Preliminary Remarks.
We must not stop at what we have just said in general about the relation
between the freedom of research and the obligation to believe. We must go
further into detail, in order to give a more exact explanation of how and
where the authority of faith clashes with research and restrains it. Is it
true that the believing scientist cannot move freely in his research, that
there are barriers on all sides which he may not overstep? Is it true that
the Church may prescribe for the Catholic scientist what he is allowed to
defend and approve, what he ought to refute and reprove, suppress or
advocate, so that his eyes must ever be turned towards Rome, to inquire
and ascertain what might there be approved? And what a chain of
proscriptions of free thinking is attached to the name of Rome! Index,
Syllabus, _Galileo_—link after link is added to this chain of miserable
slavery!
We shall say something more about this chain later on. First we must
consider the principal question: Where and how do faith and science come
in contact? And what we are going to say we shall condense into four
points. Thus freedom of science will be more precisely defined; it will be
shown what freedom revelation, and especially the guardian of revelation,
the Church, offers to science: there can be no doubt that its natural
freedom of exercise must be left to science intact.
We shall deal in the first place with the _profane sciences_, and, at
least for the present, leave aside the discussion of theology, since it is
clear that theology, being the science of faith, must assume a peculiar
position in regard to the authority of faith: theology, moreover, is a
special mark for attack; accordingly we shall deal with it particularly
later on. However, the principles to be cited, being of a general nature,
refer also to the science of faith, and for this reason we shall have
occasion to refer to them.
1. Authority of Faith and Private Authority.
We often meet with the most inconceivable notions. We are told quite
seriously that the Church teaches, and that the Catholic has therefore to
believe, that the earth is a flat disc surrounded by the sea, as the
ancients believed; above it is a vault, below it hell-fire; that the earth
stands still and the sun and stars revolve about it, just as _Ptolemy_ of
Egypt taught; that God created the whole world just as it is now in
exactly six days of twenty-four hours each; that He made the sun and moon,
just as they are now illuminating the skies; that the strata, just as they
now look when bared by the geologist’s hammer, even the coal-fields and
petrified saurians and fossils—all were made, just as they now are, well
nigh six thousand years ago. The Scriptures teach this, the Fathers of old
and the theologians believe this: and that is where the Catholic must get
his science. And then they are astonished, and consider dogma retreating
before science, when they see other notions prevailing, when they see
Catholic scientists defend without prejudice the evolution of the solar
system, and even the system of the whole universe, from some primitive
matter, or assume an organic evolution, as far as science supports it (cf.
_Braun_, Ueber Kosmologie u. Standpunkt christlich. Wiss., 2d ed., 1906,
etc.). They would be still more astonished perhaps to learn that similar
ideas had long ago been proposed by _St. Augustine_ and _St. Thomas_ (cf.
Summa c. G. l. 3, c. 77; _Knabenbauer_, in Stimmen a. M. Laach xiii, 75
_seq._).
A distinction must be made between the teaching of the Church and the
private views of individuals, schools, or periods. Only the teaching of
the Church is the obligatory standard of Christian and Catholic thought,
not the opinion of individuals. Hence not everything that Catholic savants
have held to be true belongs to the teaching of the Church. Only when
theologians unanimously declare something to be contained in the deposit
of revealed truth, or the teaching of the Church,—only then is their
teaching authoritative; not because it is the teaching of theologians, but
because it is contained in revelation or the teaching of the Church. Else
the maxim holds good: _Tantum valet auctoritas, quantum argumenta_. Nor is
all that which a former age found in Holy Scripture, therefore to be
believed as revealed truth, to the exclusion of all other interpretations.
The foregoing may be elucidated by the examples given above. When Holy
Writ describes in figurative language and Oriental, demonstrative style,
how God created the heaven and earth, the sun and moon, the sea and its
contents, it means to teach us religious truths: that God is the First
Cause of everything, and hence that the sun and moon, for instance, are
not uncreated deities, as the Egyptian believed them to be. The narrative
need not be taken in a literal sense, as if God immediately formed
everything in the exact condition as it now appears to us; it may be
interpreted in the sense that God let the present condition of things
gradually grow out of the forces and materials and plan of nature He
created, the result of a lengthy evolution. When our Lord tells us in the
gospel that His Father in heaven feeds the birds of the air and clothes
the grass of the field, we know that this is to be understood as a mediate
action of God, which He exercises through the instinct of animals and
through natural forces which He created for the purpose. Now when former
ages, reading the narrative of Genesis, generally understood an immediate
creation of the world, because the knowledge of nature at the time did not
admit of any other interpretation, it is by no means necessary to conclude
from it that every other interpretation must be rejected as against the
Bible, or that the Church herself has prescribed this literal
interpretation as the only correct one. As is known, _St. Augustine_, the
greatest Father of the Church, had another very liberal explanation of the
Genesis narrative, and the Church has never censured him. (He taught that
the whole world had been created at one time, and that the six days of the
Mosaic narrative were the logical divisions of an account of the various
orders of creatures.) And now the interpretations vary greatly. The
passages in Scripture, in which, according to popular modes of expression,
the sun is said to rise and set and revolve about the earth, the latter
standing in the centre of the world—these, too, were interpreted literally
in the days of the Fathers: there was no cause for interpreting them
otherwise; but it was only due to defective knowledge of nature at the
time. These temporary errors remained till corrected by research in the
field of the natural sciences: had the discoveries been made sooner, the
errors, too, would have disappeared sooner.
The Church knows, and the holy Fathers knew, that it is not the purpose of
Holy Writ to teach profane sciences, but to instruct in faith and morals;
if it speaks of other matters, it is but occasionally, and then in the
idiom of common life, which is not the same as the scientific language of
the specialist. Indeed, the Bible does not intend to give scientific
instruction in such matters, nor could it have done so at a time when men
were not ripe for such enlightenment.
Thus _St. Augustine_ insists that the Spirit of God who spoke
through the authors of Scripture did not intend to instruct men in
matters which do not serve for salvation, and hence he objects to
the Scriptures being taken literally in regard to such matters,
because the Bible adapts itself to man’s manner of speech: a
distinction is to be made between letter and sense (“Multi multum
disputant de iis rebus, quae majore prudentia nostri auctores
omiserunt, ad beatam vitam non profuturas discentibus ... Breviter
dicendum est, ... Spiritum Dei, qui per ipsos loquebatur, noluisse
ita docere homines nulli saluti profuturas,” De Gen. ad lit., II,
9, n. 20. Cf. De Gen. contra Manich. 1, 5, n. 3; 11, n. 17). He
further cautions Bible students against putting their own
interpretation upon obscure passages and then claiming it to be
dogma, because one may easily go astray and thus make the
Scriptures appear ridiculous. “In rebus obscuris atque a nostris
oculis remotissimis, si qua inde scripta etiam divina legerimus,
quae possint salva fide, qua imbuimur, alias atque alias parere
sententias, in nullam earum nos praecipiti affirmatione
proiciamus, ut si forte, diligentius discussa veritas eam recte
labefactaverit, corruamus, non pro sententia divinarum
scripturarum sed pro nosctra ita dimicantes, ut eam velimus
scripturarum esse, quae nostra est” (De genesi ad lit. I, 18 n.
37). “Plerumque accidit, ut aliquid de terra, de coelo, de ceteris
mundi huius elementis ... etiam non christianus ita noverit, ut
certissima ratione et experientia teneat. Turpe est autem nimis et
perniciosum ac maxime cavendum, ut christianus de his rebus quasi
secundum christianas literas loquentem ita delirare quilibet
infidelis audiat, ut, quemadmodum dicitur, toto coelo errare
conspiciens, risum tenere vix possit” (Ibid. I, 19 n. 39). Cf.
also I, 21. _St. Thomas of Aquin_ also expresses himself in this
sense: “Multum autem nocet, talia, quae ad pietatis doctrinam non
spectant, vel asserere vel negare, quasi pertinentia ad sacram
doctrinam ... Unde mihi videtur tutius esse, ut haec, quae
philosophi communius senserunt et nostrae fidei non repugnant,
neque sic esse asserenda ut dogmata fidei, licet aliquando sub
nomine philosophorum introducantur, neque sic esse neganda tamquam
fidei contraria, ne sapientibus huius mundi contemnendi doctrinam
fidei occasio praebeatur” (Opusc. X. ad Jo. Vercel. Proem.).
The doctrine of the _Church_ concurs with this, as laid down in
numerous documents, many of them quoting the above-mentioned words
of _St. Augustine_. It also insists that the interpretation of the
Fathers be only taken as a standard of the Church’s explanation of
the meaning of Scripture when they are unanimous on the meaning of
a passage relating to faith and morals; but not to other things
(cf. Encycl. Providentissimus, Denz. 10 ed., n. 1947, 1944; Conc.
Trid., sess. IV., Conc. Vat. sess. III., c. 2, Denz. nn. 786,
1788).
Now if one simply opens Holy Scripture, takes up some passage at random,
explains it in its most literal sense, and then insists that this is the
evident meaning, and goes on to assert with the same insistence that this
is the interpretation of the Church, and a part of the faith of Catholics
in regard to the natural sciences, then of course it is very easy to make
out contradictions between faith and science: but such efforts cannot
claim to be scientific. It is not necessary to know theology and the
principles of Catholic exegesis; but it is not proper that those who are
ignorant of these matters pass judgment on them, not even in the name of
objective research.
Hence we may easily see what we should think of a writer who
asserts that the examination of the Christian-Catholic idea of the
world leads to the following results: “The Books of Moses,
inspired by divine revelation, are the golden key to the
understanding of the whole history of creation. Other Scriptural
passages of the Old and New Testaments, the writings of the
Fathers, etc., are to be considered as supplementary to these.
According to these authorities the earth is a flat disc,
surrounded by the sea. Above it arches the firmament of heaven,
with its great lights for day and night. Below it are purgatory
and hell. All this is not the gradual outgrowth of lengthy
evolution, but was created by God out of nothing in a few days,
about six thousand years ago, of which four thousand are reckoned
before Christ and two thousand after Christ. Although modern
science has long since established that the Biblical narrative is
of no worth, nothing but an imperfect reproduction of older myths,
the Catholic Church continues to teach it literally to this very
day, spreading it broadcast by thousands and thousands of
catechisms, and insisting on it being learned as a part of
religious instruction in all schools, and to be accepted as the
revealed truth” (_L. Wahrmund_, Katholische Weltanschauung und
freie Wissenschaft, 1908, p. 14. The scientific value of this work
has been considered by _L. Fonck_, Katholische Weltansch).
