TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES
Compared to the original, some alterations were made:
Typos
-The word "greal" was changed to "great" [page 427].
-The word "somewhow" was changed to "somehow" [page 428].
-Price in List of Publications is missing in Volume 6, Edition 2.
A Question mark was added.
Readability
-All footnotes were moved to the end of the chapter. Because of this
repositioning, Footnote 10 refers to Page 414 with the phrase
See below, which, in this version, should be: See above.
-Em-dashes were added to empty spots of transliterated text for
clarity [page 412]. These are not in the original.
Consistency
-Inconsistencies in spelling were retained. However, The em-dash in
the Section Heading called Fire Eating [Page 418] was deleted to
make it correspond to the Table of Contents (no em-dash there!)
[Page 397].
=UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS=
=IN=
=AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY=
Vol. 12, No. 10, pp. 397-441, 8 text-figures July 6, 1917
=CEREMONIES OF THE POMO INDIANS=
BY
S.A. BARRETT
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
IN
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Vol. 12, No. 10, pp. 397-441, 8 text-figures July 6, 1917
CEREMONIES OF THE POMO INDIANS
BY
S.A. BARRETT
CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction 397
Ceremonial organization 398
Officials 399
General Features of the Pomo Ceremonies 401
Invitations to Ceremonies 402
The Ghost or Devil Ceremony 403
Stephen Powers on the Ghost Dance 404
The Ghost Ceremony Proper 406
Fire Eating 418
The Purification Rite 421
Summary of the Principal Features of the Ghost Ceremony 422
The Guksu Ceremony 423
The Scarifying Ceremony 425
Stephen Powers on the Guksu Ceremony 427
Completion of the Guksu Ceremony 429
Treatment of Disease 430
Dances 431
Dances in which Men and Women Participated 433
Dances in which only Men performed 438
Dances in which only Women performed 439
Additional Dances 440
The Messiah Cult 440
Conclusion 441
INTRODUCTION
It has been at least twenty years since the last of the Pomo
ceremonies was held in a truly aboriginal fashion. Elaborate ceremonies
of a more recently introduced "Messiah" cult were held as late as
perhaps fifteen years ago, but these "Messiah" ceremonies contain
only a few features common to the indigenous tribal observances.
Dances are even yet to be seen in connection with some celebrations,
principally on the Fourth of July, but there now remains so little
that is really primitive about these that they are virtually worthless
to the student. Information obtained through direct observation is at
present, therefore, impossible, and we must depend for our knowledge of
Pomo ceremonies and ceremonial organization upon the statements of the
older men, and particularly those concerned with such matters in former
days. From such sources rather full information concerning some of the
ceremonies and dances is obtainable, but, under the circumstances, it
is impossible to secure exhaustive data concerning all of them. In
many instances informants recall only a few of the details of a given
ceremony or dance. Sometimes only its name is remembered. Doubtless
even the recollection of some ceremonies and dances has been lost.
During a residence in the Pomo region from 1892 to 1904 the existing
vestiges of some of these Pomo ceremonies were observed whenever
possible, but no attempt at a systematic collection of data on the
subject was made until 1903 and 1904, when this work was undertaken
in conjunction with the collection of Pomo myths, as part of the
investigations of the Ethnological and Archaeological Survey of
California, maintained by the Department of Anthropology of the
University of California through the generosity of Mrs. Phoebe A.
Hearst. This information was obtained from informants of three Pomo
dialects--Northern, Central, and Eastern. Where a native term is used
in the following pages, therefore, the dialect is indicated by N, C, or
E, in parentheses directly after it. The phonetic system employed is
fully explained in "The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo Indians."[1]
CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION
The ceremonial organization of the Pomo was very loose. There was
no secret society of importance, as there was among the Maidu and
presumably among the neighboring Wintun, and no organized priesthood
vested with control over ceremonies. The ordinary chiefs, however (or
"captains," as they are more often called), were prominently concerned
with all ceremonies, and there were other officials in charge of
particular rites. We may begin therefore by mentioning the various
officials in the order of their importance.
OFFICIALS
As has been elsewhere pointed out,[2] the social organization of the
Pomo is based primarily upon blood relationship, the blood relatives
who resided in a definite village grouping themselves into a political
unit under the leadership of an hereditary "captain." Usually several
of these consanguineal units comprise a village, and their captains
form its governing body. From among these the people elect a head
captain. Not even the head captain has absolute authority, nor has
any captain important judicial power, or power to inflict punishment.
In short, the function of the captain is primarily that of adviser to
the group. The special duties of the head captain in olden times were
to welcome and entertain visitors from other villages, and to meet in
council with the other captains concerning matters of general public
welfare, and to arrange for and preside over ceremonies.
