Polish Independence--The Tsar's Rescript--Japanese Action--Germany in
the Far East--Samoa and Togoland.
IF German diplomacy had been at work, assuredly diplomatists on the
other side had not been idle. One of the most dramatic announcements
in connection with the war was that contained in the Tsar's rescript
undertaking that, in the event of a Russian victory, the remains of the
Kingdom of Poland, which had been divided among Germany, Austria, and
Russia, would be united under the kingship of the Tsar.
"Poles!" said the rescript. "The hour has struck in which the fervent
dream of your fathers and forefathers can be realised.
"A century and a half ago the living body of Poland was torn in
pieces, but her soul has not perished. It lives on in the hope that
the hour of the renaissance of the Polish nation, of its fraternal
reconciliation with Great Russia, will come.
"Russian troops bring you the glad tidings of this reconciliation.
"May the frontiers be obliterated which split up the Polish nation.
May it unite itself under the sceptre of the Russian Tsars.
"Under this sceptre Poland will be born anew, free in her faith, her
speech, and her self-government.
"One thing only Russia expects from you--like regard for the rights of
the nationalities with which history has connected you.
"With open heart, with outstretched, brotherly hand, Great Russia
approaches you. She believes that the sword which overthrew the enemy
at Gruenwald has not rusted.
"From the shores of the Pacific to the northern seas the Russian war
forces are moving forward.
"The dawn of a new life is opening upon you. May the Sign of the Cross
shine forth from this dawning symbol of sufferings and resurrection of
nations."
The Grand Duke Nicholas Nicolaievitch, Commander-in-Chief of the
Russian Forces, also issued an order making it known to the active army
and the whole population of the Empire that Russia was waging war in
consequence of the challenge thrown down by the common enemy of all
Slavs.
The order proceeds:
"The Poles in Russia and those of Germany and Austria who show their
loyalty to the Slav cause will have the special protection of the
Russian Army and Government in so far as their personal and material
security is concerned.
"Any attempt to interfere with the personal rights of Poles who have
not been guilty of acts hostile to Russia will be punished with all
the severity of martial law."
The moment was ripe for the issue of such a proclamation, for it
naturally tended to unite the Poles on the side of Russia. It was
not, however, a proclamation drawn up on the spur of the moment and
published in August for the sake of its immediate effect. As soon
as the news was known in Paris, M. Gabriel Hanotaux, writing in the
_Figaro_, made a remarkable announcement in connection with the Tsar's
rescript granting self-government to all three Polands. M. Hanotaux
revealed the fact that the Tsar himself, as long ago as eighteen years,
then a young Sovereign, confided to him his dream of reviving Poland.
"In this memorable interview, of which I took down every detail, he
himself broached the painful subject, and said, 'I know what my duties
are towards our Slav brethren of Poland.' For eighteen years I did
not breathe a word of this interview, but I can speak now. Since then
I followed the gradual and wise demonstrations of the Imperial will.
At various intervals pacifying measures, too often hampered by the
bureaucracy and by certain parties at Court, proved that the Emperor
had not lost sight of his purpose. When lately, against the wish of
the Council of the Empire, he promulgated _proprio motu_ an ukase
announcing that his Imperial Majesty wished Poland to preserve the
official use of her tongue and the right to direct recourse to the
supreme authority, I felt that the moment of realization was at hand."
On the same subject, Mr. Sidney Whitman, another well-known authority,
writing to the _Pall Mall Gazette_ (August 21st), said:
SIR.--It may not be known to the generality of your readers that the
Tsar's intention to resuscitate the kingdom of Poland--at least as
far as regards Russian Poland--is by no means a new project. It was
already entertained by the Emperor Alexander I., but came to nothing.
It is matter of common knowledge that Polish autonomy was one of the
items in the programme of the Zemstow Congress in Moscow in 1905 and
was unanimously supported by the Polish delegates. Of less common
knowledge, however, is the fact that some of the most distinguished of
the Russian delegates were also in favour of it. When I was in that
city in November, 1905, as special correspondent of the _New York
Herald_, I had occasion to discuss this question with Prince Eugene
Troubetzkoi, Alexander Gutschkoff, and Prince Paul Dolgoroukow, the
Marshal of the Moscow nobility.