“Clericalism,” we are told, “stands on a rigidly fixed view of the
world, corresponding in part to the childhood of mankind, to the
dawning of civilization.... Philosophy, built upon the results of
progress, since it is unceasingly forcing its way ahead, cannot
remain in accord with the notions belonging to a remote past,
partly to Babylonian and Egyptian civilization, partly to the
thought of nomadic times.” It is then pointed out how this view of
the world on which clericalism, that is, the Catholic Church, is
based, has already been overthrown in many instances. “The
geocentric position, the doctrine of our earth being the centre
and man the ultimate aim of the universe, must needs be abandoned
by the world of scientists, in view of the new system of
Copernicus; the doctrine also of the earth being a disc must be
abandoned in consequence of the voyage of Columbus, and subsequent
discoveries, which make it certain that the earth is a globe”
(Prof. _K. Menger_, Die Eroberung der Universitaeten. Neue Freie
Presse, Nov. 24, 1907). It is surprising what little knowledge
suffices to warrant writing about theological matters in the name
of “objective research.”
These passages, in regard to their scientific contents and manner,
recall vividly an American work that appeared some time ago, and
reached many editions. It is entitled, “A History of the Conflict
Between Religion and Science,” by _J. W. Draper_. The book was
answered by a competent authority, _De Smedt_, S. J., “L’Eglise et
la Science,” 1877.
It seems _Draper’s_ arguments have since become a pattern for
many. He, too, maintains that Holy Writ has always been declared
by the Church and the Fathers to be a source of profane science.
This, he states, is true especially of _St. Augustine_. We read:
“The book of Genesis ... also in a philosophical point of view
became the grand authority of Patristic science. Astronomy,
geology, geography, anthropology, chronology, and indeed all the
various departments of human knowledge, were made to conform to
it.... The doctrines of _St. Augustine_ have had the effect of
thus placing theology in antagonism with science....” “No one did
more than this Father to bring science and religion into
antagonism; it was mainly he who diverted the Bible from its true
office—a guide to purity of life—and placed it in the perilous
position of being the arbiter of human knowledge....” “What, then,
is that sacred, that revealed science, declared by the Fathers to
be the sum of all knowledge?... As to the earth, it affirmed that
it is a flat surface, over which the sky is spread like a dome. In
this the sun and moon and stars move, so that they may give light
by day and by night to man.... Above the sky or firmament is
heaven; in the dark and fiery space beneath the earth is hell....”
(pp. 57-63).
By reading again what we said above, especially the urgent
admonitions of _St. Augustine_ not to look upon the Scriptures as
a text-book of profane science, one will be able to appreciate the
scientific quality of the book in question.
The fancy of this writer has distorted Christianity and the Church
into a monster that has nothing more important to do than to tread
down and crush science and civilization. A few examples will
suffice to show how he proves the _contradictions between faith
and science_. The Christian religion teaches that man is subject
to death as a penalty for original sin: prior to that sin death
had no power over Adam and Eve. It is claimed that this is a
contradiction of science. But how? Long before Adam, thousands of
animals and plants had died, the author asserts. “The doctrine
declared to be orthodox by ecclesiastical authority is overthrown
by the unquestionable discoveries of modern science. Long before a
human being had appeared on earth millions of individuals, nay,
more, thousands of species and even genera had died” (p. 57). The
author has completely missed the point. The matter in question is
not the death of animals and plants, but the death of man. The
infallibility of the Pope is refuted by the fact that he failed to
foresee the result of the war between France and Germany.
“Notwithstanding his infallibility, which implies omniscience, His
Holiness did not foresee the issue of the Franco-Prussian war” (p.
352, also p. 362).
How high his historical statements are to be rated is shown by the
assertion that _Cyril of Alexandria_ had much to do with the
introduction of the worship of the Virgin Mary (p. 55); that
auricular confession was introduced by the Fourth Lateran Council
in 1215 (p. 208). He asks when the idea originated that the
Pentateuch was written by Moses under divine inspiration, and he
finds that “not until after the second century [of the Christian
era] was there any such extravagant demand on human credulity” (p.
220). It would seem incredible that any one could write such
stuff.
The author says in his preface: “I had also devoted much attention
to the experimental investigation of natural phenomena, and had
published many well-known memoirs on such subjects. And perhaps no
one can give himself to these pursuits, and spend a large part of
his life in the public teaching of science, without partaking of
that love of impartiality and truth which philosophy incites”
(VIII-IX). We do not care to argue with the author about his
experience in experimental research, nor about his love for the
truth, but he himself has shown superabundantly that they have not
sufficed to keep him clear from scientific shallowness and the
grossest blunders. Nevertheless, it seems that his scientific
ability obtained for him in the consideration of many the weight
of an authority. _Haeckel_, in his “Weltraetsel,” refers
repeatedly to the book, and recommends “its truthful statements
and excellent discussion” to his readers (Weltraetsel, 17. Kap.,
Wissenschaft u. Christentum).
Such is the fashion in which contradictions between faith and
science, and the Church’s hostility towards scientific research,
are proved.
The result is that we must distinguish clearly between dogmas of faith and
private opinions or interpretations. Of course it may frequently happen,
and has happened, that the Christian savant is too timorous, and looks
askance at the discoveries of science, and even thinks he ought to resist
them, because he is afraid that religious truth might be opposed by them.
Nor can it be said that this timidity is altogether without excuse, for
there was hardly one scientific discovery of the nineteenth century that
was not immediately grasped and exploited by eager enemies of the
Christian religion. Too often has science been made the menial of
infidelity, and the assertion has been untiringly repeated that science
and faith cannot agree. No wonder, then, that timid souls become
suspicious, that they are prone to resist the whole theory of evolution in
a lump, instead of trying to distinguish between what is of scientific
value in it, and what is misused for the purpose of denying creation.
Nevertheless, such narrow-mindedness is strongly to be censured. It has
often caused the reproach, that Catholics lack the freedom to admit
scientific discoveries. They forget the wise admonition of the prince of
mediæval theologians, that it were advisable, in regard to scientific
views which have nothing to do with religion, neither to set them down as
truths of faith, nor either to reject them as contrary to faith lest
occasion be given to think contemptuously of the faith. As long as men are
and men think, narrow-mindedness will never be lacking. Hence if the
believing scientist wants to know whether he is running counter to faith
in any particular, he has to ascertain from theological text-books what
the Church declares to belong to faith, what explanation of Holy Scripture
is unconditionally binding, and not what is the individual opinion of
theologians, much less what some pious nurse is telling the little ones.
This is the first rule concerning the relation between faith and science:
it states what the scientist is _not_ tied down to.
2. Science Retains its Method of Research.
But when and how may the scientist be restricted? Here we come to the
second point: the directions which faith may give to the profane sciences
are in themselves not of a positive but of a _negative kind_; revelation
and Church cannot tell the scientist what he is to assert or defend in the
field of the profane sciences, but only what propositions he must _avoid_.
Thus every science is left free to pursue its own method of research. It
is not difficult to understand this.
Faith draws from divine revelation; profane sciences, as such, do not draw
from divine revelation, but only from experience and reason. Philosophy
would cease to be philosophy and become theology did it demonstrate the
immortality of the soul by revelation. The anthropologist would cease to
be an anthropologist and become a theologian if he would attempt to prove
the common origin of mankind by Holy Scripture.
In other words, the profane sciences are distinguished from faith and
theology by their formal object, by the end they have in view, by the
scientific method with which they handle their subject. Theology, of
course, uses revelation extensively; and in this it differs from the other
sciences. Hence faith cannot command the anthropologist to defend also in
profane science the common origin of the human race from Adam and Eve,
because it is held to be a revealed truth. He must say: I believe as a
Christian that this is true, established by divine revelation, and no
science will ever prove the contrary; but whether I can positively defend
this fact as resulting from anthropology, depends on my ability to
corroborate it by the methods of this science, that is by the testimony of
profane history. And just as little could the historian be required to
obtain historical results of which he cannot produce the evidence
according to his method.
Therefore faith can only tell the profane scientist that he must not
assert anything which is held by faith to be erroneous; that it is false
to say there is nothing but force and matter, that the human soul ends in
death, or that the various families of the human race have not a common
origin. As soon as the scientist knows by faith that a thing is false, he
is bound to refrain from asserting it: bound in the first place by the
duty to believe, but also by the principles of his own science, which is
to find not error, but truth, which forbids to assert what has been proved
to be erroneous. Perhaps his own means will not enable him to prove the
truth independently of revelation; then from the standpoint of his science
he must say, _Non liquet._
The position of the Catholic Church agrees with these principles.
She knows, and emphasizes that science has its own method, and
hence a natural right and freedom to proceed in its own field
according to its method. The Church rejects but one kind of
freedom, viz., the freedom to propound a doctrine proved by faith
to be erroneous. “The Church by no means forbids these disciplines
to use in their own field their own principles and method,”
declares the Vatican Council. “But, while acknowledging this
lawful freedom, the Church takes care to prevent them from taking
up errors in opposition to divine teaching, or from creating
confusion by transgressing their limits and invading the realm of
faith” (Vat. sess. III, ch. 4. Cf. also the letter of _Pius IX_.,
“Gravissimas,” of Dec. 11, 1862, to the Archbishop of Munich,
Denz. n. 1666, _seq._)
These few remarks show the lack of intelligence in the charge that
“Catholic philosophy starts from dogmas and revelation,” or that the
Church would dictate to scientists everything they should teach; that,
according to its principles it could claim the right “to impose upon a
physicist of _Zeppelin’s_ era the task of proving the Ascension of Christ
or the Assumption of Mary by aërostatic rules.” This is simply gross
ignorance or misrepresentation.
