"Whose pipe was lighted first?"--"Mine."

"Then his pipe was lighted?"--"Yes. He came over to me and lit his pipe

from the match that lit my pipe, holding his head up close to mine."

"After you came out of the alley what did you see?"--"The police were

there; then the explosion followed."

"Did you see Spies go into the alley?"--"I did not."

"Did you see anybody in the alley?"--"Yes. There were two or three men

there, but I could not tell who they were. It was dark."

"Did anybody come into the alley while you were there?"--"No."

"Could anybody pass into the alley without your knowing it?"--"No, sir;

I stood up close to the building while I was lighting my pipe."

"Now, tell whether you saw a light in the air about that time or a

little after."--"Yes; I saw a light like a match about twenty feet

south of the alley on Desplaines street."

Mr. Grinnell takes the witness in hand. "You say you came down town on

business. Who did you want to see?"--"A friend of mine."

"Who is he?"--"Adolph Winness."

"Where does he live?"--"I do not know."

"Where does he work?"--"I don't know now."

"What does he work at?"--"He is a woodworker."

"How did you expect to meet him then, if you did not know where he

lived or where he worked?"--"He told me I could find him there."

"Find him where?"--"On Randolph street."

"When did you see him last?"--"That afternoon. He came out to see me."

"And he did not tell you where he worked?"--"No."

"Nor where he stopped?"--"No."

"Yet he said you could find him on Randolph street?"--"Yes."

"So he gave you the idea that he could be found out of doors, did

he?"--"Well, he's around Randolph street a good deal."

"Where did you meet Albright?"--"In the alley."

"Near Crane Brothers?"--"Yes."

"What did you say?"--"I said: 'Hello, Albright,' and he said: 'Hello,

Krumm.'"

"What else?"--"Did you say you came down town to see a friend?"--"Yes."

"Did you tell him the name of your friend?"--"No."

"Who was speaking then?"--"Parsons, I think."

"Tell what he said."--"He said something about Jay Gould."

"What did Spies say?"--"He said: 'A few words more, boys, and we'll go

home.'"

"Spies said that, did he?"--"Yes."

"Which man is Spies?"--The witness confounds the men. Asked to indicate

Spies he points to Fielden.

"How did you stand in the alley when the speaking was going on?"--"I

had my back to the north wall."

"Did you stand that way all the time?"--"Yes, except when we lit our

pipes."

"Then did you stand the same way after you lighted your pipes?"--"Yes."

"Then how could you see these men if you had your backs to the

wall?"--"I looked over my head."

"You looked over your head all the time?"--"Yes, when we looked at the

speakers."

"And you never saw these men before?"--"No."

"Yet from that point in the alley, the speakers eight feet or more

distant, a crowd between you, you looking over your shoulders in the

dark, you recognize these men the first time you saw them?"--"Yes."

"Where were the police when Fielden said. 'Now, a word more boys, and

we will go home'?"--"They were coming up Desplaines street."

"Where was Spies then?"--"I don't know. I don't remember."

"Well, didn't you see Spies on the wagon?"--"Yes."

"When?"--"I don't think now. Early in the evening, I think."

"Now, when you were talking to Albright, did you talk about what the

speakers were saying?"--"No."

"Did you talk about the eight-hour question?"--"No."

"What were you talking about?"--"About the shop."

"Now, where did you see the bomb?"--"It was about ten feet in the air,

about twenty feet south of the alley. I didn't see it explode."

"No, of course not. It was too far south."

"There then was some boxes on the sidewalk, and you couldn't see?"--"I

did not say there were any boxes on the sidewalk."

"Yes, but if there were any boxes there you would have seen

them?"--"Yes. I would have seen them if they had been on the sidewalk."

"And you did not see them there?"--"I did not."

(All the other witnesses for the defense testified that a big pile of

boxes stood on the sidewalk between the alley and a point where the

bomb exploded.)

"And you say you did not see those boxes?"--"I did not."

"When were you at the Haymarket?"--"May 4."

"Were you ever there in your life?"--"Yes."

"How about a lamp post. Did you see one?"--"I don't remember now, but

I know there is one at the southeast corner of the alley."

"How do you know this?"--"I worked at the corner of Randolph and

Jefferson streets for ten years, and remember it."

"How long ago was that?"--"Seven years ago."

"And you can remember that a lamp post stood at the southeast corner of

the alley after the lapse of seven years?"--"I can."

"Where is your wife now?"--"Living on Sedgwick street."

"Whereabouts?"--"I don't know. I have not seen her for a year."

"How did you come to go to Salomon & Zeisler's office?"--"I saw a

notice in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ asking for all that knew anything

about the bomb-throwing to call on them. I went there on Sunday."

"When did you see this notice?"--"Some time ago. I don't remember when."

"Did you talk with any one about this bomb-throwing?"--"Yes, with

Albright."

"Any one else?"--"No."

"Yet you saw the bomb in the air and heard the explosion but you did

not talk to any one about what you saw?"--"That's it."

M. T. Malkoff, the correspondent of a paper at Moscow, Russia, and

formerly a writer on the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, testified that Parsons

was in Zephf's hall, talking to his wife, Mrs. Holmes and the witness,

when the bomb exploded. State's Attorney Grinnell elicits from the

witness that he has been five years in this country, that he lived

in New York and maintained himself by teaching the Russian Language.

From New York, he went to Little Rock, then to St. Louis, and finally

to Chicago, arriving here in 1884. "You came here with a letter of

introduction to Spies?"--"No, sir. I obtained my position in the South

through a letter of introduction from Spies."

"How did you come to get that letter?"--"I and a man named Clossie

translated a romance from the Russian and sold it to Spies."

"That was a revolutionary novel?"--"It was not. It was a

description----"

"Oh, I don't want to go into that. You know Herr Most?"--"I have seen

him, but I don't know him."

"You know Justus Schwab? You had letters sent to his address?"--"That

may be."

"You lived with Schwab in New York?"--"I did not."

"You lived with Balthazar Rau here, though, on May 4?"--"I did."

"Where?"--"At 418 Larrabee street."

"When did you leave Russia?"--"In 1882."

"Your bedroom was searched, wasn't it?"--"Yes, sir."

"Were the arms found there guns and bayonets, or any of them, belonging

to you?"--"No, sir."

"Where did you live before you went to Rau's house?"--"With Mr. Schwab."

"One of the defendants?"--"Yes, sir."

"You are a stockholder in the _Alarm_ company?"--"No, sir."

"You contributed money to that organization?"--"That may be."

"But did you not contribute money?"--"I did."

"How much?"--"Two dollars."

"You were a Nihilist in Russia?"--"No, sir."

"Are you not the agent here for the Nihilists in Russia?"--"No, sir. I

am not an agent for any society in Russia."

"Did you not tell Mr. Hardy you were the agent for a Nihilistic

society?"--"No, sir. The reporters used to call me a Nihilist because I

was Russian."

"What paper are you now working for?"--"The _Moscow Gazette_."

"Look at that letter; is that your signature at the bottom?"--"It is."

The letter is written in German and it is given to the translator, who

is instructed to render it into English. "This letter is directed to a

'Mr. Editor.' What editor?"--"I think it was directed to Mr. Spies."

"That was before you came to Chicago?"--"It was."

"Then we offer it in evidence." The letter is, in substance, an

inquiry as to whether or not Spies could use certain articles written

by Malkoff. It goes on to say: "I have just completed another article

treating of the secret revolutionary societies of Russia. I am a

proletariat in the fullest sense of the word. Address your letter to J.

H. Schwab, 50 First street, New York."

"Is that J. H. Schwab, Justus Schwab?"--"It is."

"Did you live with him in New York?"--"No, sir. I just got my mail

there."

"Now," said Foster, "you say you were a proletariat. What do you mean

by that term?"--"I understand it to be a man without any means of

support."

"And you, having no money, had your mail sent to Justus Schwab because

you had no home, eh?"--"Yes, sir."

"Now," asked Mr. Ingham, "I'll ask you if you did not use the term

proletariat in the sense in which Socialists always employ that

term?"--"No, sir, I did not."

SAMUEL FIELDEN.

Samuel Fielden, one of the defendants who was speaking at the time

of the bomb explosion, testified that he did not know who threw the

bomb, and denied that he fired at the police with a revolver. He was

cross-examined by Mr. Ingham for the State, who asked: "At what age did

you come to the United States?"--"Twenty-one."

"Did you have any business before you came to the United States?"--"I

went to work in a cotton mill at eight years of age, and worked in that

mill until I left the country to come to the United States."