Prince Troubetzkoi's words to me were as follows:
"In my opinion, Poland must receive a form of self-government, the
exact nature of which, however, in view of the peculiar conditions
which exist through the close proximity of Austrian and Prussian
Poland, can only be the subject of careful consideration. The question
has been discussed from two different points of view by the members of
the Zemstow Congress; they are unanimous, however, with regard to one
point, which is that no rupture or break in the unity of the Russian
Empire shall take place."
During a stay in Warsaw a few days previously I found, much to my
surprise, that the antagonism of the educated Poles towards the
Russian régime was much less marked than towards Prussia and even
towards Austria, where, as everybody knows, the Galician Poles are
more liberally treated than either in Russia or Prussia. I also found
unanimity among the same class of people with regard to the view that
for economical reasons alone Poland could not afford to be cut off from
the Russian Empire, in which the Poles find the best market for their
industry, which has made great strides in the course of the present
generation. Another consideration in favour of Poland retaining its
connection with Russia is that the Russian Empire opens up a wide field
for good careers to the more intelligent of the Poles in nearly every
sphere of life.
These features seem to speak in favour of the ultimate realization of
the Tsar's project in face of victory in the present war.
* * * * *
This rescript regarding Poland, of course, was different from the
Tsar's Imperial manifesto to the Russian people, which met with such an
enthusiastic response. This manifesto was issued on Sunday, August 2nd,
to justify Russia's armed opposition to Germany, and it said:
By the grace of God, we, Nicholas II., Emperor and Autocrat of all the
Russias, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland, etc., etc., to all our
faithful subjects make known that Russia, related by faith and blood to
the Slav peoples and faithful to her historical traditions, has never
regarded their fates with indifference. The fraternal sentiments of the
Russian people for the Slavs has been awakened with perfect unanimity
and extraordinary force these last few days, when Austria-Hungary
knowingly addressed to Servia claims inacceptable for an independent
State.
Having paid no attention to the pacific and conciliatory reply of the
Servian Government, and having rejected the benevolent intervention of
Russia, Austria made haste to proceed to an armed attack and began to
bombard Belgrade, an open place. Forced by the situation thus created
to take the necessary measures of precaution, we ordered the Army and
Navy to be put on a war footing, while using every endeavour to obtain
a peaceful solution of the _pourparlers_ begun, for the blood and
property of our subjects are dear to us.
Amid friendly relations with Germany and her ally Austria, contrary
to our hopes in our good neighbourly relations of long date and
disregarding our assurances that the measures taken were in pursuance
of no object hostile to her, Germany began to demand their immediate
cessation. Having been rebuffed in this demand, she suddenly declared
war on Russia. To-day it is not only the protection of the country
related to us and unjustly attacked that must be carried out, but we
must also safeguard the honour, dignity, and integrity of Russia and
her position among the Great Powers.
While these diplomatic steps were being taken in the West, our Allies
in the Far East were not idle. Before, however, reference is made to
the action taken by Japan at an early stage in the war, a brief account
may be given of Germany's varied interests and scattered possessions in
the Far East.
Early in November, 1897, two missionaries from the Fatherland were
waylaid and killed by professional robbers in a remote part of the
Province of Shantung. It was a regrettable incident, for which China,
in the ordinary way, would have made any amends in her power, but it
offered Germany an opportunity she had long desired of acquiring a
naval base on easy terms on the Yellow Sea.
A few days after the murder of the missionaries, the Kaiser's Pacific
Squadron anchored in Kiao-Chau, an ultimatum being sent to the Chinese
general to leave with his troops within three hours. He did so under
protest; the German flag was hoisted, and after negotiations with Pekin
the matter was settled in March, 1898, by the leasing of the bay and
adjacent territory to the Emperor for ninety-nine years, a period which
everyone at the time concluded would be indefinitely extended. It was
this lease, obtained in so flagrant a way, which Japan was so soon to
tear up.
Facing the Yellow Sea, about 350 miles in a direct line south-east of
Pekin, and almost opposite the southern extremity of Korea, the bay
of Kiao-Chau is less than two miles wide at its entrance. Within it
extends over an area of something like 150 square miles of deep water,
affording at all times a safe anchorage for ships of any size. The
German naval base of Tsing-Tau stands on the north-east shore, at the
outlet of the bay, which is entirely surrounded by hills from 400ft. to
600ft. high, most of them offering admirable sites for fortifications.