What may be termed an honorary captainship was accorded any man who,
through his wealth or his prowess as a hunter, made himself very
popular by providing large quantities of food and numerous feasts for
the people. A similar honorary office, that of female captain, da´
xalik (E), was based upon a woman's popularity, which depended in
turn on her good-heartedness and her fame as a cook. Neither of these
honorary offices, however, was hereditary. In spite of the ambiguous
nature of the office, incumbents were accorded great respect at
ceremonies and other public functions.
The other officials had duties almost, if not quite, exclusively
connected with ceremonies and had nothing directly to do with
governmental affairs. We may recognize the fire-tenders, the head
singers, the chorus singers, the drummers, and the masters of
ceremonies. Such offices were considered very honorable and were,
as a rule, hereditary. This was particularly true of the offices of
fire-tender, head singer, and drummer, in which the succession followed
precisely the same rules as did the chieftainship.
The fire-tenders, called me´dze (N) and la´imoc (E), were officials
of very great importance. Connected with each of the large,
semi-subterranean "dance-houses"[3] there were two fire-tenders,
who saw to all matters concerning the fire and the preparation of
the dance-house except actually procuring the firewood. All the men
participating in the ceremony were supposed to bring wood, which
they placed just outside the dance-house. One of the fire-tenders
then carried it up and dropped it through the smoke-hole, while the
other stacked it in ricks in the proper places within the house. As
remuneration for their labor, they received the beads which were thrown
at the dancers[4] by the people during the ceremony and which were
swept up when the dance-house was cleaned.
The head singer, called ke´ kai tca (C) and ke´ūya (E), was a man
of great importance in ceremonies, though he was very inconspicuous.
It was his duty to plan previously the proper sequence of the dances
and songs, and it was also his duty to start all songs and to carry the
air. The head singer had to possess a very good voice, and had to make
it his business to know the songs for the various ceremonies. Now and
then he was at a loss for the proper song for a particular occasion.
He was allowed to consult some other singer, or, upon occasion, he
might ask for suggestions from the audience. Any one who knew a song
which fitted the occasion might come to the head singer and sing it for
him in an undertone, until he caught it and was ready to lead in the
singing. As a rule he kept time with a split-stick rattle, or a rattle
made of cocoons.
The chorus or burden-singers, called skam (E), gave volume to the music
and marked time with their split-stick rattles, hai mitamitaka (N).
Their usual burden was "he, he, he, he, ..." sung in a heavy monotone.
The drummers, called tsīlo´ gaūk (E), tsīlo´ tca (C), and
tsīlo´ matūtsī (E), were always two in number, and as a rule
they took turns in playing the large wooden drum which was set in the
ground at the rear of the dance-house, and which was beaten by the
stamping of the feet. The office of drummer was considered one of the
most important, and second only to that of fire-tender.
The master of ceremonies, called xabē´ dima (E), xabē´gaūk
(E), and he´līma (C), started and stopped all songs and dances by
certain signals. The participants in the dance usually maintained
certain positions, but the master of ceremonies ran about from place
to place supervising the activities and giving directions as required.
His presence was absolutely necessary at all ceremonies, and without
him a dance could not proceed. He acted under the general direction
of the head captain, but that official himself never served as master
of ceremonies. Very rarely did the same individual serve as master
of ceremonies and head singer. While as a rule the drummers and the
singers wore no special dress for ceremonial occasions, the masters
of ceremonies were almost always painted and dressed according to
different requirements for each ceremony (see below). They were usually
among the dancers who impersonated supernatural beings.
GENERAL FEATURES OF POMO CEREMONIES
A ceremony always centered about the dance-house,[5] and lasted four
nights, or some multiple of four, beginning usually soon after sunset.
In the case of the "ghost ceremony," which began at sunrise, the
preceding night was spent in performing other dances. Such ceremonies
were made up of a varying number of dances.
There was usually no prescribed sequence, but the ceremony took the
name of the dance which was its special feature, though this need not
necessarily open the ceremony. In a few instances it was recognized
that certain dances should be performed together.
A ceremony consisted of (1) an introductory procedure, accompanied by
more or less ritual, such as the initiation of the children through
the gū´ksū ceremony (see below, p. 425); (2) a series of dances;
(3) a series of speeches by officials and men of importance concerning
the religious life or other matters of public interest; (4) a final
purification rite; and (5) various feasts, particularly one held in the
morning after the final night of the ceremony.