3. Restraint Only in the Province of Revelation.
In what matters may faith and the Church be a guide to research in this
negative sense? In all fields, or only some? Evidently only in their own
sphere. But to the sphere of faith belongs only what is contained in
divine revelation, viz., the truths of _religion and morality_, as laid
down in Scripture and tradition, the truths of God and His work of
salvation, of man and his way to his eternal destiny, of the means of
grace, and of the Church. Whatever lies outside of that sphere does not
belong to the province of faith. This is true also of the teaching
authority of the Church. The purpose of the Church is to guard faithfully
the treasure of divine revelation and to transmit it in an authoritative
manner to mankind: hence her authority in teaching is confined to what is
contained in revelation, and what is necessary for an efficient custody
and transmission of it to mankind. Hence she may declare certain truths as
revealed, she may reject opposing errors, she may condemn books offensive
to faith, she may approve or reject systems of ethics. But she cannot set
up wholly new religious truths or revelations. _Depositum custodi_—this is
the purpose of the Church. Still less are matters of an entirely profane
nature subject to the teaching authority of the Church. Profane sciences
can therefore receive direction from faith only in those matters which at
the same time belong to the province of faith.
What follows from this? It follows that _almost all the profane sciences
are incapable of being instructed or restricted by faith_, because their
province lies outside that of faith, and does not come in touch with it:
they are left to themselves to correct their errors. When the astronomer
in his observatory watches the movements of the planets, and bases thereon
his mathematical calculations, when the physicist or chemist in his
laboratory observes the laws of nature or makes new discoveries, when the
pathologist studies the symptoms of diseases in organisms, no warning
voice interrupts their work of study. Of course when they deny the
creation, the possibility of miracles, then they conflict with faith; but
then they have ceased to be naturalists, they have become philosophers.
When the botanist or zoölogist in his laboratory is studying plants and
animals and collecting his specimens, when the palæontologist is
excavating and examining his fossils, they enjoy perfect freedom: all this
has nothing directly to do with faith. And there is no warning sign set up
for the geographer or geologist when settling the orographical or
hydrographical conditions of countries or measuring geological strata; no
danger signal disturbs the linguist in establishing the grammar of unknown
languages, nor the archæologist or the historian, when they discover new
documents or decipher inscriptions. Nor does anybody interrupt the
mathematician in his calculations.
What unnecessary worry, then, for the representatives of mathematics,
geology, palæontology, and chemistry to write burning protests against the
fetters of dogma in the interest of their scientific activity! And it is
superfluous worry for professors of the technical arts to get excited by
imagining that electricity and steam must be treated according to
ecclesiastical precepts. Nor is there need of emphasizing the statement
that there cannot be a Catholic chemistry, geography, or mathematics—it is
self-evident.
Hence almost the entire province of the profane sciences, which are the
pride of our age and occupy the foremost position in our universities,
with their laboratories, institutes and observatories and meteorological
stations, are free and perfectly undisturbed by faith. If accordingly any
one should be of the opinion that the Christian-minded scientist were
hindered in his scientific research, he would have to consider him an
unhampered investigator at least in this vast field.
Most in touch with faith comes _philosophy_. Not in the vast field of
logic, of empirical psychology, in questions concerning the essence of
bodies and their forces, in matters of mere history of philosophy; but in
questions of views of the world and life, in metaphysics and ethics, it
does. These, the highest questions, bearing on the direction and pursuit
of human life, matters that most occupy the human mind, are at the same
time subjects of revelation; God Himself has deigned to teach the truth in
these matters, to make them safe for all time against the error of the
mind of man. Here philosophers encounter danger-signals. They hear, what
their reason even tells them, that it is erroneous to think there is no
world of spirits, no God above nature, no immortality, no life hereafter,
no providence. Nor could one say that philosophy is the loser by being
kept from error which endangers human life. Nowhere are errors so apt to
occur as in questions which are outside the sphere of immediate
experience; nowhere are self-deceptions more common than there, where
disposition and character continually influence the mind.
A modern representative of philosophy, _E. Adickes_, writes as
follows: “In the course of this history (of metaphysics) there
have been given long since all the principal answers that are at
all possible to all metaphysical questions. The building up of
metaphysical systems can and will proceed, nevertheless, and their
multiplicity will remain.... Of course, progress will not be
gained thereby: results will not gain in certainty, contradictions
and mysteries do not diminish.”
“If the greatest of the ancient Greek natural scientists,
physicians, and geographers should rise again they would be amazed
at the progress made in their sciences; like beginners they would
sit at the feet of teachers of our day, they would lack the most
elementary ideas; they would first have to learn what every
grammar-school boy knows, and much of what they once considered
achievements would be disclosed to them as deception or mere
hypothesis. On the other hand a _Plato_, an _Aristotle_, a _Zeno_
or _Epicurus_, might readily take part in our discussions about
God and the soul, about virtue and immortality. And they could
safely use their old weapons, the keenness of which has suffered
but little from the rust of time and the attacks of opponents.
They would be astonished at the little progress made, so that now,
after two thousand years, the same answers are given to the same
questions.” (Charakter und Weltanschauung, 1905, p. 24).
A science which must make such a confession has no reason to
reject with haughty self-confidence the intimations of a divine
revelation.
The _science of history_ again has not the duty of praising everything
that has happened within the Catholic Church or else to repress it; no,
only the truth is desired. But it must not start out with the assumption
that God’s influence in the world, a divine revelation, miracles, and a
supernatural guidance of the Church, are impossible; nor must it attempt
to construe history according to that assumption. Hence it must not
undertake to explain the religion of the Jewish nation, or the origin of
Christianity, by unconditionally ignoring everything supernatural, and
attempting to eliminate it by prejudiced research and by means of natural
factors, whether they be called Babylonic myths or Greek philosophy or
anything else; it must not impugn the credibility of the Gospel, claiming
that reports of miracles must be false; it must not write the history of
the Church and deliberately ignore its supernatural character, as if it
were the violent struggle of a federation of priests for universal rule.
Assured results undoubtedly are arrived at in history less frequently than
in other sciences; it offers full play to suppositions, hypotheses,
constructive fancy, the influence of ideas inculcated by education and
personal views of the world, especially when summing up facts. Hence here
more than anywhere else must moral character and unselfish love of the
truth stand higher than the desire for freedom.
The _history of religion_ and _anthropology_ must be forbidden to assume
that the human mind is but a product of animal evolution, that therefore
religion and morality, family and state life, reason and language, and the
entire intellectual and social life have necessarily evolved from the
first stages of animal life. If we add that _jurisprudence_ in its highest
principles comes in touch with faith, and that it also must not dispute
the divine right of the Church, we have mentioned the most important
sciences and instances in which the investigator must take faith into
consideration.
We now understand in what sense we may rightly speak of a “_Christian
philosophy and science_” or of a “_Catholic science of history_.” Surely
not in this sense that philosophy and history have to draw their results
from Holy Scripture or from the dogmatical decisions of the Church; nor in
the sense that they have to make positive defence for everything that the
Church finds it necessary to prescribe. The sense is merely this: they
guide themselves by faith, as we said above, by refraining from
propositions and presumptions proved by faith to be false. In a large
measure this is also the meaning of the often-misrepresented term,
_Catholic University_. In the reverse sense we may speak of a liberal
science. It is that science which in the field of philosophy and religion
guides itself by the principles of liberalism and the principle of liberal
freedom and the rejection of faith. But to speak of a Catholic,
Protestant, Liberal chemistry or mathematics, has no sense at all, because
these disciplines, like most other profane sciences, have no direct
connection with Catholicism, Protestantism, or Liberalism.
That we have stated correctly the _attitude of the Catholic
Church_ is evidenced by more than one official document. In the
decree of the Holy Office of July 3, 1907, the so-called Syllabus
of _Pius X._, the following (5.) proposition is condemned:
“Inasmuch as the treasure of faith contains only revealed truths,
it does not behoove the Church under any consideration to pass
judgment on the assertions made by human sciences.” Similarly was
the proposition (14), likewise condemned in the Syllabus of _Pius
IX._: “Philosophy must be pursued without any regard to
supernatural revelation.”
These condemnations stirred up anger: “Now,” it was said, “the
Church wants to subject the whole of human knowledge to her
judgment: this is unbearable insolence.” But what follows from
these condemnations? The opposite truth asserted in them is this:
the Church in one respect must pass judgment on the assertions
made by human science, namely, in so far as they come in conflict
with the doctrines of faith. The only freedom rejected by the
Council is the freedom to contradict revealed truth: it must not
be held “that human science may be pursued with freedom, that its
assertions can be considered true and must not be rejected by the
Church even if they contradict a revealed doctrine.” (sess. III,
ch. 4, can. 2). The Church does not want to judge on matters of
profane science; but she claims the right, due to her as guardian
appointed for the preservation of the pure faith, to raise her
warning voice when, for instance, natural science transgresses its
limits and trespasses on the province of religion by denying the
creation of the world. It is but self-defence against an attack
upon her inviolable domain. But she does not claim the authority
to sit in judgment upon the results of astro-physics, upon the
atom-hypothesis, or its opposite; or on the acceptance of a theory
about ions or earthquakes.
Another question may be touched upon: Is the _Catholic historian_ free to
proceed steadily in the search after historic truth, even where he
discovers facts which do not reflect honour on his Church? And where it is
a question of uncertain, private revelation, of doubtfulness of relics and
other sacred objects exposed for public worship, may he proceed
undisturbed with his critical research, or is he restrained by
ecclesiastical authority?
Should the Catholic meet with dark passages in the history of his Church,
then every well-meaning observer will demand that he display in the
treatment of such matters a pious forbearance for his Church. His respect
for her will dictate this. Unsparing criticism and hunting for blemishes
and shadows must be excluded. But he cannot on this account be bound to
pass by the unpleasant facts he may meet in his researches, or to cloak or
deny them against his better knowledge. He knows that the divinity of his
Church shows itself to best advantage just because, notwithstanding many
weaknesses and faults, past and present, she passes unvanquished and
imperishable through all storms,—a token of the supernatural origin of her
strength and power of endurance.