"How long have you been a Socialist?"--"I joined the Socialistic

organization in July, 1884."

"How long have you been a revolutionist?"--"In the sense of an

evolutionary revolutionist, I have been so for a number of years."

"How long have you been of the belief that the existing order of things

should be overthrown by force?"--"I don't know that I have ever been

convinced. I am of the opinion that the existing order of things must

be overturned, but whether by force I don't know."

"How long have you believed in Anarchy?"--"Well, I believed in it

shortly after I joined the organization--as soon as I came to think on

the subject."

"You have been progressing from Socialism to Anarchism; and if you

cannot convince the majority of the United States to your opinions,

you propose to compel them by force?"--Objected to.

"How long have you preached Anarchy?"--Objected to.

"Was there any English-speaking group in the city that you know

of?"--Objected to.

"Did you ever attend any meeting of any English-speaking group other

than the American group in this city of that kind?"--"We tried to found

one a year ago last winter on West Indiana street. I think we only held

two meetings, and then we abandoned it."

"Any other group of them that you attended?"--"I don't remember any

now."

"You have for the last two or three years been making speeches of

Socialistic and Anarchistic character?"--"I have been making labor

speeches; they were not always Socialistic or Anarchistic speeches."

"But you have made Socialistic and Anarchistic speeches?"--"Well, I

have touched on Anarchy and Socialism, and sometimes my speeches might

have been considered from the ordinary trades union standpoint, for all

the anarchy there was in them."

"Have you ever made speeches on the Lake front and other Socialistic

meetings?"--"Yes, on the Lake front, some on Market square, Twelfth

street, Turner hall, and at No. 106 Randolph street."

"Look at the copy of the _Alarm_ of June 27, 1885, 'Dynamite;

Instructions Regarding Its Use and Operation,' and signed 'A. S.' Say

whether you ever saw it."--"I don't know that I have."

"Was there any reason why you did not walk when you started home that

night?"--"Yes. I did not wish to be arrested that night."

"You expected that you would be arrested?"--"Well, after that trouble I

expected to be arrested."

"You were speaking when the police came up, and were making no

inflammatory speech?"--"I did not incite anybody to do anything, to

do any overt act. I told the people in general to resist the present

socialistic system that oppressed them, and gave them no chance to earn

a living."

"And yet you expected to be arrested?"--"I had read something of

criminal proceedings, and I knew that the police would arrest

everybody connected with that meeting in order to find the one who was

responsible. I made an explanation before the Coroner's jury because I

had a different idea of the police at that time. I thought if I made

that statement and they inquired into the truth and were convinced of

my innocence they would let me go. But I now see that I was mistaken."

"Did the police indict you?"--"I don't know who indicted me."

Redirect--"You have heard what has been said about your expression

of throttling the law, of killing it, of stabbing it. Just state

the explanation which you said you desired to make in regard to

that."--"Well, it was just the explanation that a public orator would

make when he was denouncing a political party. When he said he wanted

to get rid of the Democratic party, for instance, he would kill it,

stab it, or make way with it. The words would rush away with a public

speaker, and in the hurry he could not add a lengthy explanation."

"You also read the reporter's notes in regard to snails and worms and

said there was no connection there. What were your words in reference

to snails and worms, and the idea that you now remember?"--"Well,

the idea that I intended to convey at that time was that when men

were thrown out of work through no fault of their own, and it being

a fact that has been proven and asserted on the floor of the House

of Representatives that over a million of men are out of employment

through no fault of their own--these men being driven about, become

degraded and loathsome, and people look upon them with contempt, and

yet it is no fault of their own; they have no part in producing the

condition of things that throws them out of employment, and leads them

to their abject condition."

"You did not know of the presence of a dynamite bomb or anything of

that kind in the crowd?"--"No, sir; I did not even know of the presence

of an unusual number of police at the station. I did not know that till

after the meeting."

Henry Schultz, an elderly German, testified that "from 9 o'clock until

the fight was over I was on the Haymarket; I stood in the middle of the

street, a little north of the wagon."

"How long had you been in Chicago at that time?"--"Two weeks. I am a

tourist." [Laughter.]

"Have you been in the habit of attending meetings in the street?"--"No;

but since I have been here seeing the sights I would stop at anything."

"Before the police came, did you see anything disorderly?"--"It was, as

I know, peaceable, like a Fourth of July."

"Do you remember the speech of the first speaker?"--"I know the run of

his talk; I kept it in my mind. He said, 'I didn't want to come here.

Then they called me a coward, and I didn't like to be called a coward,

and that is the reason I came.' A few words after that he said: 'They

are only 500 yards from here. Maybe by to-morrow morning I will have

to die.' I kept that on my mind. I left the meeting when the black

cloud came up, and when the bomb exploded I looked around the corner,

and I saw everything dark, and I thought the bomb must have blown out

the lights." [Laughter.]

"What else did you see?"--"I saw the policemen and they were all

around. They had the ground. I saw some of the workmen run--they were

about two blocks ahead of the police."

"Did you see the police come upon the working men?"--"They came pretty

strong in Lake street, and they had the men in the gutter, and when

they raised up they got another club."

Mr. Grinnell--"What is your business?"--"Doing nothing," replied Mr.

Schultz, with a grin at the crowd, and the crowd laughed in a guarded

way, because they did not wish to be fired out of the entertainment.

"How long have you been conducting that business?"--"About ten years.

Before that I was mining in Montana."

"Where is your house in Portage City?"--"The next house to the

courthouse," responded the witness with a cunning look at the Court,

and there was another wild outburst of mirth from the audience. Mr.

Schultz narrated a part of his early history, from which it appeared

that before he became a millionaire he played the fiddle at dances; and

in answer to a question as to when he began to be a musician, he said:

"From nine years old. My father was a musician--it runs in the family."

"Do you play the violin since you have been in Chicago?"--"No; my money

reaches so that I don't have to do anything." [Laughter.]

"The first speaker was Spies, wasn't it?"--"Oh, I can't promise

anything," said Mr. Schultz, with a contortion of countenance which

brought down the house. Judge Gary looked indignantly around and said:

"Oh! be quiet!" and the crowd immediately became as demure as a Quaker

meeting.

"What did Spies say about the police being so many feet away?"--"He

said they was only five hundred yards from here and he was likely to

die before morning. That was about all he said in that run of speech."

"Did you hear the first speaker say anything about 'To arms! to

arms!'?"--"That was the man--I heard him."

"Where did you go when you left the meeting?"--"I went to wash my feet!"

The expression on Mr. Schultz's face, and the simplicity of the

answer, upset the decorum of the spectators and they laughed right out

in meetin', regardless of the threatened penalty for such a glaring

contempt of court. Judge Gary himself, however, assisted in the

hilarity, and was very lenient with the offenders, a fellow-feeling

evidently making him wondrous kind. Mr. Schultz a moment afterward had

an opportunity to correct the impression that he was in the habit of

touring around the streets of Chicago in his bare feet.

"Did you have your boots off when you were washing your feet?"--"Oh,

no; I didn't wash my feet; I only washed the mud off my boots in one of

them horse-troughs." Then Mr. Schultz treated the company to a choice

selection of facial contortions, and got down out of the chair with the

air of a man who has done his duty, his whole duty, and nothing but his

duty.

MICHAEL SCHWAB.

The defendant, Michael Schwab, was put on the stand Monday, August 9.

He testified that he went to the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office on the

evening of May 4. A telephone message was received requesting Spies to

speak at a meeting near Deering's Harvester works, on Clybourn avenue.

The witness said he went to the Haymarket to find Spies, but failed.

He did see Rudolph Schnaubelt, his brother-in-law, there. Witness then

took a street car and went up Clybourn avenue; spoke twenty minutes at

the meeting; stepped into a saloon and got a few glasses of beer, and

then went to his home, on Florimond street, arriving about 11 o'clock

P. M.

Mr. Foster asked: "Were you ever in the alley at Crane Bros.' that

night with Mr. Spies?"--"No, sir."

"Did you walk west on Randolph street with Mr. Spies two blocks, then

return with him?"--"No, sir."

"Did you see Mr. Spies that night?"--"No, sir."

"Did you see Mr. Spies hand your brother-in-law a package that night in

the alley at Crane Bros.', and did you say anything like this: 'If that

won't be enough, shall we get another one?'"--"No, sir."

"Did you see Mr. Spies at all that night?"--"No, sir."

"When did you see him at all for the last time that day?"--"In the

afternoon. I did not see him again until the next morning."