There were certain special ceremonies, such as the gū´ksū
ceremony, in which a definite opening procedure was required, but after
this almost any desired dance might be held at any time, day or night,
throughout the duration of the ceremonial period. The procedure of the
final night of the ceremony was also usually fixed.
The principal ceremonies of the Pomo were:
The xahlū´īgax xaikīlgaiagība[6] (the "ghost" or "devil"
ceremony).
The kalīmatōtō xaikīlgaiagība (the thunder ceremony).
The gū´ksū xaikīlgaiagība.
The da´ma xaikīlgaiagība.
INVITATIONS TO CEREMONIES
The captains of the village discussed with other important men the
question of holding a ceremony, just as they discussed other matters
relating to the general public good. Having agreed upon the date and
other details, the head captain usually walked through the village
delivering an oration, as was customary upon occasions of importance,
in which he announced to the people the decision of their captains.
This oration might, however, be delivered as he stood before the door
of his own house or before the door of the dance-house.
Invitations were then sent to the people of other villages to attend
the ceremony. This was done by means of a special invitation string.
Wormwood or willow sticks about two inches in length were tied, each
separately, into a short string, the number of sticks being equal,
according to some informants, to the number of days intervening before
the ceremony was to begin, usually not fewer than two or more than
eight. Other informants stated that this number was equal to these
intervening days plus the number of days during which the ceremony was
to be held. For instance, if a four-day ceremony was to begin four days
hence, these being the usual numbers in both instances, eight sticks
were tied into the invitation string. According to another informant,
if the number of sticks was from two to five, the guests were invited
for the first of two or more ceremonies. If six or more sticks were
present, they were to come for a later ceremony. This latter, however,
seems to be rather improbable. To one end of the string was tied, as
an ornament, a small section of forehead-band made of yellow-hammer
feathers. This string might be presented as such, but frequently it was
tied to the end of a wand about two feet long. Its general name among
the Central Pomo was haidel. Before sending, it was called ha'iebū;
after it had been sent out, it was termed ha'idakaū.
A messenger took this string or wand to the captain of the village
invited and, if it was necessary for him to make a journey of any
considerable length, he broke off a stick for each day of his journey.
According to most informants, he simply delivered the string to the
head captain of the invited village and immediately returned home
with the message of acceptance from that village. According to one
informant, however, he remained as the guest of the head captain, and
himself broke a stick each day from the invitation string and finally
conducted the visitors to the ceremony.
As a rule, visitors arrived at least one day before the ceremony
began, but they never entered the village itself until the morning of
the first ceremonial day, making camp meanwhile at some convenient
spot within a short distance. The visitors collected a present of a
considerable number of shell beads, which was carried by their head
captain as he led them into the village. Some, at least, of the younger
men among the visitors attired themselves in their dance costumes and
danced into the village, usually following a little apart from the rest
of their people.
As soon as the visitors appeared in sight, a watchman, stationed on
the roof of the dance-house, gave notice to the head captain, who was
inside. He at once came out and, taking a position directly in front
of the dance-house, delivered a short oration inviting the visitors to
enter and making them welcome. As the visitors entered each group was
assigned to its particular position in the dance-house, and all seated
themselves with their head captain, captains, fire-tenders, and other
officials in front. When the head captain of the host village finally
entered the dance-house, which was not until after all the visitors
had taken their seats, he was called by the visiting head captain to
their position. The visiting head captain then made a short speech of
presentation and gave the beads to the host head captain, who made, in
return, a second and more lengthy speech of welcome. He then took these
beads to his own house, and they were later divided among his people. A
present of equal value was returned to the visitors, either immediately
or at some time before the close of the ceremony.
This formality of welcome over, some dance might be held at once
or the guests and hosts might enjoy a general visit. If one of the
secret ceremonies was to be held, all the women and children and the
uninitiated men retired from the dance-house before it commenced.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Present series, VI, pp. 51-54.
[2] "The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians," present
series, VI, pp. 15-17.
[3] An article by the present writer called "Pomo Buildings," in the
_Holmes Memorial Volume_, fully describes these structures, which
were erected especially for ceremonial purposes and which formed the
religious centers of Pomo villages.
[4] The reason for the throwing of the beads is as follows: Pomo
custom prescribes a period of mourning lasting one year. If a dancer
so far forgets his sorrow as actively to participate in a ceremony
of this kind before the expiration of the prescribed mourning period
after the death of a friend or relative some atonement is required.
It is customary under such circumstances for some one in the audience
to throw some loose shell-beads at the dancer, these being evidently
intended as an offering to the spirits and having nothing directly to
do with the dancer himself.
[5] For a description of this large semi-subterranean structure see
"Pomo Buildings," by the present author in the _Holmes Anniversary
Volume_.