It was this very thought that moved _Leo XIII._ to open the Vatican
Archives for freest research to friend and enemy,—the clearest proof that
could possibly be given that the Church does not fear historical truth. In
his letter of admonition, of August 18, 1883, urging the fostering of
historiography, the same Pope gives the following rules for the Catholic
scientist: “The first law of history is that it must not say anything
false; the second, that it must not be afraid of saying the truth, lest a
suspicion of partiality and unfairness arise.” An excellent example of the
application of these rules is found in _L. v. Pastor’s_ “History of the
Popes,” especially in what he says about _Alexander VI._ and _Leo X._
In his historical investigation of private revelations, such as those of
_St. Gertrude_, _St. Mechtild_, _Bl. Juliana of Liège_, or of relics and
objects of veneration, the historian is likewise not restricted by
Church-direction. Having merely the task of preserving the treasure of the
faith received from Christ and the Apostles, the Church in her function as
Teacher never vouches for the divine origin of new, private revelations,
nor for the accuracy of pious traditions of another kind. True, she
decides authoritatively whether private revelations contain anything
against faith and morals, but she decides nothing more. If she accepts
such revelations or traditions as genuine, she claims for the facts in
question only that human faith which corresponds to their historical
proof.
This is clearly stated by the recent encyclical _Pascendi_: “In
judging of pious traditions, the following must be kept in mind:
the Church employs such prudence in treating of these matters that
she does not allow such traditions to be written about except with
great precaution and only after making the declarations required
by _Urban VIII._; and even then, after this has been properly
done, the Church by no means asserts the truth of the private
revelation or of the tradition, but merely permits them to be
believed, provided there be sufficient human reasons. It was in
this sense that the Sacred Congregation of Rites declared
thirty-one years ago: ‘These apparitions are neither approved nor
condemned by the Holy See; it merely permits them to be believed
in a natural way, provided the tradition on which they rest be
corroborated by credible testimonies and documents.’ Whoever
follows this maxim is safe. The veneration of such things is
always conditional, it is only relative, and on the condition that
the tradition be true. In so far only is the veneration absolute
as it relates to the Saint to whom the veneration is paid. The
same applies to the veneration of relics.” (_Benedict XIV._ says
of private revelations: “Praedictis revelationibus etsi
_approbatis_, non debere nec posse a nobis adhiberi assensum fidei
catholicae, sed tantum fidei humanae juxta regulas prudentiae,
juxta quas praedictae revelationes sunt probabiles et pie
credibiles.” De Serv. Dei beatificatione, III, c. ult. n. 15).
Hence the historian is free to investigate such traditions
critically, provided, of course, that he does not violate the
reverence due to sacred things.
4. Infallible and Non-Infallible Teachings.
Now to consider a last point. Does it not rest entirely with the pleasure
of ecclesiastical authority, as would seem from what has been said above,
to suppress at any time the results, or at least the hypotheses, of
scientific research by pointing to putative truths of faith presumed to be
in opposition? Then, of course, the scientist would be at the mercy of a
zealous ecclesiastical authority. Or will it perhaps be said that this
authority is infallible in its every decision? Think of _Galileo_, of the
interdict against the Copernican view of the world, and you will be able
fully to appreciate the danger alluded to!
We shall later on return to the famous case of _Galileo_. For the present
we only call attention to a distinction which must not be overlooked, the
distinction between infallible teachings and those that are not
infallible.(3)
According to Catholic teaching, the universal teaching body of the Church,
when declaring unanimously to be an object of faith something relating to
faith and morals, is endowed with _infallibility_, and also when in its
daily practice of the faith it unanimously professes a doctrine to be a
truth of faith. This infallibility is also possessed by the Pope alone
when, acting in his capacity as Supreme Teacher of the Church in matters
of faith and morals, he intends to give a permanent decision for the whole
Church (ex cathedra).
Besides these infallible teachings there are also _non-infallible_
teachings, and they are the more frequent. Such are, first of all, the
ordinary doctrinal utterances of the Pope himself in his regular
supervision of the teaching of doctrine: these instructions and
declarations are of a lower kind than those peremptory ones that are
pronounced ex cathedra: he is infallible only in the utterance of these
ultimate, supreme decisions, the chief bulwark, as it were, erected
against the floods of error. Decisions ex cathedra are very rare.
Encyclical letters, too, are, as a rule, not infallible. It is
self-evident that the theological opinions and statements of the Pope as a
private person, not as Supreme Head of the Church, do not belong here at
all. They have no official character and are in no way binding.
Among decisions that are not infallible are further included, in various
degrees, the doctrinal utterances of Bishops, of particular synods, and
especially those of the Roman Congregations. The latter are bodies of
Cardinals, delegated by the Head of the Church, as highest Papal boards,
to co-operate with him in the various offices of administration. Of these,
the Congregation of the Holy Office and that of the Index may also render
decisions on doctrinal questions. Although the Congregations act by virtue
of their delegation from the Pope, and publish their decrees with his
consent, the decisions are not decisions of the Pope himself, but remain
decisions of the Cardinals. Much less can the infallibility of the Pope
pass over to them: it is his personal prerogative, the aid of the Holy
Ghost is promised to him, and protects his judgments under certain
conditions against error.
But the Catholic owes submission also to the non-infallible teachings; and
not only an outer submission, a reverent silence, that offends not either
verbally or in writing against the decision rendered, but he owes also his
inner assent. But it cannot be that unconditional inner assent which he
owes to the infallible decision, for this he holds to be irrevocably
certain; nor is his assent to non-infallible decisions a real act of
faith. He is not given any unconditional guarantee of the truth. An error
is, of course, most unlikely, but not absolutely impossible. Hence the
faithful Catholic should always be ready to accept such decisions in as
far as they are warranted by recognized truth. This applies to all kinds
of doctrinal teaching, but of course in different ways, corresponding to
the degree of authority,—for instance, Papal decisions are of higher
authority than those of the Congregations,—yet it applies also to the
doctrinal decisions of the Congregations, because they are the ordinary
teaching organs of the Church.
When the Congregation of the Index, 1857, had forbidden the works
of _Guenther_ and many thought they could evade the decision,
_Pius IX._ wrote, June 15, to the Archbishop of Cologne: “The
decree is so far-reaching that nobody may think himself free not
to hold what we have confirmed.” Similar was what the Pope had
written to the Archbishop of Mecheln after the condemnation of the
ontological errors of _Ubagh_. The Motu proprio of _Pius X._ of
November 8, 1907, speaks similarly of the obligation of submission
to the decisions of the Papal Biblical Commission relating to
doctrines, and to the decrees of Congregations when approved by
the Pope. (Cf. also the Syllabus of Pius IX., sent. 22.)
Theologians agree that this requisite internal assent is not the
same as irrevocable assent. This was also declared by _Pius IX._
in his letter to the Archbishop of Munich-Freising, saying that
this inner submission is by no means faith; and no theologian will
ascribe infallibility to a mere congregational decree. (See on
this point: _e.g._ _Grisar_, Galileistudien, 1882, 171 _seq._ Cr.
_Pesch_, Theol. Zeitfragen, Erste Folge, 1900, III. _Egger_,
Streiflichter ueber die freiere Bibelforschung, 1889.)
It would be erroneous to think that only in recent times, after
the embarrassment caused by the regrettable _Galileo_ decision the
subtle distinction had been invented that congregational decisions
are not binding on Catholics with absolute force. This was taught
by theologians long before the _Galileo_ case caused any
excitement. In this sense the celebrated writer on Moral Theology,
_Lacroix_, said: “The declarations of none of these Congregations
are infallible.... No infallibility is promised to the
Congregation in so far as it is viewed as separate from the Pope”
(Theologia Moralis, 1729, I, n. 215). _Raccioli_, soon after the
_Galileo_ trial, wrote: “The Holy Congregation of Cardinals as
separate from the Pope cannot give to any proposition the proper
authority of faith.” And he adds: “There being extant no decision
of the Pope, or of a Council directed and confirmed by him, the
proposition of the sun moving and the earth standing still cannot
on the strength of a congregational decree be considered a truth
that must be believed” (Almagestum novum, 1651, I, 52).
The obligation to give interior assent also to an authority not
infallible, cannot seem strange if this authority offers a guarantee for
the truth commensurate to the assent demanded. We certainly ask of a child
to receive the instruction from his parent and teacher with internal
assent, so far as the latter does not run counter to its instinct for the
truth, else the education of the child and the needful influence over its
intellectual life would be impossible. Upon the Church has been bestowed
by her divine Founder the task of guiding the faithful authoritatively in
the educational matters committed to the Church, and not only in their
youth but throughout their lives. This guidance in religion and morality
would be impossible if the faithful could constantly deny their internal
assent to the instruction of the Church, which is given generally in a
form that is not infallible. The full power of the Church to teach with
authority implies a corresponding duty of the faithful to assent to her
teachings as far as this is possible. Does not the scientific specialist
think himself obliged to accept a proposition on the strength of a certain
authority, even if the latter’s infallibility is not established? He reads
in his scientific periodical and finds in it the report of special
researches made by a colleague. He cannot examine them over again, yet he
accepts them because of the reliability of his colleague, in which he sees
the guarantee of truth. Likewise, only more so, does the Catholic owe it
to his sense of truth to impose upon himself an assent even where the
representatives of the teaching authority of the Church are not endowed in
their decision with the gift of infallibility. For he knows that even in
such teachings the Church is commonly under the guidance of the Holy
Ghost, who will seldom tolerate error. He is promised to the teaching
Church for the safe guidance of the faithful; these declarations are,
however, the ordinary doctrinal utterances of that ecclesiastical office.
And the Holy Ghost cannot permit that the teaching authority should by a
wrong decision forfeit the confidence it enjoys.
Moreover, this authority ranks very high even when looked at from a purely
human standpoint. Those who are invested with it are mostly men of great
learning, competent to give such doctrinal decisions by virtue of their
experience and position, and learned advisers are at their side. They are
guided by the tradition and wisdom of a universal Church, which measures
its history by thousands of years: the decisions, too, are for the most
part but the application or repetition of previous doctrinal utterances.
