THOMAS HUTCHINSON TO LORD HILLSBOROUGH (1771).

=Source.=--_Calendar of Home Office Papers, 1770-1772._ Pp. 191-193.

_Thos. Hutchinson, Governor of [Massachusetts Bay], to Lord

[Hillsborough]._

_22 Jan._--The disorders in the colonies do not seem to have been

caused by the defects in the forms or constitutions of government. They

have not prevailed in proportion as one has been under a more popular

form of government than another. They must be attributed to a cause,

common to all the colonies,--a loose, false, and absurd notion of the

nature of government, spread by designing, artful men, setting bounds

to the supreme authority, and admitting parts of the community, and

even individuals, to judge when those bounds are exceeded, and to obey

or disobey accordingly. These principles prevailing, there can be no

interior force exerted, and disorder and confusion must be the effect;

and when there is no apprehension of force from the supreme authority,

the effect is the same in the distinct parts as in the whole. Under

these circumstances measures for reforming the constitution of any

people will probably be ineffectual, and tend to increase their

disorders. The colonies were under these circumstances when he wrote

his first private letter. There was a general opinion prevailing that

they could distress the kingdom by withdrawing their commerce from it,

and that there was not the least danger of any compulsory measures. In

this colony there was room to hope for a change of circumstances, but

it was uncertain, and probably at a distance. They had just felt the

shock of that most fortunate stroke which freed the Castle from any

dependence upon the people, and kept the harbour and town of Boston

under the command of the King’s ships; but the effects did not appear.

He was striving for a just decision in the case of the soldiers, and

not without hope, but far from being certain of success. There was a

prospect of the dissolution of the confederacies against importation,

though several of the colonies appeared to be more resolute. There was

also an expectation of a rupture between Great Britain and France or

Spain, or both, which would tend to show the people their dependence

on the kingdom, and the reasonableness of their submission to the

supreme authority. He was not insensible of the peculiar defects in the

constitution of this province, and he has complained of the Council as

being under undue influence, and casting their weight into that scale

which had much too great proportion before; but was doubtful himself,

and there were others doubtful also, whether, while the body of the

people continued in the state they were then in, councillors appointed

by the Crown would dare to undertake the trust; or, if they should do

it, whether the people in general would not refuse to submit to their

authority; and he feared the consequences of either would more than

countervail the advantages to arise merely from an alteration in the

constitution. To this must be attributed the want of determination

which appeared in his private letters, and not to any unwillingness to

trust his Lordship with his real sentiments.

The change in the temper of the people has been brought about sooner,

and to a greater degree, than anybody could expect; and they seem now

to be as well prepared to receive such a change in the constitution

as at any future time; or, if it should be deferred, they will

probably remain in tolerably good order until such time as may be

judged convenient, provided something is done in the meantime to

discover the resentment of the kingdom against their avowed principles

and practices, which shall give them cause to imagine that further

measures are to be taken with them. Such resentment has been everywhere

expected. If omitted, they will go back to their former disorders. That

wise step of changing the garrison at the Castle began their cure. In

the height of this confusion a citadel upon Fort Hill seemed also to

be necessary. Now thinks the same end is answered without it. It may,

however, be proper for the King to have the actual possession of the

spot, either by erecting a warehouse or magazine, or by making some

kind of enclosure to restrain encroachments, and yet not prevent the

inhabitants from using the place to walk and air themselves in; as they

now frequently do. There is a vote of the town for selling it. Will

watch their motions, and, if anything further is attempted, will take

public notice of it. If no further advances are made for securing good

behaviour, there certainly will be no receding. To depart suddenly

from what has been done at the Castle, &c., would be very dangerous.

Every Act of Parliament carried into execution in the colonies tends

to strengthen Government there. A firm persuasion that Parliament

is determined at all events to maintain the supreme authority is all

they want; few or none are so weak as to question the power to do it.

If Acts were passed more or less to control them every Session, they

would soon be familiarized to them; their erroneous opinions would

die away, and peace and order would revive. An Act to enable the King

to alter the bounds of the province by his commission, the charter

notwithstanding, by making the province of Main, and country east of

it, a distinct and separate province, and to annex or not, as His

Majesty should think fit, New Hampshire to the Massachusetts, or to

separate the country east of Penobscot and annex it to Nova Scotia,

might either be kept as a rod over them, or, if executed immediately,

would show a just resentment against the province for countenancing the

intrusions in the eastern country, whereby the King’s timber is exposed

to waste and havoc, and would be a striking instance of the power and

authority of Parliament. Gives his reasons for thinking that the Act

would be executed. Suggests that whenever the charter and case of the

province comes under consideration, instead of expressly declaring that

the power of electing councillors by the Assembly shall determine, the

King should be enabled by his Royal order of declaration to determine

it, and to appoint a Council instead, as he shall think proper. The

late Act permitting the issue of bills of credit at New York was

extremely well adapted to maintain the authority of Parliament.

Makes application in behalf of Capt. Phillips, the late commanding

officer, who is by far the greatest sufferer of any belonging to the

late garrison.

Is taking every measure, consistent with the honour of Government,

to reconcile civil and military, whigs and tories. They begin to be

sensible that it must be a very bad constitution indeed which is

not preferable to the savage state they have been in for some years

past.--Boston. Private. R. 30th March.