Schwab said he had been a member of the Internationalist society since

its organization. On the night of May 4 he went to the Haymarket on

foot and walked through the Washington street tunnel. Balthazar Rau

accompanied him as far west as Desplaines street.

[Illustration: MICHAEL SCHWAB.]

"Are you an Anarchist?" asked Mr. Grinnell.--"It depends on what you

mean. There are several definitions of that."

"Answer my question. Are you an Anarchist?"--"I can't answer that."

AUGUST SPIES.

Schwab stepped down and Spies took the stand. "Give your full name to

the jury," said Captain Black.

"August Vincent Theodore Spies," replies the prisoner.

He is thirty-one years old, and came to this county from Germany in

1872. Spies speaks with a marked accent, but very distinctly. He is

cool and collected apparently, and sits back in the witness chair very

much at ease.

He has been a member of the Socialistic Publishing Society, and that

concern exercised control over the policy of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, of

which paper the witness was editor for six years. Spies said he was at

a meeting on the "black road" on May 3. Spies reached the meeting on

the "black road" about 3 o'clock in the afternoon. There was a crowd

of perhaps three thousand present. Some men were speaking, but they

were very poor speakers, and the crowd was not interested. Balthazar

Rau was with him, and introduced him to the chairman of the meeting. It

was called for the purpose of discussing the eight-hour question. While

Spies was there a committee was appointed to wait on the bosses; then

he was introduced, and spoke for possibly twenty minutes. Spies went on:

"I was almost prostrated. I had been speaking two or three times daily

for the past two or three weeks, and was very much worn. I did not

jump around and wave my hands as one witness testified here on the

stand, and I made a very common-place, ordinary speech. I told the men

to hold together, to stand by their union, or they would not succeed.

That was the substance of what I said. While I was speaking some one

cried out in an unknown tongue, and about two hundred men detached

themselves from the crowd and went on to McCormick's. Pretty soon I

heard firing, and on inquiring what was the matter was told the men had

attacked McCormick's men, and that the police were firing on them. I

stopped for about five minutes, was elected a member of the committee;

then I went to McCormick's. A lot of cars were standing on the tracks.

The men were hiding behind these cars, others were running, while the

police were firing on the flying people. The sight of this made my

blood boil. At that time I could have done almost anything, I was so

excited. A young Irishman came out from behind one of the cars. I think

he knew me and said: 'What kind of ---- business is this? There are two

men over there dead; the police have killed them.' I asked him how many

were killed. He said five or six, and that twenty-five or thirty were

injured. I came down town then and wrote the report which appeared in

the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ the next day."

"Did you write the 'Revenge Circular'?"--"Yes; only I did not write the

word 'Revenge.'"

"Can you tell how that word happened to be put in the circular?"--"I

cannot."

"How many of those circulars were distributed?"--"About twenty-five

hundred."

"How soon was it written after your return to the

office?"--"Immediately."

"At that time were you still laboring under the excitement incident to

the riot?"--"I was."

[Illustration]

"What was your state of mind?"--"I was very indignant. I knew from

experience of the past that this butchering of people was done for

the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour movement." Spies is

growing excited. Mr. Grinnell objects. The Court says his last answer

is not proper and orders it stricken from the record.

"On the evening of May 4 you attended the Haymarket meeting?"--"I did."

"You were asked to speak there?"--"I was."

"When did you learn there was to be a meeting?"--"About 8 o'clock that

morning. I was advised there was to be a meeting and was asked to

address it."

"What time did you reach there?"--"About 8:20 o'clock."

"Did you see the notice of that meeting in the _Arbeiter

Zeitung_?"--"Yes; I put it in myself."

"Did you see a circular that day, calling for a meeting at the

Haymarket?"--"Yes. It was the circular containing the line: 'Working

men, arm yourselves and appear in full force.' When I read that line

I said: 'If this is the meeting I am to address I will not speak.' He

asked why. I said on account of that line. He said the circulars had

not been distributed, and I said: 'If the line is taken out I will go.'

Fischer was sent for and he told the men to have that line taken out."

"Who was this man that brought the circulars?"--"He was on the stand;

Gruenberg is his name, I think."

"Was there any torch on the wagon?"--"No; I think the sky was clear and

that the lamp was burning near the corner of the alley."

"Was that selection made by yourself, or upon consultation?"--"Well, I

consulted with my brother Henry. He was with me all evening."

"After you got them together, what did you do?"--"Some one suggested

we had better move the wagon around on Randolph street, but I said that

might impede the street cars. Then I asked where was Parsons. I was not

on the committee of arrangements and had nothing to do with the meeting

except to speak. One Schroder said Parsons was speaking then at the

corner of Halsted and Randolph streets, and I went up to find him with

my brother Henry and Schnaubelt."

"Did you see Schwab?"--"No, I did not. Schnaubelt told me Schwab had

gone to Deering's."

"Did you go to Crane's alley with Schwab?"--"I could not very well do

that, as I had not seen him that night."

"Just answer the question," cried Mr. Ingham.--"Well, I did not go to

the alley. I did not even know there was an alley there." The witness

denies the conversation Mr. Thompson alleges he overheard Spies engage

in with Schwab. He said Schnaubelt cannot speak any English--that he

has only been about two years in the country.

"Did Schwab say to you that evening: 'Now, if they come, we are

prepared for them'?"--"No, sir; I did not see him that evening."

"Did you talk with Schwab on the east side of Desplaines street, about

twelve feet south of the alley that evening?"--"I did not. I was not

anywhere near that alley with any man."

"You remember what the witness Thompson said, that he saw you walk with

Schnaubelt east on Randolph street; that he saw you hand him something;

that you then returned to the meeting together. Is that true?"--"It is

not. That man told a different story before the coroner's jury."

This last answer is ordered stricken out, and Spies was told to say

nothing but in answer to questions. Spies was asked to tell what he

said at the meeting. It was a short synopsis of the existing state of

the labor world. First, he said that the meeting was to be a peaceable

one; that it was not called for the purpose of creating trouble.

Attention was directed to the strike at East St. Louis, where those who

were active in the riots there were not Socialists nor Anarchists, but

church-going people, and honest, sincere Christians. It was admitted by

students that society was retrograding; the masses were being degraded

under the excessive work they had to carry on. For twenty years the

working men asked in vain for two hours less work a day, and that

finally they resolved to take the matter in their own hands and help

themselves. "About this time I saw Parsons, then I broke off. I was not

in a state to make a speech. I was tired. I introduced Parsons, and he

proceeded to address the meeting."

"What was the size of the crowd then?"--"About two thousand persons."

"Where did you go after finishing your speech?"--"I remained on the

wagon."

"You spoke in English?"--"Yes. I made no speech in German that night. I

was asked to do so, but was too tired. I introduced Fielden and he made

a brief speech, then we intended to go home."

"What did Parsons say in his speech?"--"Parsons made a pretty good

speech. He said of the dollar earned by the working men they got only

fifteen cents, while the pharisaical class got eighty-five cents, and

that the eight-hour movement was a still-hunt for that eighty-five

cents."

"What do you remember of Fielden's speech?"--"Well, Fielden did not

say much. I don't remember now what he did say."

"Were you on the wagon when the police came?"--"Yes. I saw the police

on Randolph street."

"At that time what was the size of the meeting?"--"It was as good

as adjourned. About two-thirds of those present went, some going to

Zephf's hall when the black cloud came up."

"What did you hear when the command to disperse was given?"--"I was

standing in the middle of the wagon, back of Fielden. I heard Captain

Ward say; 'I command you, in the name of the people of Illinois, to

disperse.' Captain Ward had a cane or club in his hand. Fielden said

to him: 'Captain, this is a peaceable meeting.' I started to get down

out of the wagon. My brother Henry and one Legner helped me down. I

was indignant at the thought that the police had come to disperse the

meeting, as it was a quiet one. Just as soon as I reached the ground I

heard a loud detonation. I thought the police had a cannon to frighten

the people. I did not dream for a moment of a bomb, and I did not even

then think the police were firing at the crowd. I thought the police

were firing over their heads."

"Where did you go to?"--"I was pushed along by the crowd. I went to

Zephf's hall."

"Did you at any time that night get down from the wagon and go into an

alley and light a bomb in the hands of Rudolph Schnaubelt?"--"I never

did."

"Did you see Schnaubelt in the alley that night while Fischer was

there?"--"I did not."

"You remember the witness Gilmer?"--"Yes."

"Is his story true?"--"Not a word of it."