Besides, there is the hesitating caution which advances to a decision only
after long deliberations, and in undemonstrated matters usually refrains
from decision; a caution which has increased still more in recent times,
since so many subtle questions have arisen on the boundaries of science
and faith. It is also known that many inquisitive eyes are constantly
turned on Rome, and a single wrong decision might entail most disagreeable
consequences for friend and foe. The pressure must be very great before a
much-disputed question is taken up at all.
Of course it is by no means impossible that difficulties may pile up in
such a way that an error may really be made. History knows of such a case.
But the very fact that the one case of _Galileo_ is always quoted, and,
therefore, that in the long history of the Congregations this is
considered to be almost the only case of importance, is a proof how
carefully the Congregations proceed, and that supernatural aid is granted
them. An institution which in the course of its long existence had to
reply to innumerable questions and against which only one wrong decision
of importance can be pointed out, must necessarily be an exemplary
institution. An institution so free from human error must surely be guided
by the Holy Ghost. Compare with this the many cases in which science has
had to correct itself, had to abandon its long-championed propositions as
untenable.
Thus, in a given case, the decision is not difficult for the Catholic. On
one side stand the representatives of a science which has erred, very
often, incomparably more frequently than the ecclesiastical teaching
authority, and which lacks the special aid of God. On the other side is
the ecclesiastical authority, which has almost never erred, and which
enjoys special divine aid; moreover, it examines into its questions with
greater caution and care, because it has more to lose. In addition it is
almost invariably able to point to a large number, and frequently the
majority, of savants who indorse its decisions, because these mostly
concern disputed questions not yet scientifically determined. Hence the
Catholic will find no difficulty in presuming that the decision is in
accord with the truth; the more so because, as a rule, he himself is
unable to examine scientifically both sides of the question.
Should any one, nevertheless, be clearly convinced, by substantial and
valid reasons, that there has been prejudgment, then he would not be any
longer obliged to give it his interior assent: truth before all else. It
would be easy, too, by presenting reliable information to an authoritative
quarter, to secure the triumph of the truth. However, in this case a man
must be ever on his guard against the tendency to overrate his own
arguments. In excitement he easily thinks himself to be certainly in the
right, but when considering the matter quietly before God and his
conscience, he will rarely come to the conclusion that it would be wise to
set his judgment above the decision. In the case of _Galileo_ the decision
of the Congregation was by no means opposed by a clear conviction of the
truth of the opposite.
Take, for instance, a more recent decision of the Congregation,
forbidding craniotomy. It has often been denounced. The question
was submitted to the Congregation of the Holy Office whether it
were permissible to teach that craniotomy is allowable in case the
mother cannot give birth to the child, and that both will have to
die unless the child be killed and removed by a surgical
operation. The Congregation answered twice in the negative, in May
and August, 1889. Neither craniotomy, nor any operation implying
the direct murder of the child or mother can be taught to be
permissible. The reason on which the answers were based is that
the direct murder of an innocent person in order to save human
life is never allowable; and this applies to the murder of a
child, which has as much right to its life as any other person. In
the case of craniotomy we have the direct murder of the child. We,
too, shall have to admit, if we judge according to the objective
morality of the action, that the Congregation is in the right;
though it may seem hard to let both mother and child die rather
than take a life directly, we shall have to admit that it is more
in accord with the sanctity of the moral law than the opposite,
though the latter may seem preferable to medical practice. Viewed
in the interest of truth and the purity of the moral law, it is
gratifying to know that there is a court courageous enough to
uphold this law always and everywhere, even when it becomes hard.
So much about assenting to doctrinal decisions that are not infallible.
In regard to _infallible_ decisions, the Catholic knows that there are
certain truths which no result of science can contradict. To these
decisions he owes unconditional submission, and he gives it with
conviction: he knows the promise, “I am with you always, even unto the
consummation of the world.” New decisions of this kind are very rare. When
the dogma of the Infallibility of the Pope was proclaimed in 1870, the
fear was frequently expressed that the Head of the Roman Church would
hasten to make the fullest use of this prerogative, by erecting
theological barriers at all nooks and corners in the realm of thought. The
fear did not come true; it was unfounded.
A Protestant scientist wrote recently: “Those who thought
_Doellinger’s_ prediction of a prolific crop of dogmas would come
true were disappointed. There has been no new dogma pronounced
since 1870, although there were many pious opinions that certain
circles would have been only too glad to see confirmed. On looking
calmly at the dogma of infallibility it is seen that it was, after
all, not so bad as had been feared during the first excitement”
(_K. Holl_, Modernismus, 1908, p. 9, Religionsgesch. Volksbuecher,
IV, 7, Heft).
We may get a good idea of the precaution taken prior to the proclamation
of an infallible decision by perusing the History of the Vatican Council,
published by _Granderath_, in three volumes. He describes the proceedings
with conscientious objectiveness. He shows how minutely all questions had
been previously studied, with all the available means of scientific
investigation, and how minutely and freely they were discussed by the most
venerable representatives of the Catholic world.
Cardinal _Gibbons_, Archbishop of Baltimore, gave his impressions of the
Vatican Council as follows:
“I happened to be the youngest Bishop that attended the Council of the
Vatican, and, while my youth and inexperience imposed on me a discreet
silence among my elders, I do not remember to have missed a single
session, and I was an attentive listener at all the debates.... I think I
am not exaggerating when I say that the Council of the Vatican has been
excelled by few, if any, deliberative assemblies, civil or ecclesiastical,
that have ever met, whether we consider the _maturity_ of years of its
members, their _learning_, their _experience_ and _piety_, or the
widespread influence of the _Decrees_ that they framed for the spiritual
and moral welfare of the Christian Republic.
“The youngest Bishop in the Council was thirty-six years old. Fully
three-fourths of the Prelates ranged between fifty-six and ninety years.
The great majority, therefore, had grown gray in the service of their
Divine Master. Several Fathers of the Church, bent with age, might be seen
passing through St. Peter’s Basilica to the council chamber every morning,
leaning with one hand on their staff, the other resting on the shoulder of
their secretary. One or two blind Bishops could be observed, guided by
their servants, as they advanced to their posts with tottering steps,
determined to aid the Church in their declining years by the wisdom of
their counsel, as they had consecrated to her their vigorous manhood by
their Apostolic labours.
“But to the gravity of years the members of the Council generally united
profound and varied learning....
“They were men, too, of world-wide experience and close observation. Each
Bishop brought with him an intimate knowledge of the history of his
country and of the religious, moral, social, and political condition of
the people among whom he lived. One could learn more from an hour’s
interview with this living encyclopædia of divines, who were a world in
miniature, than from a week’s study of books.... The most ample liberty of
discussion prevailed in the Council. This freedom the Holy Father pledged
at the opening of the synod, and the pledge was religiously kept. I can
safely say that neither in the British House of Commons, nor in the French
Chambers, nor in the German Reichstag, nor in our American Congress, would
a wider liberty of debate be tolerated than was granted in the Vatican
Council. The presiding Cardinal exhibited a courtesy of manner and a
forbearance even in the heat of debate that was worthy of all praise. I do
not think that he called a speaker to order more than a dozen times during
the eighty-nine sessions, and then only in deference to the dissenting
murmurs or demands of some Bishops. A Prelate representing the smallest
diocese had the same rights that were accorded to the highest dignitary in
the Chamber. There was no limit prescribed as to the length of the
speeches. We may judge of the wide scope of discussion from the single
fact that the debate on the Infallibility of the Pope lasted two months,
occupying twenty-five sessions, and was participated in by one hundred and
twenty-five Prelates, not counting one hundred others who handed in
written observations. No stone was left unturned, no text of Sacred
Scripture, no passage in the writings of the Fathers, no page of
Ecclesiastical History bearing on the subject, escaped the vigilant
investigations of the Bishops, so that the whole truth of God might be
brought to light....
“The most important debate in the Council was that on the Infallibility of
the Pope. It may be proper to observe here that the discussion was rather
on the expediency or opportuneness of defining the dogma than on the
intrinsic truth of the doctrine itself. The number of Prelates who
questioned the claim of Papal Infallibility could be counted on the
fingers of a single hand. Many of the speakers, indeed, impugned the
dogma, not because they did not personally accept it, but with the view of
pointing out the difficulties with which the teaching body of the Church
would have to contend in vindicating it before the world. I have listened
in the council chamber to far more subtle, more plausible, and more
searching objections against this prerogative of the Pope than I have ever
read or heard from the pen or tongue of the most learned and formidable
Protestant assailant” (North American Review, April, 1894).
Obedience of Faith and Freedom of Action.
In looking back at what has been said, we see the justice of the question:
where is here any real injury to lawful freedom in thought and scientific
research? In most of the profane sciences the scientist receives no
directions from the authority of faith; he is altogether free, as long as
he keeps within his province. In some matters he is given a list of errors
to beware of: these are in the first place the great questions concerning
views of the world and life, of which, after all, it is very difficult to
obtain scientific knowledge. But here he knows, through the conviction he
has of the truth of his faith, that he is offered the truth free from
error and prejudice.
It is true, adhering to a religious authority implies restraint. But it is
only the restraint of truth. Truth does not lose its claim upon the mind
because it is offered to the latter by a supernatural authority; much less
does the Creator lose the right to the tribute of homage of his rational
creature; and this tribute is rendered by voluntary submission to the
revealed truth. Upon the Church, however, has been laid the task of
preserving unadulterated the legacy of her Founder from generation to
generation. She is responsible before God and history for the faithful
presentation of the most sacred inheritance of mankind. Therefore the
Church must raise her voice when the puny thoughts of men, called science
and progress, rise against the saving truth to disparage, to falsify, to
annihilate it. _It is not science the Church opposes, but error_; not
truth, but the emancipation of the human mind from God’s authority, an
emancipation that is trying to hide its real self under the guise of
scientific truth.