[6] These words are in the Eastern Pomo dialect.
THE GHOST OR DEVIL CEREMONY
This ceremony was perhaps the most important of the four-day ceremonies
of the Pomo. It was usually held in the spring and was witnessed only
by properly initiated men, never by women or children. The uninitiated
men, as well as the women and children, were much afraid of these
dancers and kept a very respectful distance when they entered the
village. This was due to the belief that to approach closely would
produce serious illness.
Such esoteric ceremonies are unusual among the Pomo, though they occur
among other California tribes. As examples might be mentioned the Hesi
ceremony among the Wintun and Maidu, especially among the Maidu, who
have a definite secret society.
STEPHEN POWERS ON THE GHOST DANCE
The ghost dance of the Pomo has been attributed by Powers[7] to a
secret society. In speaking of the subject of chastity among the Pomo,
he describes a "devil-raising" ceremony conducted by what he terms
a "secret society" which had several branches in the various Pomo
villages. His description of this ceremony is given from information
obtained by him from an old resident closely connected with the Indians
of the region in early days, and, while his assumptions and deductions
are in many respects incorrect, it is plainly a description of the
ghost dance.
After speaking of the "secret society ... whose simple purpose is to
conjure up infernal terrors and render each other assistance in keeping
their women in subjection," Powers says:[8]
Their meetings are held in an assembly-house erected especially for
the purpose, constructed of peeled pine-poles. It is painted red,
black, and white (wood color) on the inside in spiral stripes reaching
from the apex to the ground. Outside it is thatched and covered with
earth. When they are assembled in it there is a doorkeeper at the
entrance who suffers no one to enter unless he is a regular member,
pledged to secrecy. Even Mr. Potter, though a man held in high honor
by them, was not allowed to enter, though they offered to initiate
him, if he desired. They do not scruple to avow to Americans who
are well acquainted with them, and in whose discretion they have
confidence, that their object is simply to "raise the devil," as they
express it, with whom they pretend to hold communication; and to carry
on other demoniacal doings, accompanied by frightful whooping and
yelling, in order to work on the imaginations of the erring squaws, no
whit more guilty than themselves.
Once in seven years these secret woman-tamers hold a grand devil-dance
(cha-du-el-keh), which is looked forward to by the women of the
tribe with fear and trembling as the scourging visit of the dreadful
Yu-ku-ku-la (the devil). As this society has its ramifications among
the many Pomo tribes, this great dance is held one septennium in one
valley, another in another, and so on through the circuit of the
branch societies.
Every seven years, therefore, witnesses the construction of an
immense assembly-house which is used for this special occasion only. I
have seen the ruins of one which was reared in Potter Valley somewhere
about the year 1860. The pit, or cellar, which made a part of it was
circular, sixty-three feet in diameter and about six feet deep, and
all the enormous mass of earth excavated from it was gouged up with
small, fire-hardened sticks and carried away in baskets by both men
and women, chiefly men. It was about eighteen feet high in the center,
and the roof was supported on five posts, one a center pole and four
others standing around it, equidistant from it and the perimeter of
the pit. Timbers from six to nine inches in diameter were laid from
the edge of the pit to the middle posts, and from these to the center
pole. Over these were placed grass and brush, and the whole was
heavily covered with earth. Allowing four square feet of space to each
person, such a structure would contain upward of seven hundred people.
In their palmy days hundreds and even thousands of Indians attended
one of these grand dances.
When the dance is held, twenty or thirty men array themselves in
harlequin rig and barbaric paint and put vessels of pitch on their
heads; then they secretly go out into the surrounding mountains.
These are to personify the devils. A herald goes up to the top of the
assembly-house and makes a speech to the multitude. At a signal agreed
upon in the evening the masqueraders come in from the mountains,
with the vessels of pitch flaming on their heads, and with all the
frightful accessories of noise, motion, and costume which the savage
mind can devise in representation of demons. The terrified women and
children flee for life, the men huddle them into a circle, and, on
the principle of fighting the devil with fire, they swing blazing
firebrands in the air, yell, whoop, and make frantic dashes at the
marauding and bloodthirsty devils, so creating a terrific spectacle,
and striking great fear into the hearts of the assembled hundreds
of women, who are screaming and fainting and clinging to their
valorous protectors. Finally the devils succeed in getting into the
assembly-house, and the bravest of the men enter and hold a parley
with them. As a conclusion of the whole farce, the men summon courage,
the devils are expelled from the assembly-house, and with a prodigious
row and racket of sham fighting are chased away into the mountains.
