to say, for instance, “Blessed art Thou, O Lord our God, etc., who hast

sanctified us by Thy Commandments, and _hast commanded us_, concerning the

taking of the Palm branch,” since in reality the women had _not_ been

commanded to do it. To such logical and systematic minds as Maimonides and

R. Joseph Caro, the difficulty was insurmountable, and they forbade women

to use the formula; but with the less consistent majority women carried

their point. Rather interesting is the answer received by R. Jacob, of

Corbeil, with regard to this question. This Rabbi is said to have enjoyed

the mysterious power which enabled him to appeal in cases of doubt to the

celestial authorities. Before them he put also this women’s case for

decision. Judgment was communicated to him in the verse from the

Scriptures, “In all that Sarah saith unto Thee, hearken unto her voice”

(Gen. xxi. 12). Nor was it unknown for a pious Jew to compose a special

hymn for his wife’s use in honour of the Sabbath.

How long this custom of women praying in the vernacular lasted, we have no

means of ascertaining. Probably was already extinct about the end of the

fifteenth century. For R. Solomon Portaleone, who lived in the sixteenth

century, already regrets the abolition of “this beautiful and worthy

custom.” “When they prayed in the vernacular,” he says, “they understood

what they were saying, whilst now they only gabble off their prayers.” As

a sort of compromise we may regard the various “Supplications”;(265) they

form a kind of additional prayers supplementary to the ordinary liturgy,

and are written in German. Chiefly composed by women, they specially

answer the needs of the sex on various occasions. These prayers deserve a

full description by themselves, into which I cannot enter here; I should

like only to mention that in one of these collections in the British

Museum, a special supplication is added for servant‐maids, and if I am not

quite mistaken, also one for their mistresses.

It is also worth noticing that the manuals on the “Three Women’s

Commandments” (mostly composed in German, sometimes also in rhymes),

contained much more than their titles would suggest. They rather served as

headings to groups of laws, arranged under each commandment. Thus the

first (about certain laws in Lev. xii. and xv.) becomes the motto for

purity in body and soul; the second (the consecration of the first cake of

the dough) includes all matters relating to charity, in which women were

even reminded to encourage their newly married husbands not to withhold

from the poor the tithes of the bridal dowry, as well as of their future

yearly income; whilst the third (the lighting of the Sabbath lamp) becomes

the symbol for spiritual light and sweetness in every relation of human

life.

As another compromise may also be considered the institution of

“Vorsugern” (woman‐reader) or the “Woilkennivdicke” (the well‐knowing one)

who reads the prayers and translates them into the vernacular for the

benefit of her less learned sisters. In Poland and in Russia, even at the

present time, such a woman‐reader is to be found in every synagogue, and

from what I have heard the institution is by no means unknown in London.

The various prayer‐books containing the Hebrew text as well as the Jewish‐

German translation, which appear in such frequent editions in Russia, are

mostly intended for the use of these praying women. Not uninteresting is

the title‐page of R. Aaron Ben Samuel’s Jewish‐German translations and

collections of prayers which appeared in the beginning of the eighteenth

century. He addressed the Jewish public in the following terms: “My dear

brethren, buy this lovely prayer‐book or wholesome tonic for body and

soul, which has never appeared in such German print since the world began;

and make your wives and children read it often, thus they will refresh

their bodies and souls, for this light will shine forth into your very

hearts. As soon as the children read it they will understand their

prayers, by which they will enjoy both this world and the world to come.”

An earlier translator of the prayer‐book addresses himself directly to the

“pious women” whom he invites to buy his book, “in which they will see

very beautiful things.” Recent centuries seem, on the whole, to have been

distinguished for the number of praying‐women they produced. The virtues

which constituted the claim of women to religious distinction were

modesty, charity, and daily attendance at the synagogue morning and

evening. In the memorial books of the time hundreds of such women are

noticed. Some used also to spin the “Fringes,” which they presented to

their friends; others fasted frequently, whilst “Old Mrs. Hechele” not

only attended the synagogue every day, and did charity to poor and rich,

but also understood the art of midwifery, which she practised in the

community without accepting payment for her services. According to R. Ch.

J. Bachrach women used also to say the “Magnified” prayer in the synagogue

when their parents left no male posterity.

In bringing to a close this very incomplete sketch, perhaps I ought to

notice the confirmation of girls introduced during this century in some

communities in Germany, which the “Reformed” Rabbis recommended, but of

which the “Orthodox” Rabbis disapproved. It would be well if in the heat

of such controversies both sides would remember the words of R. Zedekiah

b. Abraham, of Rome, who with regard to a certain difference of opinion on

some ritual question, says: “Every man receives reward from God for what

he is convinced is the right thing, if this conviction has no other motive

but the love of God.”

XIV. THE EARLIEST JEWISH COMMUNITY IN EUROPE

Roman Judaism has disappeared from our guide‐books. Civilisation has

levelled down the walls of the Ghetto, and its former inhabitants are not

any longer “a people that dwell alone.” But with this well‐deserved

destruction a good deal of the interest was also destroyed which the

traveller used to attach to “the peculiar people” enclosed in that

terrible slum of Rome.

Still, if there is anything eternal in the “eternal city,” which was

neither reconstructed by the Cæsars, nor improved upon by the Popes, it is

the little Jewish community at Rome. It has survived the former; it has

suffered for many centuries under the latter, and, partaking in the

general revival which has come upon the Italian nation, it may still be

destined for a great future. Indeed, the history of the relation of Israel

to Rome is so old that it is not lacking even in legendary elements. On

the day on which King Solomon married the daughter of Pharaoh, the Rabbis

narrate, there came down the angel Gabriel. He put a reed into the sea,

which, by means of the slime that adhered to it, formed itself, in the

course of time, into a large island, on which the city of Rome was

built—an event with which the troubles of Israel began. These were the

evil consequences of the first _mésalliance_. Even more unfortunate for

Israel (and it is not impossible that this is the meaning of the legend)

were the results of that spiritual mixed marriage between Judaism and

paganism which took place at a much later period, whereat a blunt soldier,

who sympathised with neither, and “who dealt in salvation as he dealt in

provinces,” acted as best man. As a fact, the parties concerned never

understood each other properly. The declaration of love, and the final

proposal, were made in an Alexandrine jargon, strange to both, the

obscurities of which only grew with the commentaries each successive

generation added to them. Under such circumstances, a happy union was not

to be expected, and the family quarrel which fills the annals of civilised

Europe soon broke out. Judaism, more particularly Roman Judaism, witnessed

this struggle from the beginning, and its fortunes were greatly dependent

on the chance which of these two elements, the Jewish or the pagan, won

the ascendency.

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