“The Church,” says the Vatican Council (Sess. III, ch. 4), “having
received with her apostolic office to teach, the obligation of preserving
the legacy of the faith, has also the God-given right and duty to condemn
what is falsely called science, ’lest any one be cheated by philosophy and
vain deceit.’” That the denial of the faith is flippantly called science
does not alter the case. What determines the attitude of the Church is not
eagerness to rule, not a propensity to apply force to the mind, but
loyalty to her vocation. If it is disagreeable for any superior to have to
correct those under him, then it requires an heroic strength and courage
to cry out time and again to the whole world and its leading minds,
_Errastis_, you have erred! It requires heroism to reject, to oppose and
condemn, time and again, propositions sailing under the flag of progress,
light and enlightenment, in spite of the protest of those concerned, who
denounce whatever opposes them as darkness and retrogression. How much
easier it would be to fawn upon the pet ideas of the age,
Neo-protestantism and Modernism, and thus to gain their approval, than to
hear repeatedly the distressing words, “We will not have her to rule over
us—_crucifige, crucifige_!”
But why not let _science correct itself_? Why these violent condemnations
and indictments? Science, by virtue of its instinct for the truth will by
itself find the way back, when it has gone on the wrong track; only be
patient. Science has in itself the cure for all its defects. Has it not
already all by itself overcome numerous errors in the course of the
centuries? Indeed, were there nothing at stake but scientific theories
they might be readily left to themselves: the loss to mankind would not be
great. But here there are more important issues at stake. The protection
of the faith, of truths of the vastest importance for Christian life and
the souls of men. And it is the duty of the Church to protect her charges
from going astray, from dangers to salvation. How many thousands of them
would suffer harm before it would please science to correct its heresies!
It often takes a long time to pull down the idols placed upon pedestals,
and then it may be only to erect another idol. How long will it take
modern philosophy to agree that the will of man is free, that there is a
substantial immortal soul, that a Creator of the world dwells above the
heavens? Is the Church to wait till the men of science make up their minds
to desist from denying the existence of a personal God, and to bow before
the Creator of heaven and earth? Should she meanwhile look on calmly how
such ruinous doctrines are pervading and penetrating society deeper and
deeper? Souls cannot wait thus to suffer shipwreck. Finally, the duty to
believe remains the same for all, for the scientist, too—he is not free to
delay his assent until he has exhausted all his antagonistic scientific
experiments.
To be sure, the scientist is restricted in so far as he is not allowed to
pursue any and every hypothesis, regardless of the immutable truth; he may
no longer follow every scientific fashion. But is this a real detriment to
the human intellect and science? Has not every science to bear _restraint
from other sciences_ at all times? The adherent of _Darwin’s_ theory of
natural selection needs a billion years for his slow evolution; but the
geologist tells him that neither the formation of the earth’s surface nor
the strata or sub-strata have taken so long in formation—he corrects him.
When the philosopher, drawing the logical deductions from his
materialistic views of the world, assumes that the first living being
sprang from lifeless matter, the naturalist informs him that this is
contradicted by facts—there never has been a case of spontaneous
generation. The naturalist is corrected by the better experiment of men of
his profession, the scientific author is corrected by his critic. Hence if
a man submits to the guidance of other men of his profession, if one
science accepts direction from another science, without any one seeing any
injury to freedom therein, why, then, should it be mental oppression for
God’s infallible wisdom to call out through His Church to the fallible
human mind: this is error, I declare it so? When the guide-post points out
to the traveller that he is on the wrong way, will the wanderer
indignantly resent the correction as an interference with his freedom of
action? Is the railing along the steep precipice, to guard against falling
down, an interference with liberty? Is the lighthouse, warning the sailor
of cliffs and shoals, any interference with his freedom?
Generally those who oppose the Christian and Catholic duty to believe use
the following argument: Where there is restraint and dependence there is
no freedom; the Christian, and especially the Catholic, is restrained and
dependent; hence he is not free: consequently he has no true science,
because there can be no true science without freedom. In the same way it
may be argued: The civilized nation is restrained in various ways by the
civil order, therefore it is not free. The careful writer of scientific
works is tied down on all sides by the rules of logic, by the dictates of
good style, by scientific usages: hence he is not free.
Let us not lose sight of the question. It cannot be denied that the man
who does not bother about faith has a greater outer freedom than the man
who does. We speak purposely of outer freedom. It is quite another
question, where real internal freedom exists, _i.e._, freedom from the
fetters of one’s own inclinations and prejudices,—in the religiously
disciplined mind, or in the other. Here we speak of inner freedom.
Obviously it is greater in the former. The deer in the forest is freer in
his movements than the cautious mountain-climber, who keeps to marked
roads and paths, so as to journey safely, yet the latter is not without
freedom. Nor will any one deny that the Australian bushman enjoys a
greater outer freedom than the civilized white, restrained by laws, by
rules and regulations, by standards of decency. And the busy writer of
many things and everything, who in his writing never pays any attention to
logic, to scientific form, to style and tact, has more freedom than one
who strictly conforms to all these.
_Every civilization, culture, and education implies restriction of
freedom_, and the more the rejection of dependence and laws increases the
nearer we approach the state of uncultured and barbarous nations. The same
applies to intellectual culture. The higher it is, the more learning and
mental culture a man has, the greater the number of truths, principles,
and intellectual standards he carries within him. By these he is bound if
he wants to advance into the higher spheres of intellectuality. And the
more the intellect rejects laws and standards the more unregulated and
dull its intellectual life will become. The more one knows the more
strictly is he bound to truth in every respect; the less one knows the
freer he is to commit errors. This is no advantage, it is the privilege of
the ignorant and untrained mind. The believer is bound by religious truth
in the same way as one who knows the truth is bound by it, while one who
is ignorant of it is not.
It is certainly not impossible for the obedience of faith to create
_intellectual conflict_. There may be cases when scientific views look
probable to the scientist, while they contradict a doctrine of faith or an
ecclesiastical decision. The roads may even cross more radically. It may
happen that his views and books are condemned, forbidden by the Church.
If the conflicting doctrine should be an _infallible_ one, the decision of
the believing scientist is soon reached. He knows now what to think of his
hypothesis, that it is not true progress but aberration, and consistency
with his own conviction moves him to desist. Thus the philosophical errors
of modern times are opposed almost throughout to infallible dogmas, for
the most part fundamental doctrines of the Christian religion. This is
also the legal right under which revelation and the Church approach the
scientist with the demand not to permit his views to go contrary to faith,
because there can never be a contradiction between faith and reason.
“There can never be a contradiction between faith and reason,” the Vatican
Council teaches; “the apparent conflict is due either to the doctrine not
being understood and interpreted in the sense of the Church, or to
erroneous opinions that are mistaken for conclusions of reason” (Conc.
Vat. sess. III, cp. 4). If the Catholic finds his position opposed to
_non-infallible_ decisions, then he will re-examine his views in unselfish
impartiality before God. If he must calmly tell himself that his arguments
are not so weighty as to be able to stand up before so high an authority,
guided by the Holy Ghost, then he will forego the gratification of holding
fast to his own opinions, and will remind himself that true wisdom knows
the fallibility of the human mind, and is ever ready to take advice from a
divinely guided authority. Perhaps he will recall the words of the great
_St. Augustine_: “Better bow before an incomprehensible but saving symbol
than entangle one’s neck in the meshes of error” (De doctr. Christ. III,
13). This Christian self-denial surpasses in beauty even science itself,
and sheds upon it a greater splendour.
The great _Fénelon_, proceeding to his pulpit in the cathedral of
Cambrai, on Annunciation day in 1699, was handed by his brother
the Roman brief condemning twenty-three propositions of
_Fénelon’s_ “Maximes des Saints.” The Bishop took the writing,
calmly ascended the pulpit and announced it forthwith, and
preached a sermon on the submission due to ecclesiastical
superiors, at which the whole congregation was greatly moved. A
few days later he announced in an episcopal letter to his diocese
his submission, “simple, absolute, and without a shadow of
reservation.” By this deed, an heroic act of obedience, _Fénelon_
is placed higher in history than by his brilliant works, than by
the honour of having been the illustrious tutor of the Dauphin of
France.
_Antonio Rosmini-Serbati_ in August, 1849, received official
notice of the condemnation of two of his works by the Congregation
of the Index. He immediately sent in his submission: “With the
sentiments of a true and obedient son of the Apostolic See, that I
have always been by the grace of God and wish ever to be, and have
ever acknowledged myself, I now declare clearly and sincerely,
without reservation, my submission, in the most complete manner,
to the condemnation of my writings.” Both the condemnation and the
submission were soon made the target of attack by the Liberal
press. _Rosmini_ replied in an admirable open letter: “To my great
sorrow I have seen several articles in different newspapers which
dare criticize the Holy Congregation of the Index for condemning
my writings. Inasmuch as I have submitted to the decree of the
said Congregation with all sincerity, and with full interior and
exterior obedience as becomes a true son of the Church, every one
will easily understand how much I regret these articles and
disapprove of them. Yet I deem it not superfluous to declare
expressly that I reject those articles entirely and that I do not
accept the praise for me which they offer. With regard to other
newspaper writers, who are censuring me and even insulting me for
having done what it was my duty to do, in submitting to the
condemnation, as though I had committed a crime, I can only say
that I greatly pity them, and that they would fill me with
contempt could I deem it permissible to despise any one” (apud _J.
Hilgers_, Der Index der verbotenen Buecher, 1904, 413).
A _Fénelon_ or a _Rosmini_, bowing with the humility of the
Christian savant to the judgment of their Church, have thereby
forfeited nothing of their intellectual fame in the eyes of
earnest critics, but, on the contrary, have greatly increased the
respect for their noble character.
Even should the future prove as scientifically correct that which the
believing scientist does not as yet clearly see, that he was
scientifically in the right, no considerable damage would result to
science. Providence, which guides human affairs, will protect science for
its noble modesty in submitting meanwhile to an authority appointed by
God. As a matter of fact, science cannot be shown ever to have suffered
any real loss by such submission, not even in the _Galileo_ case, as we
shall see further on. On the other hand, countless are the errors and
injuries which have befallen human thought and belief, and which the
Church has warded off from those who yielded to her guidance. Of course
the submission may become difficult if a man clings to his views, or has
already publicly proclaimed them. Then, indeed, a bitter struggle may
ensue. A number of scientists have failed to stand the test and have left
to posterity the ill-fated name of apostates. The Church regrets such
cases; but the deposit of faith is too precious to be endangered for the
sake of any individual.