After all these terrible doings have exercised their due effect upon
the wanton feminine mind, another stage of the proceedings is entered
upon. A rattlesnake was captured some days beforehand, its fangs
were plucked out, and it was handled, stroked, fed, and tamed, so
that it could be displayed with safety. The venerable, white-haired
peace-chief now takes his station before the multitude, within the
great assembly-house, with the rattlesnake before him as the visible
incarnation of the dreadful Yukukula. Slowly and sonorously he begins,
speaking to them of morality and feminine obedience. Then warming with
his subject, and brandishing the horrid reptile in his hand full in
the faces and over the heads of his shuddering auditors, with solemn
and awful voice he warns them to beware, and threatens them with
the dire wrath of Yukukula if they do not live lives of chastity,
industry, and obedience, until some of the terrified squaws shriek
aloud and fall swooning upon the ground.
Referring again to the "devil dance," as practiced among the Gualala,
Powers says:[9]
In the midst of the ordinary dances there comes rushing upon the
scene an ugly apparition in the shape of a man, wearing a feather
mantle on his back reaching from the armpits down to the mid-thighs,
zebra-painted on his breast and legs with black stripes, bearskin
shako on his head, and his arms stretched out at full length along a
staff passing behind his neck. Accoutered in this harlequin rig, he
dashes at the squaws, capering, dancing, whooping; and they and the
children flee for life, keeping several hundred yards between him and
themselves. If they are so unfortunate as to touch even his stick, all
their children will perish out of hand.
THE GHOST CEREMONY PROPER
The dancers were of two classes, the ordinary ghost-dancers, or
"devils," called xahluigak (E), and the "ash-devils," or fire-eaters,
called nō xahlūigak (E). The former danced almost exclusively
during the day, and the latter at night, though these regulations were
not quite absolute. The ash-devils were always present at the ghost
ceremony and during the ghost dance proper they served, in a way, as
sergeants-at-arms and as clowns.
According to some informants, a new dance-house was especially built
for each ghost ceremony. Other informants did not particularly mention
this fact and it seems probable that in more recent times, after the
ceremonial procedure of the Pomo had become somewhat lax, this rule was
not observed, and the same dance-house may have been used for more than
one ghost ceremony, and for other ceremonies as well.
In this ceremony the dancers impersonated the spirits of the dead, as
is indicated by the speech of the chief devil-dancer made just before
disrobing.[10] The dance is said to have had its origin in mythical
times when the birds and mammals had human attributes. The Pomo account
is as follows:
Hawk, the captain of a village, was killed by Vulture. After being
absent from the village for some time Hawk suddenly returned, came
into the dance-house, and sat down in front of the center pole, at its
foot. A ceremony was about to begin, and the people noticed nothing
out of the ordinary about Hawk and were perfectly willing to allow him
to participate in the dancing. Meadowlark, however, noticed an odor
about Hawk which showed that he had just returned from the realm of
the dead. With his characteristic garrulity, he commenced to chatter
about the improprieties of mortals dancing with dead people. Hawk was
a chief and one of an important family and felt especially offended
at these reflections upon him and left at once, never again returning
to the village. According to one version of the myth, Meadowlark had,
in those days, a long tail like most other birds. His action upon
this occasion, however, so enraged the other members of the village
that some one struck at him with a fire poker which happened to be
near at hand. Meadowlark was able to dodge the blow, but the poker
clipped off a large part of his tail. He has, therefore, had only a
stub of a tail since that day. The people then fell to discussing what
could be done to atone in some way for this insult to Hawk. A number
of men immediately went out into the woods and dressed themselves as
the devil-dancers now do, returning to the village to personate the
spirits of the departed. From this mythical source has descended the
present-day ghost or devil ceremony.
The ceremony was directly under the supervision of the chief
"gū´ksū doctor," and it was he who safeguarded the ghost-dance
paraphernalia during the long interval between ceremonies. The
ghost-dancers and the ash-devils were actually assisted in dressing by
the gū´ksū doctors.
The dress of the ghost-dancer proper was quite elaborate. Each
ghost-dancer repaired to some secluded place in the woods or brush,
preferably back in the hills about the village, where he dressed.
This going into seclusion to dress is called tsūma´kabek in the
Eastern Pomo dialect. He first rubbed his body with chewed angelica
root, at the same time making a prayer for long life, good health,
and prosperity for himself, his fellow dancers, and the people of the
village. He also made a prayer to a certain supernatural being[11] to
lend him a striped skin. He next painted his body with white, red, and
black paints. A man might paint his body entirely one color. The upper
half of the body might be of one color, while the lower half was of
another. The same difference in color might obtain between the right
and the left sides, and bands and stripes might also be freely used.