_Thos. Hutchinson, Governor of [Massachusetts Bay], to [Lord

Hillsborough]._

_25 Aug._--Mr. Henry Barnes, who lately arrived from England, has

requested him, the Governor, to cover a letter from him to his

Lordship, and to represent his sufferings and services in the cause

of Government. Has not been made acquainted with the contents of the

letter. Mr. Barnes has certainly suffered greatly by refusing to

comply with the scheme of non-importation, and by his endeavours to

support the authority of the magistrate; but in his solicitations for

compensation he shows more impatience than could be wished. Is willing

to attribute it to a mind chafed with his troubles, and impressed with

a strong sense of his merit, which he supposes to exceed that of many

others who have received the favours of Government. He complains of

his, the Governor’s, neglecting him, in not particularly recommending

his case when he went to England. Though he did not ask it, he yet

concluded it had been done in the course of public correspondence. He,

the Governor, transmitted an account of the incendiary letters, and

would have been more particular had he been requested. Thought that for

his general character, which is very good, he depended on Sir Francis

Barnard, who held him in esteem, and to whom he was more particularly

known. If there were anything in the province in his, the Governor’s,

disposal worth accepting, would give it him, but there is not.

Makes his grateful acknowledgments to his Lordship for H.M.’s warrant

to the Commissioners of the Customs for the payment of his salary. The

fund on which the warrant is charged would rise to a very large sum if

the illicit trade with Holland could be prevented.

The consumption of tea in America exceeds what anybody in England

imagines. Some suppose five-sixths of the consumption in the last two

years has been smuggled, and in Philadelphia and New York it is judged

nine-tenths. The traders make such an extravagant profit that it will

require more frequent seizures to discourage them than there is any

reason to hope for. If the India Company had continued the sale of

their teas at 2s. 2d. to 2s. 4d., as they sold them two years ago,

the Dutch trade would have been over by this time; but now that teas

are 3s. and upwards in England, the illicit trader can afford to lose

one chest in three, whereas not one in a hundred has been seized. The

custom-house officers on shore have strong inducements to do their

duty, being entitled to a proportion of one-third or more, but they

are really afraid of the rage of the people. The sea officers have of

late been more active, and Admiral Montague appears disposed to keep

out his cruisers. Doubts, however, whether this trade will ever be

discouraged in any other way than by reducing the price in England to

the exporter very near the price it is at in Holland. For want of this,

the revenue has lost, the last and present years, at least 60,000_l._

sterling, from the 3d. duty only. Believes the cruisers are capable of

doing more. Suggests that a greater proportion is necessary for the

particular officer who makes the seizure under a commission from the

Customs than what he is now entitled to. Has discovered, when he has

sworn some of the Navy officers to qualify them for their commissions

from the Customs, a great indifference and disinclination to make

themselves obnoxious to the people without any great advantage to

themselves.--Boston. R. 29th Oct.

_Thos. Hutchinson, Governor of [Massachusetts Bay], to Lord

[Hillsborough]._

_10 Sept._--In reply to his Lordship’s private letter of 30 May, not

received till he had closed his letter of the 25th August. Now submits

an estimate of the consumption of Bohea tea in America. The two towns

of Boston and Charlestown consume a chest, or about 340 lbs., per day.

The towns are not more than one-eighth, perhaps not more than one-tenth

of the province. Suppose they consume only 300 chests in the year, and

allow that they are one-eighth, it will make 2,400 chests for the

whole province. This is much short, for in the country towns there

is much more tea drunk in proportion than at Boston. This province

is not one-eighth part of the colonies; and in other Governments,

New York especially, they consume tea in much greater proportion. If

it be one-eighth, the whole continent consumes 19,200 chests, which

at 4_l._ per chest, the 3d. duty only, amounts to 76,800_l._ But the

computation is short in every part. In New York they import scarce

any other than Dutch teas. In Rhode Island and Pennsylvania it is

little better. In this province the Dutch traders are increasing. Has

frequent information of large quantities when too late; and sometimes

such persons are concerned as he thought could not have been capable

of countenancing perjury or fraud. Cannot help repeating that unless

the East India Company bring the price of tea so near to the price in

Holland as to make the profit of importing from thence not equal to

the risk, there will scarce be any imported from England. The acting

collector at Falmouth, in Casco Bay, acknowledged it to be true that

the Acts of Trade were broken every day in his district, but said the

officers on shore could not prevent it. He suggested that the only way

to prevent it was to increase the number of small schooners, and to

keep one or more constantly cruising in the bay, rigged and fitted like

schooners. “We have not virtue enough to become obnoxious to the people

merely from a sense of duty.” It seems, therefore, best to have one

officer only in each vessel with a commission from the Customs, and he

to have the command, and to be entitled to all but the King’s half of

the forfeiture; which would give him a good chance of making a small

fortune. There does not seem to be the same reason for sharing any part

among the crew or other officers as in cases of prizes taken in war,

where all their lives are exposed; for in the present case there is no

danger of resistance to an armed vessel, seeing that all the smugglers

are themselves unarmed and depend entirely on concealment.--Boston. R.

29 October.

REFORMERS IN PARLIAMENT RECOMMENDED TO SINK DIFFERENCES AND PROMOTE

UNION (1771).

=Source.=--_Letters of Junius_ (Letter LIX.). London: G. Bell and Sons.

1910. Vol. i.

_To the Printer of the “Public Advertiser,” October 5, 1771._

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