For this reason the Church is and must be _conservative_; for this reason
she may have to warn against the dissemination of propositions which may
not in themselves be false, but fraught with danger for the time being.
She cannot take part in any hasty effort to make experiments, risking
everything inherited in order to try something new.
During the nineteenth century the United States was repeatedly the
scene of communistic experiments. Daring adventurers assembled
people and founded settlements on communistic principles, private
property being abolished. In 1824 _Robert Owen_ founded a colony
in Indiana, which soon grew to nine hundred members, living in the
fashion of atheistic communism. In 1825 the colony adopted its
first constitution, which within the following year suffered six
complete revisions. In June of the second year the last members of
the colony ate their farewell dinner together. The experiment had
come to a speedy termination. A Frenchman, _Etienne Cabet_,
founded, in 1848, a new colony in Texas, called Icaria. Soon it
numbered 500 members. Each family had its small homestead.
Children were educated by the community. Amusement was provided
for by a band and a theatre; a library supplied more intellectual
wants. But soon it all fell into decay. _Cabet_ departed and died.
In 1895 the newspapers reported the dissolution of the last
remnant of the colony. Such is the fate of experiments.
Daring adventurers may undertake them. The lecturer at college,
too, will be readily pardoned for his eagerness to take up the
cudgel in defence of what is new in his profane science: he may
easily correct himself. But the Teacher of the Centuries and of
the Nations, in the sphere of religion and morals, has not the
right to experiment. Here, where mistakes may entail the direst
consequences, the rule must be: slowly onward, to keep the whole
from ruin. Cardinal _Benedict Gaetani_, later Pope _Boniface
VIII._, once praised Rome for having _pedes non plumeos sed
plumbeos_—not winged feet, but leaden heels.
Sentiments of the kind just set forth are of course possible only in
conjunction with the belief in a revelation and in the supernatural
character of the Church, where the interests of faith come first, and must
be unconditionally preserved. He who lacks this conviction, he to whom the
Church is but a human institution, founded in the course of time, tending
perhaps to oppose truth and science for fear they might endanger the
submission of minds—to such a one the Catholic’s confident devotion to his
Church, and consciousness of unimpaired freedom at the same time, will be
unintelligible; and the inflexibility of the Church in defending the faith
will pass his comprehension. And woe to the Church when her position
toward science is being tried before this court: only harsh denunciations
are to be expected where the judge does not understand the matter he
undertakes to decide.
Nor do we attempt to bridge the chasm that separates the two views of the
world which we here again encounter, the one, which rejects the
supernatural world, the other, the view of the believing Christian. We
have but endeavoured to show that _faith does not restrain the mental
freedom of one who is convinced of the truth of his faith_. Submission to
the authority of faith is the consequence of his conviction. This is the
question to be decided: Either there is a revelation and a Church founded
by God, or there is not. If such there be, or if it is only possible, then
modern freedom of thought, with its demand of exemption from all
authority, is against reason and morality. If there is not, then this
should be proved. It can be done consistently only by acknowledging
atheism. For if there is a personal God, then He can give a revelation and
found a Church, and demand submission from all. Since the days of _Celsus_
to this day the attempt to demonstrate that the convictions of a faithful
Christian are unjustifiable has proved futile.
Obedience of Faith and Injury to Science.
While all this is true, yet one may not share this conviction, nor rise to
the certainty that there is a supernatural world whence the Son of God
descended to teach man and to found an infallible Church. Still, to be
fair, he must admit that no real danger to freedom of research and
progress of science results from submission to faith, as shown above.
In the first place it must be admitted that the assertion is still
unproved, that a positive result of research has ever come in hopeless
conflict with a dogma of faith; hence that science has been prevented from
accepting this result. No such case can be found. The condemnation of the
Copernican view of the world will be considered presently; we pass over
the fact that at the time of its condemnation it was not a positive result
of science: the main point is that the condemnation was not an irrevocable
dogma of faith, but only the decision of a Congregation, which was
withdrawn as soon as the truth was clearly demonstrated. Besides, science
has suffered no injury from that decision.
In general, where there is real contradiction between science and faith,
the matters in question are invariably _hypotheses_. Is it more than an
hypothesis, and a very doubtful hypothesis at that, that the world and God
are identical, that there is an eternal, uncreated course of the world,
that miracles are impossible? That what is said about the natural origin
of Christianity, the origin of the Jewish religion from Babylonian myths,
the origin of all religions from fear, fancy, or deception, is it anything
more than hypothetical? The false systems of knowledge, subjectivism, and
agnosticism—are they more than hypotheses? Ask their originators and
champions; they will admit it themselves; and if they will not admit it,
others will tell them that their propositions are not only hypotheses, but
often quite untenable. There is hardly a single hypothesis which has not
its vehement opponents. That the serious conflict between dogma and
science is waged only in this field could be proved by abundant examples.
Besides, is it not the philosophical axiom of modern freedom of thought,
that in the sphere of philosophy and religion there is no certain
knowledge, but only supposition?
Can hypotheses claim to rank as assured results of research which should
be universally accepted? Why should it not be allowed to contradict them,
to oppose them with other suppositions? Is it not in the interest of
science that this be done, that they be subjected to sharp criticism, lest
they gradually be given out for positive results? Is it not a shameful
trifling with the truth, when a _Haeckel_ deceives wide circles by
pretending that most frivolous hypotheses are established results of
science? Is it not misleading when modern science treats the rejection of
a supernatural order as an established principle?
And how often the hypotheses of profane sciences change! “Laymen
are astonished,” says _H. Poincaré_, “that so many scientific
theories are perishable. They see them thrive for a few years, to
be abandoned one after the other; they see wrecks heaped upon
wrecks; they foresee that theories now fashionable will after a
short while be forgotten, and they conclude that these theories
are absolute fallacy. They call it the bankruptcy of science”
(Wissenschaft u. Hypothese, German by _F. Lindemann_, 2d ed.,
1906, 161). The conclusion is certainly unjustified, but the fact
itself remains. Is it then a loss to science when faith opposes in
the field of religion these variations of opinion with fixed
dogmas?
Or are these perhaps of less worth, or less certain than their
contraries? Is the dogma of the existence of God of less value
than atheism? Is the conviction of the existence of a world of
spirits less substantial than the philosophy of materialistic
monism? Is the doctrine of the origin of the human soul from the
creating hand of God found inferior to the notion that the soul
has developed from the lower stages of animal life? Should the
holy teaching of Christianity, doctrines believed by the best
periods in the world’s history, believed in and professed by minds
like those of an _Augustine_, a _Thomas_, and a _Leibnitz_;
doctrines that since their appearance on earth have always
attracted the noble and good, and repelled chiefly the base and
immoral; doctrines that still wait for their first unobjectionable
refutation—should such doctrines be less sure than the
innumerable, ever-changing suggestions of unregulated thought,
apparently directed by an aversion to everything supernatural?
Erravimus.
Yet another fact may be pointed out. It is an undeniable fact that
science, after straying for some time, is not unfrequently _compelled to
return to what is taught by faith and the Church_, thus confirming the
truth of the faith. Frequently the new theory has come on like a tornado,
sweeping all minds before it. But the tempest was soon spent, the minds
recovered their balance and the hasty misjudgment was recognized.
Not long ago, when materialism revelled in its orgies, especially
in Germany, when _Vogt_, _Buechner_, and _Moleschott_ were writing
their books, and science with _Du Bois-Reymond_ was hunting
_Laplace’s_ theory in the evolution of the world, the Syllabus,
undaunted, put its anathema upon the (58.) proposition: “No other
forces are acknowledged but those of matter.” The summer-night’s
dream came to an end, and people rubbed their eyes and saw the
reality they had lost a while. The materialism of the 60’s and
70’s has been discarded by the scientific world, and finds a
shelter only in the circles of unschooled infidelity. _J. Reinke_,
in the name of biology, bears testimony in the words: “In my
opinion materialism has been disposed of in biology; if,
nevertheless, a number of biologists still stand by its colours,
this tenacity may be explained psychologically; for, in the apt
words of _Du Bois-Reymond_, in the domain of ideas a man does not
willingly and easily forsake the highway of thought which his
entire mental training has opened up” (Einleitung in die
theoretische Biologie, 1901, 52).
A few decades ago a number of scientists declared it impossible
that the different races could have descended from one pair of
ancestors, as taught by faith: the difference between the various
families being too great and radical, it was said; the difference
being rather of species than of race. Moreover, there was
announced the discovery of people without religion, without
notions of morality and family life; of tribes incapable of
civilization and culture; it was asserted in the early days of
_Darwin_ enthusiasm that there had been discovered a race of men
that clearly belonged to the species ape. Assertions of this kind
have gradually ceased. Now the different human races are
considered to belong to the same species, and their common
parentage is considered possible from the view-point of the theory
of evolution. The anthropologist _Ranke_ expresses his opinion
thus: “We find the bodily differences perfectly connected by
intermediate forms, graded to a nicety, and the summary of the
differences appears to point to but one species.... This is the
prevalent opinion of all independent research of anatomically
schooled anthropologists” (Der Mensch, 2d ed., II, 1894, 261).
Ethnology denies the existence of nations or tribes without
religion (_Ratzel_, Voelkerkunde, I, 1885, 31). _Peschel_ says:
“The statement that any nation or tribe has ever been found
anywhere on earth without notions and suggestions of religion can
be denied emphatically” (_O. Peschel_, Voelkerkunde, 6th ed.,
1885, 273). “The more recent ethnology knows of no tribes without
morality, nor does history record any” (_W. Schneider_, Die
Naturvoelker, 1886, II, 348).
Until a short time ago it was believed that the derivation of
man’s life from inferior stages of animal life would not be
difficult to prove; but at present, while many still adhere to the
theory that man has developed from the brute, the conviction is
steadily gaining ground that it cannot be scientifically proved
and that it becomes more and more difficult to disprove man’s
higher origin. Unable to withstand the force of facts, one
hypothesis gives place to another: what had to be found could not
be found, living or extinct links between the brute and man
refused to appear anywhere, and those which people thought they
had found, turned out to be unsuitable. _Kohlbrugge_ concludes his
criticism of the recent theories of the evolution of the body of
man from lower animals with the confession: “The above summary is
enough to convince everybody that we do not know anything distinct
about the great problem of evolution; we have not yet seen its
face. All must be done over again” (Die Morpholog. Abstammung des
Menschen, 1908, 88). _Virchow_ said at the anthropological
congress of Vienna, 1889: “When we met at Innsbruck twenty years
ago Darwinism had just finished its first triumphal march through
the world, and my friend _Vogt_ became its ardent champion. We
have searched in vain for the missing link connecting man directly
with the ape.”