Before finally finishing the painting of the face and arms, however,
the remainder of the attire was put on. This included, for the head,
(1) a head-net with which to confine the hair; (2) a down-filled
head-net; (3) a feather tuft on top of the head; (4) a yellow-hammer
quill forehead-band fastened at the top of the forehead, passing back
through the parted feather-tuft and hanging down the back; and (5) a
fillet of pepperwood leaves. The remainder of the costume consisted
of a short girdle of pepperwood branches worn about the waist and, if
desired, a similar adornment about the neck.
The ash-devils, or fire-eaters, dressed more simply. According to some
informants, they were entirely nude except for a coat of blue paint.
According to others, their attire was somewhat more elaborate. The face
was painted red, black, or white, two colors never being used together.
The legs were painted white, then scratched with the fingernails so as
to remove some of the paint and produce longitudinal stripes. The hair
was bound up with the usual head-net into which a single black feather
was inserted,[12] or a feather tuft was attached to it. As a screen
or mask before the face, the dancer also wore a fringe of green twigs
further to disguise his identity. Otherwise he was completely naked.
When everything was in readiness in the village, the head captain sent
out a messenger to notify the dancers. When the latter were ready to
enter the village, a small fire was built in the hills to give notice
of the fact. They made their first entry just about daybreak on the
first day. A crier, who was always one of the captains or a fire-tender
detailed to this duty, took his position on the roof of the dance-house
just below the smoke-hole, where he gave the ghost call "yē ..."
four times. At once answering calls were heard from the ghost-dancers
in their several locations, for they had scattered to a number of
different places, each man by himself, or in groups of not more than
two or three individuals. The ghost response was a loud "waū wa´i,"
repeated four times. If the ghost-dancers were sufficiently close
together, this was given by their leader only. The crier continued his
calling until one or more of the dancers appeared on the outskirts of
the village. They came running in,[13] each carrying in his hands two
bunches of grass or twigs a foot or so in length,[14] behind which he
at times pretended to hide. Each suddenly stopped as he came in sight
of the dance-house and stood for a moment with outstretched arms.
Thereupon the crier shouted, "ō, ō, ō, ō," after which he delivered an
invocation to the ghost-dancers, asking them to come running into the
village bringing health and happiness to the people. This invocation
was as follows:
napō´ | pūtsa´l | gīwa´lē
village | healthy | run to
ma´yawala | kale pūtsa´l | gīwa´lē
girls | healthy | run to
xā´xalik | pūtsa´l | gīwa´lē
chiefs | healthy | run to
da´xalik | pūtsa´l | gīwa´lē
chieftainesses | healthy | run to
kawi´k | pūtsa´l | gīwa´lē
children | healthy | run to
Then, according to one informant, all the people who were assembled in
the dance-house shouted, while the drummer beat rapidly for a minute or
two. The head singers took their cocoon rattles and intoned a song as
they marched outside to meet the dancers. After singing outside for a
short time, they re-entered the dance-house.
The dancers then came running in, making a loud noise produced by a
voiced expulsion of breath through the relaxed but closed lips, "bū
..." and ran to a point about one hundred yards directly in front of
the dance-house door (see fig. 1). While the dancers were running into
the village, the singers sang the following song:
yōhīya´, yōhīya´, yōhīya´,
yōhīya´, yōhīya´, yōhīya´,
yōhīkōlī kōlē, yōhīkōlī kōlē.
(Repeat indefinitely.)
[Illustration: Fig. 1 Fig. 2
Fig. 1--Paths of the ghost-dancers as they enter the village, and their
ceremonial course before the dance-house.
Fig. 2--Positions taken and course traveled by ghost-dancers in
approaching dance-house.]
Meantime the crier and the dancers continued their respective cries.
The head ghost-dancer always dressed at a place north (i.e., in the
rear) of the dance-house, so that in entering the village he ran past
the dance-house to take up his position. Here he bowed very low, and
quickly dropped his arms with the bunches of grass above mentioned,
at the same time crying "wē...." He then trotted perhaps twenty
feet in one direction, where he repeated this motion and cry, and
then to a point an equal distance in the opposite direction from his
central position, repeating the same motion and cry there. This he
did four times, finally stopping in the middle of the forty-foot line
thus blocked out, and directly in front of the dance-house door. The
next dancer to enter the village might come from any direction. He
ran toward the head dancer and crossed, if possible, in front of him,
though if necessary he passed behind him. In this case the head dancer
turned around so as to face the runner. The newcomer began to pass
back and forth along the line, making the motions and cries as above
described. He then took up his position at one side or the other of
the chief dancer. These dancers were at liberty to laugh, talk, and
play at will. Frequently they performed various comical antics, such as
pretending to be stung by wasps, and doctoring one another.