"You remember Wilkinson, the reporter for the _Daily News_?"--"Yes. I

had a conversation with him in January."

"Well, go on and tell us about it."--"He was introduced to me by Joe

Gruenhut. He said he wanted to get some data wherewith to prepare an

article on Anarchism, Socialism and dynamite, and all that. I happened

to have four shells in my office. I had them for about three years. A

man on his way to New Zealand gave me two bombs; another man some time

after called at my office with two bombs, and wanted to know if their

construction was proper. That's how I came to possess them. He wanted

one to show to Mr. Stone. I let him take it. We went to dinner at a

restaurant, and we conversed about society, its present state, and the

trouble that was likely to ensue. We spoke about street warfare, as all

this was contained in the papers every day. There was constant talk

that so many wild-eyed Socialists were arriving every day, and I told

him it was an open secret that there were 3,000 armed Socialists in

Chicago, and we spoke about revolutions, and I said that in past ages

gun-powder had come to the assistance of the down-trodden masses, and

that dynamite was a child of the same parent, and was a great leveler."

"Do you remember the toothpick illustration?"--"Yes. I remember that,

and also re-call speaking of the Washington street tunnel, saying how

easy comparatively few men could hold that tunnel against a body of

soldiers, but nothing was said about Chicago, nor was any time fixed

for the revolution."

"You wrote the word 'Ruhe' for insertion in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ May

4?"--"I did."

"How did you come to do that?"--"The night before at 11 o'clock I

received a letter as follows: _Mr. Editor_: Please insert in to-day's

letter-box the word 'Ruhe' in prominent letters."

"At that time did you know there was any import attached to the

word?"--"I did not."

"When did you next hear of it?"--"The next afternoon Balthazar Rau

asked me if the word was in the paper. I said: 'Yes.' He asked me if I

knew the meaning. I said: 'No.' Then he said: 'The armed section had

a meeting last night and adopted the word 'Ruhe' as a signal to keep

their powder dry and be in readiness in case the police precipitated

a riot.' I asked if that had anything to do with the meeting I was to

address at the Haymarket, and he said: 'Oh, no; that's something the

boys got up themselves.' I said it was very foolish, that it was not

rational, and asked if there was no way in which it could be undone.

Rau then went to see the people of the armed section and told them the

word was put in by mistake."

"Were you a member of the armed section?"--"No, not for six year."

"Did you ever have dynamite and a fuse in your desk?"--"Yes, I had two

packages of giant powder and some fuse in my desk for two years. I had

them chiefly to show to reporters, they bothered me a good deal. They

always wanted some sensation. Then, too, I wanted the dynamite to study

it; I had read a great deal about explosives."

"Do you know anything about a package of dynamite found on the shelf in

the closet of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_?"--"Ab-so-lute-ly nothing."

"Do you know anything about a revolver that was found in the _Arbeiter

Zeitung_ office?"--"No. I do not. I carried a revolver myself, but it

was a good one."

"Did you carry a revolver?"--"Yes. I always thought it was a good

thing to be prepared. I was out late at night a good deal."

"Did you have a revolver that night?"--"No, it was too heavy. I left it

with ex-Ald. Frank Stauber."

"You were arrested May 5?"--"Yes."

"Tell us how."--"Well, an officer--James Bonfield, I think--came to my

office and asked for Schwab. He said Chief Ebersold would like to see

him. Schwab asked me if he should go. I said yes, he might. Then the

officer turned to me and asked me if my name was Spies. I said yes.

Then he said Superintendent Ebersold would like to see me about that

affair of last night. I went over there, unsuspectingly. I was never so

treated before in all my life."

"Tell what happened?"--"Well, as soon as I got into the station

Superintendent Ebersold started at me. He said: 'You dirty Dutch

dog; you hound; you whelp--you, we will strangle you! We will kill

you!' Then they jumped on us, tore us apart from each other. I never

said anything. Then they searched us, took our money, even our

handkerchiefs, and would not return them to us. I was put in a cell,

and have not had my liberty since."

Mr. Ingham cross-examined the witness. Spies said he came to this

country when seventeen years old, and that he has lived in Chicago some

thirteen years. The _Arbeiter Zeitung_ was controlled by what Spies

termed an "autonomous editorial arrangement;" that is, the powers of

the several editors were co-ordinate, but the general policy of the

paper was under the supervision of the board of trustees.

"Did you ever receive any money for the _Alarm_?"--"Yes."

"Did you ever pay out any money for the _Alarm_?"--"Yes."

"Did you ever write any articles for the _Alarm_?"--"I may have."

"How many bombs did you have in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office?"--"Four,

I think. Two I got from a man named Schwab. I forget now. He was a

shoemaker. He went to New Zealand."

"How did this man come to give you those bombs?"--"He came to me and

asked me if my name was Spies. I said yes. Then he asked me if I had

seen any of the bombs they were making. I said no. Then he left them

with me."

"Who did he mean by 'they'?"--"I don't know."

"Didn't he say who they were?"--"No."

"And you never saw him before or since?"--"No, sir."

"And when did you get these czar bombs?"--"I never got them. That is an

invention of that reporter. A man came there while I was at dinner and

left them there. He left the bombs with the bookkeeper. I never saw him

before or after."

Mr. Ingham introduced a letter and a postal card found in Spies' desk,

the reading of which, as translated by Mr. Gauss, created a great

sensation. Spies acknowledged the writing as addressed to him by Johann

Most, the noted Anarchist:

"DEAR SPIES:--Are you sure that the letter from the Hocking

Valley was not written by a detective? In the week I will go

to Pittsburgh, I have an inclination also to go to the Hocking

Valley. For the present I send you some printed matter.

There Sch. and H. also existed but on paper. I told you this

some months ago. On the other hand, I am able to furnish

"_medicine_", and the "_genuine_" article at that. Directions

for use are perhaps not needed with these people. Moreover,

they were recently published in the "Fr." The appliances I

can also send. Now, if you consider the address of Buchtell

thoroughly reliable, I will ship twenty or twenty-five

pounds. But how? Is there an express line to the place? Or

is there another way possible? Polus the great seems to

delight in hopping about in the swamps of the N. Y. V. Z.,

like a blown-up (bloated) frog. His tirades excite general

detestation. He has made himself immensely ridiculous. The

main thing is only that the fellow cannot smuggle any more

rotten elements into the newspaper company than are already in

it. In this regard the caution is important. The organization

here is no better nor worse than formerly. Our group has about

the strength of the North side group in Chicago, and then,

besides this, we have also the soc. rev. 6, the Austrian and

Bohemian leagues--three more groups. Finally, it is easily

seen that our influence with the trade organizations is

steadily growing. We insert our meetings only in the Fr.,

and cannot notice that they are worse attended than at the

time when we yet threw the weekly $1.50 and $2 into the

mouth of the N. Y. V. Z. Don't forget putting yourself into

communication with Drury in reference to the English organ.

He will surely work with you much and well. Such a paper is

more necessary than the _Tooth_. This, indeed, is getting more

miserable and confused from issue to issue, and in general is

whistling from the last hole. Inclosed is a fly-leaf which

recently appeared at Emden, and is, perhaps, adopted for

reprint. Greetings to Schwab, Rau, and to you. Your

"JOHANN MOST.

"P.S.--To Buchtell I will, of course, write for the present

only in general terms.

"A. Spies, 107 Fifth avenue, Chicago, Ill."

Mr. Gauss then read the following as his translation of the postal card:

"DEAR SPIES:--I had scarcely mailed my letter yesterday when

the telegraph brought news from H. M. One does not know

whether to rejoice over that or not. The advance in itself is

elevating. Sad is the circumstance that it will remain local

and therefore may not have the result. At any rate, these

people made a better impression than the foolish voters on

this and the other side of the ocean. Greeting and a hail. Your

"J. M."

W. A. S. Graham, a reporter for _The Times_, testified that he talked

with the witness for the prosecution, Harry Gilmer, on the afternoon

of May 5, and that Gilmer said the man who threw the bomb lit the fuse

himself. "He said he saw the man light the fuse and throw the bomb, and

that he could identify him again if he saw him. He said the man was of

medium size and had a soft hat and whiskers. He said the man's back was

turned to him."

At this stage the defense rested, and evidence in rebuttal was

introduced. Justice Daniel Scully testified that in the preliminary

examination of one Frank Steuner, charged with shooting from the wagon

at the Haymarket, Officers Foley and Wessler did not testify that it

was Steuner who fired on the police.

"Did the officers not say the man who jumped up from behind the wagon

was a heavy man, with long whiskers (Fielden)?"--"They did."