What has become of those anatomic-morphologic links between man
and beast, the _pithecanthropus erectus_, the man dug out at
Neandertal, Spy, Schipka, La Naulette, and Krapina, and shown with
great confidence to the world? What has become of the prehistoric
man, said to belong to the glacial period of Europe, and to have
ranked far below the present man? _J. Kohlmann_ writes: “I wish to
state that I thoroughly adhere to the theory of evolution, but my
own experience has led me to the result that man has not changed
his racial characteristics since the glacial period. He appears on
the soil of Europe physically complete, and there is no ape-man to
be found” (apud _Ranke_, Ibid. 480). Prof. _Branco_, director of
the Palæontological Institute of Berlin, says: “Palæontology tells
us nothing about the missing link. This science knows of no
ancestors of man” (at the 5th international Zoological Congress,
1901, _Wasmann_, Die mod. Biolog. 3, p. 488). And the
palæontologist _Zittel_ says: “The missing link between man and
ape, though a postulate of the theory of evolution, has not been
found” (_Ranke_, l. c. 504). _E. Grosse_ concludes his studies on
evolution with the significant words: “I began this book with the
intention of writing a history of the evolution of the family, and
I finish it convinced that at present the writing of that history
is impossible for me or for anybody else” (Die Formen der Familie,
1896, Vorwort). _Ranke_ is perfectly right in saying that “it
behoves the dignity of science to confess that it knows nothing of
the origin of man” (Thuermer V, 1902, I. Heft).
A century ago or so, ridicule was heaped in the name of science on
the description in the Bible of the last day: “The stars shall
fall,” “and the powers of heaven shall be moved,” “the elements
shall be melted with heat, and the earth shall be burnt up” (Matt.
xxiv. 29 _seq._; Luke xxi. 25 _seq._; Mark xiii. 24 _seq._; 2 Pet.
iii. 10). Then the assertion that stones could fall from the skies
caused a smile, but now science has come to the general knowledge
that this is not only possible, but perhaps really will be the end
of all things, if once our earth on its journey through unknown
spaces of the universe should collide with a comet or get into a
cosmic cloud of large meteors. (Cf. the graphic description in _K.
Braun_, Ueber Kosmogonie, 3d ed., 1905, p. 381 _seq._)
An example of another kind: It is not so long since Protestant,
liberal Bible-criticism and its history of early Christian
literature, in the endeavour to remove everything supernatural
from the beginning of Christianity, regarded the New Testament and
the oldest Christian documents as unreliable testimony, even
forgeries, and for this reason placed the date of their origin as
late as possible. But now they have to retrace their steps.
_A. Harnack_ writes: “There was a period—the general public is
still living in it—when the New Testament and the oldest Christian
literature were thought to be but a tissue of lies and forgeries.
This time has passed. For science it was an episode in which much
was learned of which much must be forgotten. The result of
subsequent research over-reaches in a ‘reactionary’ effect what
might be termed the central position of modern criticism. The
oldest literature of the Church is in the main and in most details
true and reliable, that is, from the literary and historical point
of view.... I am not afraid to use the word ‘retrogressive’—for we
should call a spade a spade—the criticism of the sources of the
earliest Christianity is beyond doubt moving retrogressively
towards tradition” (Chronologie der Alt-Christ. Literatur I, 1897,
VIII). In a more recent work the same savant writes: “During the
years from 30 to 70 all originated in Palestine, or, better, in
Jerusalem, what later on was developed. This knowledge is steadily
gaining and replacing the former ‘critical’ opinion that the
fundamental development had extended over a period of about a
hundred years” (Lukas der Arzt, 1906, Vorwort). This retrogression
is continued still farther in his later work, “Neue Untersuchungen
zur Apostolgesch. u. zur Abfassungszeit der synopt. Evang., 1911,”
in which _Harnack_ draws very near to the Catholic view regarding
the date of writing of the Acts of the Apostles, as also regarding
_St. Paul’s_ attitude towards Judaism and Christian-Judaism, and
departs from the modern Protestant view (cf. pp. 28-47, 79 _seq._,
86, 93 _seq._). “Protestant authorities on church-history,” he
says elsewhere, “no longer take offence at the proposition that
the main elements of Catholicism go back to the Apostolic era, and
not only peripherically” (Theol. Literar. Zeitung, 1905, 52).
In a speech, much commented on, which he made at his university
January 12, 1907, Prof. _Harnack_, discussing the religious
question in Germany, called attention to the fact that there has
been quite a marked return to the Catholic standpoint: “From the
study of Church history we find that we all have become different
from what our fathers were, whether we may like it or not. Study
has shown that we are separated from our fathers by a long course
of development; that we do not understand their ideas and words at
all, much less do we use them in the sense they used them.” He
then draws out the comparison more particularly: “_Flacius_ and
the older Protestants denied that _Peter_ had ever been in Rome at
all. Now we know that his having been there is a fact well
evidenced in history.” The motto of the older Protestants was that
the Scriptures are the sole source of revelation. “But now, and
for a long time past, Protestant savants have realized that the
Scriptures could not be separated from tradition, and that the
collecting of the New Testament Scriptures was a part of
tradition.” “Protestants of the sixteenth century taught
justification by faith alone, without works. In the absence of
confessional controversy, no evangelical Christian would now find
fault with the teaching which declares only such faith to be of
any worth which shows itself by the love of God and of the
neighbour” (Protestantismus u. Katholizismus in Deutschland,
Preussisch. Jahrbücher 127. Bd., 1907, 301 _seq._).
Many similar instances of science confessing Erravimus in regard to the
Christian or Catholic position could be cited. They are an admonition to
be modest, not to overrate the value of a scientific proposition, and not,
with supreme confidence and infallibility, to brand it as an offence
against the human intellect to let one’s self be guided by the principles
of faith.
Moreover, it has often happened that science emphatically and sneeringly
rejected propositions, and called them false and absurd, which to-day are
considered elementary.
_Newton_, in 1687, had correctly explained the revolution of the moon
around the earth, and of the planets around the sun, as the co-operation
of gravitation and inertia, and thence concluded also the elliptic form of
the orbits of planets previously discovered by _Kepler_. _Leibnitz_
rejected this theory, _Huygens_ called it absurd, and the Academy of Paris
as late as 1730 still favoured the theory of revolution of _Descartes_; it
was only about the year 1740 that it was generally accepted. _Huygens_,
himself, had formed in 1690 his theory about light-waves. For a long time
it was misunderstood. Only in 1800, or somewhat later, it received its
merited acknowledgment, but noted physicists like _Biot_ and _Brewster_
rejected it still for some time and held to the theory of emission. “Even
in the intellectual world the law of inertia holds good” (_Rosenberger_,
Gesch. der Physik, III, 1887, 139).
The great discoverer _Galvani_ complained of being attacked from
two opposite sides, by the scientists and by the ignorant: “Both
make fun of me. They call me the dancing master of frogs. Yet I
know I have discovered one of the greatest forces of nature.”
When _Benjamin Franklin_ explained the lightning-rod to the Royal Academy
of Sciences, he was ridiculed as a dreamer. The same happened to _Young_
with his theory of the undulation of light. “The Edinburgh Review”
proposed to the public to put _Thomas Grey_ in a strait-jacket when he
presented his plan for railroads. Sir _Humphry Davy_ laughed at the idea
of illuminating the city of London by gas. The French Academy of Sciences
actually sneered at the physicist _Arago_ when he proposed a resolution to
merely open a discussion of the idea of an electric telegraph (_Wallace_,
Die wissensch. Ansicht des Uebernatuerlichen, 102 _seq._).
Until about a hundred years ago scientists almost universally
thought it impossible for a stone to fall from the skies—not to
mention a rain of stones. Of the big meteor that fell at Agram in
1751 the learned Vienna professor, _Stuetz_, wrote in 1790 as
follows: “That iron had fallen from the skies may have been
believed in Germany in 1751 even by its enlightened minds, owing
to the uncertainty then prevailing in regard to physics and
natural history. In our times, however, it were unpardonable to
consider similar fairy tales even probable.” Some museums threw
away their collections of meteors, fearing they would appear
ridiculous by keeping them. In that very year, 1790, a meteor fell
near the city of Juillac in France, and the mayor of the town sent
a report of it to the French Academy of Sciences, signed by three
hundred eye-witnesses. But the wise men of the academy knew
better. Referee _Bertholon_ said: “It is a pity for a town to have
so foolish a mayor,” and added: “It is sad to see the whole
municipality certifying by affidavit to a folk-saga that can only
be pitied. What more can I say of an affidavit like that? Comment
is self-evident to a philosophically trained mind who reads this
authentic testimonial about an evidently false fact, about a
physically impossible phenomenon.” _A. Deluc_, in other respects a
sober-minded man, and a scientist, even remarked that should a
stone like that fall before his feet, then he would have to admit
that he had seen it, but nevertheless would not believe it.
_Vaudin_ remarked: “Better to deny such incredible things than to
have to try to explain them.” Thus taught the French Academy of
that time (apud _Braun_, Ueber Kosmogonie, 3d ed., 1905, 378
_seq._). And now science is teaching the contrary. Everybody knows
that such falling meteors are not only possible, but that they
fall about seven hundred times a year on our earth.
Do not these examples bear a striking resemblance to the attitude of many
of the representatives of modern science towards facts and truths of our
faith?
This has not been said with a view of detracting from the reputation of
science. Not at all. It has fallen to the lot of man to be subject to
error. The above was said to recall that fact. Science is not so
infallible as to be able to claim the right to ignore, in religious and
ethical questions, faith and the Church, and even to usurp the place of
the faith given by God, in order to lead its disciples upon the new paths
of a delivered mankind.