The crier continued his calls until finally the leader of the dancers
walked along a zigzag path to a position about one-quarter of the
distance between the line of dancers and the dance-house (see fig. 2).
Here he halted and cried "wuī´ ..." after which the crier at the
dance-house called all the initiated men of the village to assemble.
There was a fixed restriction against the presence of the uninitiated
in this assembly. One informant maintained that the ceremony, as held
in his locality (the coast of the Central Pomo area), required that
four posts be set up, each at a distance of several yards from the
dance-house, as is shown in figures 1 and 2, the imaginary lines from
post to post forming an inclosure for the dance-house and its immediate
vicinity, within which none but the initiated dared venture.
The singers and others officially concerned with the dance came from
within the dance-house and formed two lines, one on each side of the
outer door of the tunnel, as indicated by the small crosses in figure
2. As the crier gave his call, the initiates answered with a cry of
"ye ..." after which they formed these two lines between which the
ghost-dancers must pass to enter the dance-house.
At the outer ends of these lines were two masters of ceremonies
who directed the ceremony from this point on to its close. They
first chased each of the dancers[15] as he came to enter the house,
returning each time to the heads of the two lines, there to await the
arrival of the next dancer. These masters of ceremonies were called
xahlū´īgak käldaiyaū (E) or masa´n käldaiyaū (E), and were
entirely nude except for a head-net and a feather tuft on their heads.
[Illustration: Fig. 3--Course of each ghost-dancer entering
dance-house.]
The chief ghost-dancer entered the house backwards and started towards
the drum, passing, however, on the west or wrong side of the fire.
Before he had gone very far, he stopped and groped around with one
foot, as if to find his way, and finally inquired which way he should
go. Ghost-dancers used the same words in speaking that ordinary people
did, except that they inverted their statements and reversed the
meanings of words. In this case the spectators replied, "You must go on
the west side,"[16] meaning, of course, that the dancer was expected
actually to go down the east side of the dance-house. He then reversed
his direction, as is shown in figure 3, and circled four times about
the fire, finally passing to a position in front of the center pole.
The spectators meanwhile constantly called out to each dancer to pass
down the "east" side of the house.
When the dancer entered through the tunnel, the spectators all cried,
"ye´-ye." He at first advanced very slowly backwards until he reached
the point at which he inquired his way. As soon as he received this
direction he sprang up and ran the prescribed four times around the
fire and finally reached the foot of the center pole, making meanwhile
the same "bū ..." noise which he had made upon entering the village.
He here awaited the arrival of the other dancers, who went through the
same succession of movements.
The chief ghost-dancer, upon arriving in front of the center pole,
said, "mamūle´" (E), to which the spectators replied, "hehē´...."
Then he made a short speech in a more or less archaic language. Its
purport was: "I do not come to do any one harm, but rather to take all
sickness away and to make everybody strong."
habadūtkīya gahnū kūdī´ pūtsa´lwal gakba
- - good - -
ga´kalik gaba da´kalik gaba, ka´lnīne
chiefs - chieftainesses rich people
gaba bēkal sīma bexba gahnū cama īhīwala
- - - - - - -
He next marked off, according to one informant, two or three places
on the east side of the floor, saying that he and his followers would
dance there. This was contrary to the usual procedure in dances, for
the regular dancing area in front of the center pole was always used.
As a matter of fact, the ghost dance itself was actually performed in
the usual area also, but this indicating of another area, and this
announcement, are only other evidences that the spirits must always do
things differently from mortals. In fact, the whole dress and conduct
of these dancers, their reversal of terms of direction, their groping
their way, etc., typify the conduct of the spirits of the departed, who
find everything strange when they return to the realm of mortals.
Throughout the entire ceremony, and especially during the time that
the ghost-dancers were entering, the spectators were obliged to use
great care not to obstruct their passage in any way, or otherwise to
interfere with them, else they were likely to be very roughly handled
by the dancers.
As the last ghost-dancer entered the tunnel leading into the
dance-house, the men in the two lines outside cried "yūhē´" four
times, after which they entered and took up their positions.
The above described entry of the dancers was according to the regular
procedure. However, these dancers, especially the ash-devils, were
privileged to perform many comical antics, and it not infrequently
happened that one or more of them would run up on to the roof of the
dance-house and dive through the smoke-hole. In fact, this was one of
the usual modes of deception practiced in this ceremony. A special net,
cko´l tabiū käle hai (N), was stretched about two feet below the
smoke-hole to catch the dancer. A special post was set in the ground
beside this net for the dancer to slide down. He would then go through
the usual series of movements, running four times around the fire.