"Did not Officer Foley say he would be able to identify this man if he

ever saw him again?"--"He did."

John B. Ryan, an attorney who defended Steuner before Justice Scully,

testified that Steuner said at the time that the man who did the

shooting was a short, heavy-set man with full whiskers.

United States District Attorney R. S. Tuthill, Charles B. Dibble, an

attorney, Judge Chester C. Cole, of Des Moines, Iowa, E. R. Mason,

Clerk of the United States District Court at Des Moines, George Crist,

Ex-City Marshal of Des Moines, and Ex-Governor Samuel Merrill of Iowa,

all testified to the good character of the witness Gilmer. They would

believe him under oath. Governor Merrill had known Gilmer since 1872,

and had given him employment.

As the great trial drew toward its close popular interest in the

proceedings increased. The Criminal Court building was crowded with

people daily long before the hour for opening court arrived, and many

times the number who gained admission were turned away. On the day

of the closing argument by the prosecution, and while the jury were

deliberating over their verdict, extra precautions were taken to

protect the administrators of the law. A cordon of police and deputy

sheriffs surrounded the building, and no one was allowed to enter who

could not be properly identified.

CHAPTER V.

ARGUMENTS FOR THE PROSECUTION AND DEFENSE.

Assistant State's Attorney Frank Walker began the opening argument for

the prosecution Wednesday, August 11. The speaker said:

"We stand in the temple of justice to exercise the law, where all men

stand equal. No matter what may have been the deep turpitude of the

crime, no matter what may have been the design, though it aim even at

the overthrow of the law itself, no man ought to be convicted of the

crime charged until proven guilty beyond all reasonable doubt. These

men were presumed innocent at the outset until the proof presented by

the State established their guilt. The defendants were charged with

murder. Murder was defined to be the unlawful killing of a person

in the peace of the people. An accessory was he who stands by and

aids or abets or advises the deed, or who, not standing by, aids or

abets or advises the deed, and such persons are to be considered as

principals and punished. Whether the principals are punished or not,

they are equally as guilty as the principals. When a number of persons

conspire together to do a certain act, and when, in furtherance of this

design, some one is killed, all those in the conspiracy are guilty of

murder before the fact. The defendant's counsel have told you these

men conspired to precipitate the social revolution, and though that

conspiracy cost Matthias J. Degan his life, yet you are told these

defendants are guilty only of murder. Was Luther Payne or Mrs. Surratt

held guilty when in the execution of a conspiracy President Lincoln

was killed? Neither Payne nor Surratt committed the deed, yet they

were held guilty. There was a conspiracy; it was designed to bring

about another revolution. Booth killed President Lincoln, but all who

participated in the conspiracy had to forfeit their lives."

[Illustration: COUNSEL FOR THE STATE.]

"If a body of men, inflamed with resentment, proceed to pull down a

building, or to remove an objectionable obstruction and death to some

one ensues, each one of these men is individually responsible for the

killing. Nobody knew this better than August Spies, the author of the

'Revenge' circular. Suppose that a body of men undertake to pull down

a building; there is a common design to demolish that building, and a

stone is thrown, not at any individual but at the building, and some

one is struck by this stone and killed, all of those engaged in the

execution of that common design are responsible for the killing of

this one person. When there is an intent grievously to hurt and death

is occasioned, then the offense is murder. Was this man [pointing to

Fischer] in this conspiracy for murder? This man with his revolver a

foot long and his file dagger with a groove? What is this groove for?

It is for prussic acid. Was this man in the conspiracy?"

Mr. Walker then read a passage from Most's "Revolutionary Warfare"

telling how prussic acid can be applied to grooved daggers, making them

the more deadly. "This is the test: Was the bomb thrown in furtherance

of the common design? If it was it makes no difference whether it

was thrown by one of these conspirators here or not. Nobody had been

advocating the use of dynamite but Socialists. Was there anybody who

would throw a bomb except a Socialist? We have proved that Lingg made

the bomb in furtherance of the common design. 'You have done this,

Louis Lingg,' said Huebner, and Lingg went away and complained that he

was blamed for doing the good work."

Mr. Walker reiterated that every one of the 3,000 men said by Spies to

have participated in the conspiracy were equally guilty of the murder

of Officer Degan. All the members of the Lehr und Wehr Verein were

included in this charge. He pointed out the fact that nearly all of the

witnesses for the defense are members of Anarchist bodies; that their

sympathies are with the prisoners, and that it has been abundantly

shown by their cross-examination that they would not hesitate to

pervert the truth in order to shield their confederates from the

consequences of their acts.

MR. ZEISLER FOR THE DEFENSE.

Mr. Zeisler, of the counsel for the defense, set to work at once to

tear Mr. Walker's address to pieces. He accused the assistant State's

Attorney of distorting the facts in the case, and attempting to bring

about a conviction by working on the prejudices and suspicions of

the jury. Mr. Walker impugned the motives and the characters of the

defenses' witnesses. Mr. Zeisler continued:

"Who are their principal witnesses? The policemen who were at the

Haymarket. And before we get through we will show that these men were

not heroes, but knaves, led on by the most cowardly knave who ever held

a public position. It has been proved that most of these policemen

who went on the stand had been at one time or another members of the

detective force, and the Supreme Court tells us that a detective is a

liar!"

The speaker went on to attack the other State witnesses. Detectives

are taken from the criminal classes. Harry L. Gilmer, he said, is a

constitutional liar, and the only witness who has been impeached.

Some of the reporters, he acknowledges, tell the truth, and on their

statements the defense will partially rely to show the innocence of the

prisoners.

"Nobody understands why the police came down to break up the meeting.

Detectives have sworn here that after Mr. Parsons suggested that the

meeting adjourn to Zephf's hall, and the sky clouded up, the crowd

dwindled down to two hundred or three hundred men, and then came this

army of 180 policemen, armed with clubs and revolvers, headed by this

hero, Bonfield, the savior of his country, to break up this meeting

of peaceable and unarmed citizens. Was this courageous, or was it

cowardly? It was an assault in the eyes of the law. The counsel for

the State have attempted to make you believe that these disciples of

Herr Most took a match and lighted a bomb which Most says should have

a fuse not longer than two inches. Doesn't it seem very probable that

they would have lighted with a match this fuse, which would burn out in

a few seconds, when they could have carried a lighted cigar to do it

with? We have the testimony of a number of witnesses that Spies was not

out of the wagon till the trouble began; and if Mr. Grinnell had had

more sense in the prosecution of this case; if he had not been blinded

by malice and prejudice; if he had not been influenced by the police

conspiracy to send these men to the gallows, he would have seen the

uselessness of attempting to secure a conviction by such testimony as

that of Gilmer."

MR. INGHAM FOR THE PROSECUTION.

Mr. George Ingham addressed the jury for the prosecution. He told

them that there are verdicts which make history, and that theirs will

be a history-making verdict. On the night of May 4, at 10 o'clock,

Matthias J. Degan marched out of the Desplaines street station, full

of life, and was soon afterward struck down by the hands of these

defendants, not one of whom he had ever injured. The speaker told the

jury again what "reasonable doubt" means. He said that the grand jury

might have indicted 300 men instead of eight, but they saw fit to pick

out the eight whom they deemed the leaders of the conspiracy against

law and human life. There had been a good deal of talk, he said, about

the constitutional right of free speech. The Constitution gave the

people the right to meet and petition, but not to advise other people

to commit murder. This right was based upon the old English common

law, and in England was also found a definition of what constitutes

incitement to murder. The case he was going to quote had also had

another connection with the present one. It was brought in London

in 1881 against Johann Most, who was then publishing his sheet, the

_Freiheit_, in that city. It was shortly after the assassination of

the Czar of Russia. He there advocated the assassination of all the

heads of States, from Constantinople to Washington, and was convicted

of inciting to murder. Mr. Ingham read the proceedings in the English

court, the article upon which he was tried, and Lord Coleridge's

decision. Then he said: "It is shown that these defendants--Spies,

Parsons, Schwab and Fischer--were engaged in the publication of

articles in which they advised the destruction of the police by force,

in which they advised working men to arm themselves with dynamite

and be ready whenever the conflict should come to destroy the police

force. For the publication of any one of these articles the defendants

could have been convicted of a misdemeanor. And when Fielden that

night told the people that war had been declared and that they must

arm themselves to resist what had never taken place, he was guilty of

a misdemeanor, and for that reason, if for no other, the police had a

right to disperse the meeting. The treatment that Herr Most received in

London shows you that the only salvation of a community is to enforce

the letter of the law without sentiment, that bloodshed may be avoided.