If the defensive works, planned when the place was seized, have been
carried out and fully armed, the harbour must present formidable
obstacles to a sea attack, while the land approaches are guarded by a
series of fortifications across the head of the peninsula. The garrison
consists of 5,000 German marines and a small force of Chinese soldiers,
the remainder of the white population being very inconsiderable.
Described as the key to Northern China, Kiao-Chau, besides its value
as a harbour of refuge for warships, is of considerable commercial
importance. The district inland under German authority abounds in
mineral and metalliferous wealth, an abundant supply of good coal being
not the least of its riches. The local native industries are chiefly
connected with fruits and vegetables, silk culture, brewing, and
soap-making. Two years ago the imports amounted in value to £5,746,900
and the exports to £4,014,750. In the winter months the harbour is the
natural outlet for the trade of Northern China, a railway 272 miles
long, from Tsing-Tau to Poshan, having much increased its value in this
direction.
Besides Tsing-Tau, Germany owns many scattered possessions in the
Pacific, all of which it may be thought desirable to take charge of,
if not by reason of their actual worth, yet to prevent their use as
wireless stations or hiding-places for commerce-destroying cruisers.
One of the most important Teutonic properties in the Southern
Pacific stretches along the northern coast of eastern New Guinea.
When it was taken over by the Berlin Government in 1884, it received
the name of Kaiser Wilhelm Land, its new owners entertaining high
expectations as to its future, though the Australians greatly disliked
the establishment of a German colony so close to their shores. The
territory shares the fertility of all other Pacific regions. The
cultivated area is probably about 50,000 acres, and susceptible of
almost indefinite extension.
Coco, sago, and other palms are largely grown; ebony wood and bamboo
is exported in large quantities, as well as copra and mother-of-pearl
shells, which the natives collect for exchange against European goods.
The hills are densely wooded with tropical vegetation, but in the
clearings a good many cattle and goats are kept. With Long and Dampier
Islands, German New Guinea is 70,000 square miles in extent, and has a
population of 530,000 natives, besides 700 whites, of whom 90 per cent.
come from the Fatherland.
In the same year that Germany absorbed the above-mentioned colony at
the back-door of the Australian continent, she also took over the
closely adjoining Bismarck Archipelago, containing 20,000 square miles.
Here again the soil is fertile from the seashore up to the mountain
ranges, where gold in paying quantities has been found. The islands,
which are of very varied sizes, export cotton, coffee, copra, and
rubber, the latter chiefly grown by a white population numbering under
500. The natives, with a considerable intermixture of Chinese, number
188,000. The seat of the Government, both for the Archipelago and
Kaiser Wilhelm Land, is Herbertshöhe, in the main island.
Still further to the south-east a part of the Solomon group is under
the Teutonic flag, including the considerable islands of Bougainville
and Buka, both doing a large trade in sandal wood, tortoiseshell, and
other tropical products. The Caroline, Ladrone, and Pelew Islands, in
all 160 square miles, and the Marshall Islands, 160 square miles in
extent, all form part of the German New Guinea Protectorate. Amongst
the largest of these is Babelthuap, the remainder ranging downwards in
size to uninhabited coral or volcanic rocks scattered about the waste
of Pacific waters. Their total white population is not more than 1,500.
In the Samoan group Germany was, until early in September, a neighbour
of the United States, her possessions here including Savaii and Upolu.
She obtained them in November, 1899. The former has an area of 660
and the latter of 340 square miles, the native inhabitants being
respectively 12,800 and 20,600, the Europeans numbering about 500. All
the islands are extremely productive, copra and cocoa beans being chief
articles of export, while a considerable trade in rubber has lately
arisen. Wireless stations exist at Apia, the capital, as at Nauru, in
the Marshall Islands.
Some time after the outbreak of war an expedition was sent against
Samoa from New Zealand, and on Thursday, September 3rd, a message
reached the Governor at Wellington to the effect that the German
Governor of Samoa had surrendered, and had been sent with other
prisoners to Fiji. The landing of troops was carried out with great
expedition, and the Union Jack was hoisted at half-past twelve on the
afternoon of August 29th.
In the middle of August it was thought desirable that Japan should
move, and the decision to this effect was announced on the evening of
August 17th in the following statement by the Press Bureau:
The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, having been in
communication with each other, are of opinion that it is necessary for
each to take action to protect the general interests in the Far East
contemplated by the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, keeping especially in
view the independence and integrity of China, as provided for in that
agreement.