After this he usually took up a position at one of the posts near the
door, there to levy tribute upon the spectators. This tribute might be
in the form of firewood, tobacco, or other commodities.
The music for this ceremony was provided by a drummer, two chief
singers, and a number of burden-singers. The ghost-dancers sometimes
sang a kind of burden of their own while dancing. This was simply "hī,
hī, hī, hī," etc., in a very high key. The chief singers were provided
with cocoon rattles. These and the drum were the only instruments used.
The dancers carried no whistles, although these were ordinarily used by
performers in other dances. The burden-singers also used no split-stick
rattles, but clapped their hands instead in time to their singing.
After the performers had in this way entered the dance-house, the chief
ghost-dancer called to the singers to start. The drummer then jumped
upon the drum, crying "hūtsaiya´hīī" (E).[17] With the first
cry of the drummer, the chief singers sounded their rattles. After an
interval of perhaps a minute, the drummer repeated his jump and call.
The song started and the dance began.
The song as given by one of the informants is as follows:
yōhīya´ yōhīya´, yōhīya´ yōhīya´,
kūlī kūlē kūlē ....
kūlī kūlē kūlē ....
hūtsaiya´ hūtsaiya´
hīī ....
(Repeat indefinitely.)
The two masters of ceremonies took up their respective positions at
A and C (fig. 3) and danced back and forth along the lines AB and
CD. In starting the movement, they stood with hands outstretched
and bent their bodies sidewise toward the drum as they shouted
"hūtsaiya´hīī." They then ran rapidly sidewise to the opposite
ends of their respective courses, where they repeated the same bending,
this time in the opposite direction. When they had gone back and forth
over these courses and had returned to their original positions for
the fourth time, they again shouted as at first. This particular set
of the dance was repeated four times, thus completing this part. After
any such part had ended, it occasionally happened that one dancer
would continue his steps just as though the music were in full swing.
Ultimately one of his fellow-dancers would strike him lightly to call
his attention to the fact that the dance was over, and he also would
stop.
Four such parts completed the first division of the dance. After this
the masters of ceremonies advanced toward the ghost-dancers, motioning
them back toward the center pole with the palms of their hands turned
outward and held in front of them, while they said "hahyū´,
hahyū´" (repeated indefinitely).
The singers, masters of ceremonies, and the drummer then seated
themselves or stood a short distance away from the drum, and the
ghost-dancers proceeded with their ceremonial disrobing.
The chief ghost-dancer proceeded from the foot of the center pole by a
path, as is indicated in figure 4, leading around the center pole and
fire and back to the east side of the drum, which the ghost-dancers
term cūna´ bilat (E), literally "canoe worn out." Upon his arrival
at the drum the chief ghost-dancer made a speech in which he said
that he and his fellows "had come from the hollow stems of the grass,
crawling like snakes," to visit the people.
katsa´ mū_t_ō´lai | waha badū_t_´kiū (E)
grass hollow | travel like a snake
He told them that he had come for their good and with no evil motives,
that he had come to bring them good health and happiness, not sickness
and misfortune. With a cry of "mē ..." he then jumped across the
drum to its west side. The spectators cried "mī´bax bō´wōwa"
(E), literally "go on your west side," indicating the west side of the
drum, according to the ghost-dancers' inverted method of speech. In
compliance with this instruction, the chief ghost-dancer jumped across
the drum, after which he sometimes felt around with his foot as if in
search of something. Thus he jumped back and forth four times across
the drum. He had really been in search of the drum all the time and had
feigned his inability to find it. He finally, however, jumped upon it
and stamped rapidly for a minute or so to indicate his satisfaction.
Throughout this whole performance the singers and others near the drum
continually cried "hō ... hō ..." etc. While standing on the
drum, the chief ghost-dancer faced toward the wall, thus bringing his
back toward the fire. Frequently he made some comic observation to
those near by,[18] and from time to time turned his head toward the
right so as almost to face the fire, the while he made the peculiar
noise, "bū ..." characteristic of this dance. Meanwhile he turned
his head slowly, first to the right and then to the left, until he had
done this four times in each direction.
[Illustration: Fig. 4--Ghost-dancer's course in disrobing.]
He next took the brush or grass, which he had throughout the ceremony
been carrying in his hands, first in his left hand and passed it
downward over the right side of his body until he had passed it down
and up four times. He then took it in his right hand and passed it in
the same manner over his left side. He next took part of it again in
each hand and passed both hands back and forth sidewise over his legs
while standing in a bent posture, until he had done this also four
times. The brush or grass was then placed upon the ground.