Herr Most was convicted for the publication of that article, and no

English policemen have been blown up with dynamite. He came to this

country, and the policemen who have been blown up are the American

officers right here in this city. If we have not enforced the law it is

high time that we enforce it now."

Mr. Ingham then showed that the Haymarket meeting was a trap for the

police designed for the purpose of leading them into a dark, dangerous

place, the speeches being the bait, artfully increased until the police

came to the alley and the bomb could be thrown. "Now who made the bomb?

It is in evidence that Louis Lingg had been making bombs of a certain

construction which Spies had said were superior, being of composite

metal. It is in evidence that Lingg all the morning of May 4 was away

from his house; that he upbraided Seliger for having made but one

bomb. During the afternoon he was busy making bombs, and men came and

went and worked at the bombs in his house. There is a story of a man

who that day received bombs and dynamite from Lingg, showing that he

distributed them." Mr. Ingham read to the jury the chemical analysis

of the bombs furnished by Drs. Haines and Delafontaine. What is the

answer to all this? That the bomb was not thrown from the alley, but

from thirty-eight feet south of the alley. And if they had satisfied

you of that, was it not still thrown by one of the Anarchists--one of

the conspirators? The bomb came from the conspiracy. And the moment it

resulted in the death of Degan the crime of conspiracy was merged into

the crime of murder.

"When Sumter was fired on, when the flag was insulted, when the attempt

was made to destroy the Government, it was an attempt merely to change

the form of government. When the bomb in this war was thrown it was

the opening shot of a war which should destroy all government, destroy

all law, leave men free to live as they see fit, and leave nothing

to guide but the strong arm. I believe for myself that humanity--not

merely our people, not merely we of America, but that humanity the wide

world over--has no hope or no safety save the law. Law is the very

shield that guards the progression of the race; it is the palladium

of the liberty and lives of all people. Law which does not punish

murder breeds death. Jurors who from the merciful instincts of their

hearts hesitate to convict the guilty, are, in reality, merciless as

the grave, for by their verdict they people graves with the innocent

victims of midnight assassination and fill the mind with deeds of

blood. Innocent blood from the days of Abel till now cries to Heaven

for vengeance; innocent blood that contaminates the ground upon which

it falls, and from it spring up dragon's teeth. And now if you believe

these men guilty, if you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt, as

you cannot help but be, that these men were a party to a conspiracy

unlawful in its nature, and that from that conspiracy a human life

was taken, that they are murderers under that law, see to it that the

majesty of the law of the state of Illinois is vindicated, and its

penalties enforced. That is the demand upon you this day and this

hour, not only of the people of the state of Illinois, but of humanity

itself; for humanity, with all its fears, with all its hopes for future

years, is hanging breathless on your fate."

MR. FOSTER FOR THE DEFENSE.

Mr. Foster, who followed for the defense, had not lived long in

Chicago. He came in March from Davenport, Iowa, near which city he

was born about forty years ago. He is of medium height and square

build. His features are refined and intellectual. An abundant growth

of rich auburn hair adorns his shapely head. Mr. Foster obtained

considerable fame as a lawyer in his native state, took an active part

in politics, and was one of the Blaine Electors in 1884, and was very

active in the campaign of that year. After having made an energetic and

finely-eloquent plea to the jury to cast aside all prejudice arising

from hatred of the principles of the Anarchists, love of and loyalty to

the land, inherent patriotism, and the teachings of the popular press,

Mr. Foster proceeded, in order to set himself right, to tear down

without apology the theory of the defense set up by Messrs. Salomon

& Zeisler. He had no defense to make for Socialism--it is dangerous;

Communism is pernicious, and Anarchism is damnable. Lingg had

manufactured bombs, and he ought to be punished therefor; but he was on

trial for throwing, not manufacturing bombs. Spies, Schwab and Fischer

had no business to preach social revolution in America. If they were

not satisfied with the state of things here they ought to have gone

back to Germany and tried to reform things there. Mr. Fielden might

have found occupation in teaching his brother Englishmen to be just to

Ireland. Parsons he rebuked in an eloquent passage for his lack of

patriotism. Having thus skillfully set himself right with the jurors,

Mr. Foster proceeded to define the issue of the trial as he understood

it, and as he wished the jury to understand it. He admitted the moral

responsibility of some of the prisoners for the crime. He denied their

legal responsibility.

"Our law knows no citizenship when a defendant is brought to the bar

of justice. Our law is grand enough, our law is broad enough, the

principles upon which our Government is founded are such that it

matters not whether he be French, German, Irish, Italian, or wherever

his birthplace may be. All men are equal before the law. They are

all citizens of the United States except Louis Lingg. I believe the

testimony shows that he has been in the country two years. I think that

Spies said he came here in infancy. I know as a matter of fact that

Neebe, born in the state of Pennsylvania, never was a foreigner. Schwab

has been in this country long enough to be a citizen. Whether he is or

not is entirely immaterial for the purposes of this case. I know that

Fielden has been here more than twenty years. I know that Fischer has

been in Chicago for the last ten to twelve years, and Engel for fifteen

or twenty years. What is the importance of the suggestion that they

are foreigners, and Germans, except that it is important to wring from

you a verdict grounded on prejudice. * * * It was an open secret that

the defendants were indicted for murder, conspiracy and riot, but I

will only argue the question of conspiracy so far as it relates to the

crime of murder. The question of Socialism was of no importance unless

it was connected with the murder of Degan, and the defendants were

not being tried for any offense but that of conspiracy which resulted

in the murder of Degan. The prosecution had been trying to tote the

defendants out into the underbrush and assassinate them on immaterial

issues; but the defendants' counsel were too smart to be seduced by the

song of the siren. Suppose Spies _et. al._ did conspire to overthrow

society and their conspiracy stopped there, then there was nothing to

argue. A verdict rendered upon anything else than a conspiracy directly

connected with the outrage perpetrated at the Haymarket, would fall to

the ground and amount to nothing."

Referring to the popular clamor against the Socialists, Mr. Foster

said: "Outside of you twelve gentlemen, the judge upon the bench, and

counsel on either side, there is not a man in Chicago who has a right

to say he has an opinion founded upon the facts in this case. If these

men are to be tried on general principles for advocating doctrines

opposed to our ideas of propriety, there is no use for me to argue

the case. Let the Sheriff go and erect the scaffold; let him bring

eight ropes with dangling nooses at the ends; let him pass them around

the necks of these eight men; and let us stop this farce now, if the

verdict and conviction is to be upon prejudice and general principles.

We boast of our courts of justice, of our equitable law, but if the

time has come, when men are to be prejudged before the trial and

convicted upon general principles, all that is grand, sacred, noble and

praiseworthy in our temples of justice will be destroyed. Considering

the experience of us all in relation to this Haymarket tragedy,

considering the facts that we know to be true, do you blame me for

saying I am afraid of your passions? I am afraid of your prejudices."

Holding up the Czar bomb, Mr. Foster exclaimed in a loud voice: "Hang

Spies, and Neebe, and Schwab, and Parsons, and Fielden, and Fischer,

and Lingg, and Engel!" Taking up a tin dynamite can he continued:

"Among other things, three tin cans were found under a sidewalk in the

city. Strangle them to death, in part because these three cans were

found! When were they in possession of any of the defendants? Never, so

far as the testimony is concerned. When were they prepared and filled

at the house of any of the defendants, or any of their associates?

Never, so far as the testimony is concerned. And yet they are not only

introduced in evidence, their contents examined and sworn to, but

you are expected to smell them; you are asked to examine them at the

risk of a headache, and they want your noses near to their tops. Why?

Because they were found in the city of Chicago. And that is part of the

testimony upon which the lives of these eight men are to be destroyed.

But it is all in a lifetime; it is all part of the grand combination;

it is all in the great conspiracy, because counsel tell us it is. Such

evidence was never introduced in any court of justice in the civilized

world without objection. It was said Herr Most described such things in

his book on 'Revolutionary Warfare.' There is not a word of testimony

that any of the defendants ever read that book. But that does not make

any difference. They are Socialists--hang them. That does not make any

difference. They are Communists--hang them; they are Anarchists--hang

them. I always supposed that the lowest creature that possessed life

was entitled to some consideration. I supposed there was not a thing in

existence so low, so poor or loathsome, but had some rights, and I do

not believe it now, except it be a Socialist, Communist or Anarchist.

That puts them beyond the pale of civilization; it puts them beyond the

protection of the law; it convicts them of itself."