It is understood that the action of Japan will not extend to the
Pacific Ocean beyond the China Seas, except in so far as it may be
necessary to protect Japanese shipping lines in the Pacific, nor beyond
Asiatic waters westward of the China Seas, or to any foreign territory
except territory in German occupation on the continent of Eastern Asia.
Two days before this the following ultimatum was delivered by Japan to
Germany, through the medium of the Japanese Ambassador at Berlin:
We consider it highly important and necessary in the present situation
to take measures to remove the causes of all disturbance of peace in
the Far East, and to safeguard general interests as contemplated in the
Agreement of Alliance between Japan and Great Britain.
In order to secure firm and enduring peace in Eastern Asia, the
establishment of which is the aim of the said Agreement, the Imperial
Japanese Government sincerely believes it to be its duty to give advice
to the Imperial German Government to carry out the following two
propositions:
(1) Withdraw immediately from Japanese and Chinese waters the German
men-o'-war and armed vessels of all kinds, and to disarm at once those
which cannot be withdrawn.
(2) To deliver on a date not later than September 15th, to the Imperial
Japanese authorities, without condition or compensation, the entire
leased territory of Kiao-Chau, with a view to the eventual restoration
of the same to China.
The Imperial Japanese Government announces at the same time that in the
event of its not receiving, by noon on August 23rd, an answer from the
Imperial German Government signifying unconditional acceptance of the
above advice offered by the Imperial Japanese Government, Japan will
be compelled to take such action as it may deem necessary to meet the
situation.
Some anxiety was felt lest this step should not meet with approval
in the United States, in view of the anti-Japanese feeling there;
but following a conference between President Wilson and Mr. Bryan,
President Wilson said to newspaper men that the Government had
assurances from Japan that the latter would preserve the territorial
integrity of China in the event of Germany forcing war on Japan by
rejecting the Japanese ultimatum. The President said no reason was
apparent for the belief that Japan would try to draw the United States
into the conflict, and that America would preserve its neutrality;
but, at the same time, would insist that Japan should do everything
to preserve the integrity of China. The action of Japan created no
surprise in Washington, as it had been expected.
No reply was given by the German Government, and in consequence the
Japanese proceeded to invest Kaio-Chau. Within a couple of weeks they
had occupied seven small islands in the neighbourhood of the German
concession, and had removed over 1,000 mines from the adjacent waters.
The case for Japan was stated explicitly at a special session of the
Japanese Diet which began on Saturday, September 5th. A full account
of the proceedings is contained in the following Reuter's telegram from
Tokyo:
Count Okuma, the Premier, said he believed that the reasons leading to
the convoking of a special session would be thoroughly understood. He
asked for the support of Parliament, and said the army and navy were
doing their full duty. He asked the Diet to pass the extraordinary
Budget framed in connection with the war.
Baron Kato, in his speech, reviewed the events leading up to the
war between Japan and Germany, and the breaking off of diplomatic
relations with Austria. He first outlined the situation in Europe,
showing that force of circumstances had decided Great Britain to
participate in the war. Continuing, he said, "Early in August the
British Government asked the Imperial Government for assistance under
the terms of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. German men-of-war and armed
vessels were prowling around the seas of Eastern Asia, menacing our
commerce and that of our ally, while Kiao-Chau was carrying out
operations apparently for the purpose of constituting a base for
warlike operations in Eastern Asia. Grave anxiety was thus felt for the
maintenance of peace in the Far East.
"As all are aware," he added, "the agreement and alliance between
Japan and Great Britain has for its object the consolidation and
maintenance of general peace in Eastern Asia and the maintenance of
the independence and integrity of China as well as the principle of
equal opportunities for commerce and industry for all nations in that
country, and the maintenance and defence respectively of territorial
rights and special interests of contracting parties in Eastern Asia.
Therefore, inasmuch as we were asked by our ally for assistance at
a time when commerce in Eastern Asia, which Japan and Great Britain
regard alike as one of their special interests, is subjected to
a constant menace, Japan, who regards that alliance as a guiding
principle of her foreign policy, could not but comply to the request to
do her part."