[Illustration: W. P. BLACK AND WIFE.]

CAPTAIN W. P. BLACK FOR THE DEFENSE.

On Tuesday, August 17, the fiftieth day of the trial, Captain W. P.

Black, the leading counsel for the defense, made his plea. He said:

"May it please the Court, and Gentlemen of the jury: On the morning

of May 5, 1886, the good people of Chicago were startled at the event

which happened at the Haymarket. Fear is the mother of cruelty, and

perhaps that will account in some measure for the bitterness with

which the State has prosecuted this case. The serious question which

confronts us, however, is to what extent, you, gentlemen, in your

deliberations, may be influenced by passion or by prejudice. On the

night of May 4 a dynamite bomb was thrown at the Haymarket in this

city and exploded. It caused widespread havoc and loss of human life.

But the moral responsibility for dynamite does not rest upon the

Socialists. This explosive was given to the world by science. We might

well stand appalled at the dread results this terrible agent is capable

of producing. When a man is charged, or sought to be charged, with a

crime, as in this case, the people must show who threw the bomb--who

did the deed--and must show that these defendants were connected

directly with the guilty man."

The speaker said that counsel for the State were wrong when one of them

advised the jury that upon them it depended to maintain the law and

government, because these defendants plotted against the state. They

were revolutionists, it was said, but that was not true. There can be

no revolution, though, except when the heart of the people rise to

redress some great wrong.

"As to the witnesses for the State, the testimony of two of them,

Gilmer and Thompson, who swore to having seen Schnaubelt throw the

bomb, was impeached. Gilmer's story was utterly improbable in itself;

the rational mind rejected it. Is it credible? Mr. Ingham has said

Spies was the brainiest man among the Anarchists, and the greatest

coward. The witness Gilmer testified that he saw Spies get down from

the wagon and go into the alley with Schnaubelt; saw him strike the

light, fire the bomb, and give it to Schnaubelt, who hurled it among

the police. Is that credible? Remember, Spies, a man of brains, of more

than average brains; would he light the match that fired that bomb, and

the police almost upon him? Is that credible? It was also said Spies

was a great coward. Then, if that were true, would he run the risk

of lighting the bomb? The counter-proof was abundant. A half a dozen

reputable citizens standing in the mouth of the alley had testified

that they did not see Spies leave the wagon, and that he did not enter

the alley before the bomb exploded. This was negative testimony, it was

true, but considering the narrow space and how unlikely it was that

Spies, whom they all knew, could enter the alley without being seen

by the witnesses, it was conclusive. Again, two or three witnesses

testified that Schnaubelt went home early in the evening, disappointed

because there was no German speaking, and was not at the Haymarket when

the explosion took place."

The circumstantial evidence presented by the State, and by which it

was sought to enmesh the defendants, was next considered. The case of

the state was substantially this. The meeting at the Haymarket May 4

was an incident in the carrying out of an organized scheme. August

Spies was there to precipitate a conflict with the police. He put

Parsons on the stand, who made a long harangue, but the police did

not appear. Then Fielden was put up to speak. The police came, and

the act was accomplished. But who called this meeting? Not Spies, not

Neebe, not Parsons, not Schwab, nor Engel, nor Lingg, nor Fischer, as

an individual act. It was the result of another meeting, held the night

before at 54 West Lake street, and about which Spies knew nothing.

"Again, the State wished it to be understood that Spies, in order

to get the men ripe for revolt, went out to McCormick's May 3, and

forced himself on a meeting there. Then, having worked up his auditors

to a pitch of excitement and inflamed them to attack the non-union

men, he came down town and wrote the 'Revenge' circular, calling for

the Haymarket meeting. But did he encourage the men at McCormick's

to violence? The testimony, and it was not controverted, proved that

he counseled peace; that he told the men to stand firm and to trust

to concerted action for the attainment of their ends. The further

circumstance proving that no violence was contemplated that night

consisted in this, that when the black cloud came up and rain was

threatened, an adjournment was proposed. Fielden had the stand at

that time, but he, simple soul, begged a few minutes' delay, saying

he had but little more to say, and then in all simplicity went on

to say it. All this was in the line going to prove that Spies had

no connection with the alleged conspiracy. The circular calling for

the Tuesday night meeting referred to a specific object. Do not the

circumstances," continued Captain Black, "prove that August Spies was

not aware of the meeting held May 3? Do they not prove that he could

have no share in the design of that meeting, of which the one at

Haymarket, with its result, was an incident in the general conspiracy?

As to the Haymarket meeting, was it not a lawful assemblage? Who first

broke the laws? That meeting was called by a circular. It was called

to denounce a grievance. Perhaps there was no real grievance, but if

the projectors of the meeting thought there was they had the right to

assemble. The Constitution given us by our forefathers who made the

name of revolutionists glorious, gave us that right. That right was

incorporated in the fundamental laws of the nation. One clause in the

Constitution allows the people to assemble together in a peaceable

manner to discuss their grievances, another provides that the people

have the right to assemble together in a peaceable manner to discuss

measures for their common good, and to instruct their representatives.

I am not here to defend Socialism, nor do I contend that Anarchy has

in it the elements of true reform, but I am here to defend these men.

They are Socialists. That system centuries ago had the sanction of St.

Augustine. John Stuart Mill is one of a great host of philosophers who

have subscribed in fealty to Socialism.

"These defendants have the right to discuss the great wrongs of the

working people. They have the right to try their remedy. They say that

private property is robbery. That may be false. There is not a Catholic

organization that is not founded on the idea of common co-operation.

It was Plato's dream that the means of existence should be the common

property of all. The Anarchist or Socialist was said to believe that

every law of man was a bone of contention, intended for the benefit of

one class only. The fact that these defendants are Anarchists is not a

fact which would justify the jury in taking their lives. These men

are not the lazy fellows pictured by the state."

[Illustration: JULIUS S. GRINNELL.]

STATE'S ATTORNEY JULIUS S. GRINNELL FOR THE PROSECUTION.

State's Attorney Grinnell closed for the State, and he began his

remarks by criticising counsel for the defense for making heroes of the

prisoners. The Anarchists were compared to the fathers of our country;

they were pictured as martyrs, as men who sacrificed themselves for the

welfare of human kind. If that be so, songs of praise should be sung,

and the Anarchists ought to be garlanded with flowers. Captain Black

had said that society was discriminating against the poor; that the

struggle for existence was daily becoming harder. That was not true,

for civil liberty was never before as widespread as it is at present.

Mr. Grinnell said the case had received his entire attention since May

5. Government was on trial. Murder had been committed. It was sought

to know who was responsible. For a few days after the Haymarket riot

it was not thought it was more far-reaching than the results of the

inflammatory speech-making. It was not until after the magnificent

efforts of Captain Schaack that a conspiracy was developed. Then

Schnaubelt was discovered. It was not until after Spies was arrested

that it became apparent that a man was capable of the hellish act in

which he was concerned. A mistake had been made. It was said the State

would show who the bomb thrower was. This had not been done, owing

to the inability of certain witnesses to make good on the stand the

statements they had before made to the officers. These men were not

Socialists, but Anarchists, and their creed is no government, no law.

Until placed on the stand these men never hedged on that definition.

It was sought to be shown that the defendants were barking dogs that

would not bite. These men were on trial, law was on trial, Anarchy

was on trial for treason. The penalty of treason is death. A man can

commit an overt act of treason, and not kill anybody. Is it any the

less treason because seven men are killed and sixty wounded? There is

no statute of limitation for threats, when repeated threats resulted

in the commission of the deed. For years past, on the Lake front and

at the different so-called Socialistic halls in the city, these men

had preached the use of dynamite, poison and daggers as a means of

effecting the social revolution. The thing should have been stopped

long ago. But that was foreign to the case. The men were here now on

trial for murder. Their threats had been carried out. It did not matter

whether any police officers had overstepped their duty; the jury had

nothing at all to do with that. The accused were on trial for murder.

On the Lake front the Anarchists were wont to assemble under the red

flag, which they described as the emblem of universal liberty. But

there was but one flag of liberty--that was the Stars and Stripes;

and it would always remain such if the gentlemen of the jury had the

courage to uphold the law. Threats had been mouthed, dire vaporings

were spread from one group to another to fill the people with terror,

so that the social revolution might the more easily be accomplished.

Mr. Grinnell holds that Spies wrote the "Revenge" circular

premeditatedly. He reads it to the jury commenting on various passages

contained therein, and makes it plain to the jury that Spies had an

ulterior and sinister purpose in view when he penned the famous dodger.