"Germany's possession of a base for powerful activities in one corner
of the Far East," the Minister added, "was not only a serious obstacle
to the maintenance of permanent peace but also threatened the immediate
interests of the Japanese Empire." "The Japanese Government," Baron
Kato continued, "therefore resolved to comply with the British request
and if necessary to open hostilities against Germany. After the
Imperial sanction had been obtained I communicated this resolution to
the British Government and a full and frank exchange of views between
the two Governments followed and it was finally agreed between them to
take such measures as were necessary to protect the general interests
contemplated in the agreement and the alliance. Japan had no desire
or inclination to become involved in the present conflict, only she
believed she owed it to herself to be faithful to the alliance and to
strengthen its foundation by insuring permanent peace in the East and
protecting the special interests of the two allied Powers."
"Desiring, however, to solve the situation by pacific means the
Imperial Government on August 15th gave the following advice to the
German Government. (Here the Minister quoted the text of the Japanese
ultimatum.) Until the last moment of the time allowed, namely, until
August 23rd, the Imperial Government received no answer and in
consequence the Imperial rescript declaring war was issued the next
day."
Baron Kato briefly referred to Austria-Hungary, with whom, as she had
only the most limited interests in the Far East, Japan desired to
maintain peaceful relations as long as possible. At the same time it
appeared that Austria-Hungary also desired to avoid complications. "In
fact, as soon as Japan and Germany entered into a state of war," the
Foreign Minister went on to say, "Austria-Hungary asked for the consent
and good offices of the Imperial Government to permit the _Kaiserin
Elizabeth_, the only Austrian man-of-war in the Far East likely to
force a state of war, to go to Shanghai and there to disarm. I was
about to communicate to the Austrian Ambassador the fact that Great
Britain and Japan did not entertain any objections to the disarming of
the _Kaiserin Elizabeth_, when suddenly on August 27th the Austrian
Ambassador informed me that in consideration of Japan's action against
Germany his Government instructed him to leave his post, and diplomatic
relations were broken off."
In conclusion Baron Kato said, "When the relations of Japan and Germany
reached the point of rupture the Imperial Government asked the American
Government if in case of need it would be good enough to undertake the
protection of Japanese subjects and interests in Germany. This request
the American Government promptly complied with and subsequently upon
the rupture of diplomatic relations between Japan and Austria-Hungary
the Imperial Government again appealed for American protection for
Japanese subjects and interests in Austria-Hungary, when the American
Government gave the same willing consent. I desire to avail myself of
this opportunity to give expression to the sincere appreciation of the
Imperial Government of the courtesy so kindly extended by the American
Government."
Finally Baron Kato concluded by saying, "While regretting that Japan
has been compelled to take up arms against Germany, I am happy to
believe that the army and navy of our illustrious sovereign will not
fail to show the same loyalty and valour which distinguished them in
the past, so that all may be blessed by early restoration of peace."
* * * * *
That the war was being carried a stage further was seen from the
following announcement, made by the Press Bureau on August 26th:
The Secretary of State for the Colonies learns from Temporary
Lieutenant-Colonel Bryant, our officer commanding in German Togoland,
that the German wireless telegraph installation at Kamina has been
destroyed by enemy, and that they sent this (Wednesday) afternoon
a flag of truce, offering, if given all the honours of war, to
capitulate, and stipulating for specific terms. He replied that they
were not in a position to ask for terms, and that they must surrender
unconditionally. He told them that we always respected private
property, and that there would be as little interference as possible
with the trade of the country and the private interests of firms.
He has advanced, and has occupied the crossing at River Amu. The German
answer is expected to-night or early to-morrow morning.
[Later]
In continuation of the statement issued to-day from the Colonial
Office, the Secretary of State for the Colonies announces that he has
received information from the officer commanding the troops in Togoland
that Togoland has surrendered unconditionally, and that the Allied
Forces will enter Kamina at eight a.m. to-morrow (Thursday) morning.
* * * * *
It was officially stated that the British Force engaged consisted of
a detachment of the Gold Coast Regiment of the West African Frontier
Force, under the command of Temporary Lieutenant-Colonel F.C. Bryant,
R.A.
The destruction of the German wireless station in Togoland practically
isolated German South-West Africa from Germany. This station in
Togoland was built at Kamina, 1913-14, and was designed to act as a
halfway station for the big station at Windhoek, the capital of German
South-West Africa. The latter station--the station at Daressalam
also having been destroyed--could now only "speak" to Nauen to take
orders from Berlin when the conditions are extremely favourable, as,
notwithstanding the great altitude on which the Windhoek station is
built, direct communication with Germany was not possible, the stations
being equipped on the telephone system, more than one day in ten, and
then only for a few "spasmodic" minutes per day.