There were only two officers at McCormick's when the mob Spies was

addressing broke loose and attacked the non-union men. The police were

called, but why? To protect the McCormick property and the two officers

from the fury of the mob as well as to save the non-union men from

being killed. It was this sight--the coming of additional police--that

made the blood of the valorous Spies boil. Knowing that no fatalities

had taken place, or not knowing that any had occurred, Spies posted down

town, and the "Revenge" circular was written by him and in the hands

of the printer before 5 o'clock that same afternoon. Balthazar Rau's

name was mentioned every day, time and time again by the defense, but

he was not called as a witness. They were afraid to put him on the

stand. It was Rau who invited Spies to address the Haymarket meeting,

and he was present when Spies made his speech. That was a kind of Marc

Antony address, and to be understood one must read it between the

lines. It was artfully calculated to inflame. It was a significant

opening. The working men were told to come armed. Waller did come

armed. The police should have broken up the meeting in its incipiency.

If Bonfield had not gone down there at the time he did the riot would

have been general. The reason more bombs were not thrown was that the

other fellows in the conspiracy had not time to reach the scene. The

man who threw the bomb obtained it from Lingg or Spies, and hurled

it according to directions received from one or other of these men.

Did Fielden shoot that night? For years past he has called the police

bloodhounds; he said he would march down Michigan avenue with the red

flag or the black flag, and preached "death to the capitalists and the

police, our despoilers." This must be understood above all things; that

the bomb was thrown in furtherance of the common design, no matter

who threw it. Gilmer said Spies handed the bomb to Schnaubelt. Is that

improbable? For years he preached the throwing of bombs. An article

over his own signature is in evidence, and in this he gives directions

as to the manner in which bombs should be ignited and hurled at the

enemy. Who was Schnaubelt? Schwab's brother-in-law. He is the man who

was arrested before the conspiracy was known and let go, then shaved

off his whiskers, and has not been seen since. A peculiar circumstance,

and the most significant of the case, was that when Spies was arrested

he left the traces of his crime in his office. Bonfield arrested him.

Spies said he went over to the Central station unsuspectingly. Had

he known what was going to have happened he would have destroyed the

"Ruhe" manuscript. It was the little mistakes that brought the criminal

to justice, and there never was a criminal, big or little, that did not

leave traces of his crime behind him.

Mr. Grinnell concluded by saying his labor was over; the jury's

was just begun. They had the power to exact the lives of some of

the prisoners, to others they might give a term of years in the

penitentiary, and some again they might acquit. He would not ask the

jury to take the life of Oscar Neebe. He would not ask the jury to do

what he would not do himself. The proof was not sufficient to convict

Neebe, but some of them, Spies, Fischer, Lingg, Engel, Fielden, Parsons

and Schwab, ought to have the extreme penalty administered to them.

[Illustration: JOS. E. GARY.]

"Personally," said Mr. Grinnell, "I have not a word to say against

these men. But the law demands that they be punished. They have

violated the law, and you, gentlemen of the jury, stand between the

living and the dead. Do your duty. Do not disagree. If you think that

some of them do not deserve the death penalty give them a life

sentence, but do not disagree. Gentlemen, this is no pleasant task for

me, but it is my duty; do yours."

CHAPTER VI.

THE INSTRUCTIONS OF THE COURT.

In his instructions to the jury Judge Gary said: "The Court instructs

the jury that whoever is guilty of murder shall suffer the punishment

of death, or imprisonment in the penitentiary for his natural life, or

for a term of not less than fourteen years. If the accused are found

guilty by a jury they shall fix the punishment by their verdict.

"The Court instructs the jury as a matter of law that, in considering

the case, the jury are not to go beyond the evidence to hunt up

doubts, nor must they entertain such doubts as are merely chimerical

or conjectural. A doubt to justify an acquittal must be reasonable,

and must arise from a candid and impartial investigation of all the

evidence in the case, and unless it is such that, were the same kind

of doubt interposed in the graver transactions of life, it would cause

a reasonable and prudent man to hesitate and pause, it is sufficient

to authorize a verdict of not guilty. If, after considering all the

evidence, you can say you have an abiding conviction of the truth of

the charge, you are satisfied beyond a reasonable doubt.

"If it does so prove, then your duty to the State requires you to

convict whosoever is found guilty. The case of each of the defendants

should be considered with the same care and scrutiny as if he alone

were on trial. If a conspiracy having violence and murder as its object

is fully proved, then the acts and declarations of each one of the

conspirators, before or after May 4, which are merely narrative as to

what had been or would be done, and not made to aid in carrying into

effect the object of the conspiracy, are only evidence against the

person who made them. What are the facts and what is the truth the jury

must determine from the evidence, and from that alone. If there are any

unguarded expressions in any of the instructions which seem to assume

the existence of any facts, or to be any intimation as to what is

proved, all such expressions must be discouraged and the evidence only

looked to, to determine the facts.

"The Court instructs the jury as a matter of law that an accessory

is he who stands by and aids, abets, or assists, or who, not being

present, aiding, abetting, or assisting, has advised, encouraged, aided

or abetted the perpetration of that crime. He who thus aids, abets,

assists, advises or encourages shall be considered as a principal and

punished accordingly. Every such accessory when a crime is committed

within or without this state by his aid or procurement in this state,

may be indicted and convicted at the same time as the principal, or

before or after his conviction, and whether the principal is convicted

or amenable to justice or not, and punished as principal.

"If the defendants attempted to overthrow the law by force and threw

the bomb, then the defendants who were in the conspiracy were guilty

of murder. If there was an Anarchistic conspiracy, and the defendants

were parties to it, they are guilty of murder, though the date of

the culmination of the conspiracy was not fixed. If any of the

defendants conspired to excite by advice people to riot and murder,

such defendants are guilty if such murder was done in pursuance of

said conspiracy; the impracticalness of the aim of the defendants is

immaterial.

"Circumstantial evidence is competent to prove guilt, and if defendants

conspired to overthrow the law and Degan was killed in consequence, the

parties are guilty, and it is not necessary that any of the defendants

were present at the killing.

"All parties to the conspiracy are equally guilty. Circumstantial

evidence must satisfy the jury beyond reasonable doubt. In such case

the jury may find defendants guilty. When defendants testified in the

case they stood on the same ground as other witnesses."

THE VERDICT.

The jury retired at 2:50 o'clock Thursday, August 19. The first

intimation that an agreement had been reached was when word was sent

to the Revere house to prepare supper for the jury, it having been

understood that unless a decision as to the fate of the prisoners was

reached before 10 o'clock, supper would not be served at that time.

Friday morning the excitement of the crowd in front of the Criminal

Court building was something intense while the verdict was being

awaited. There was none of the joking and laughing that is heard on the

only other occasion that brings a mob to stand without those dreary

walls--the execution of a convicted criminal. Such conversations as

were held were in a low tone, and related solely to the one topic--the

probable conviction of the eight prisoners who were waiting for the

hour which was to mean life or death to them. Both sides of the street

were lined with people who awaited anxiously for some tidings from the

court within. An army of bailiffs and policemen guarded the big doors,

and the surging masses were only kept back by sheer force. The limited

number who obtained admission to courtroom were the reporters and the

immediate friends and relatives of the defendants. The gaily-dressed

women who had attended the trial since the start were not there. The

court officials decided that the relatives of the prisoners should be

allowed in the courtroom, and at 9:15 o'clock the sister of Spies, with

another young woman, made her appearance. Shortly afterward the mother

of Spies, accompanied by a younger son, also entered the courtroom

and took a seat on the back benches. At 9:20 Mrs. Parsons entered the

courtroom, accompanied by a woman who attended her throughout the

trial. She was given a seat between two policemen. The row of seats

farthest removed from the judge were occupied by a force of police

officers. Next below, seated in the order named, were Henry Spies; Mrs.

Spies, the prisoner's mother; Miss Spies; Chris Spies, and a young lady

friend. Next below was Mrs. Martin. The ladies looked anxious. Mrs. and

Miss Spies and Mrs. Parsons looked worn out, though the latter tried to

appear unconcerned, and occupied her time in reading newspapers. It was

9:50 o'clock when the Judge came in. He looked nervous and excited. He

was barely seated when Captain Black entered. The Captain took a seat

near his wife. He had just paid a visit to his clients.

"Are they prepared for the worst?" asked Mrs. Black, anxiously.

"Prepared!" repeated the Captain. "Yes; fully prepared to laugh at

death. They talk about the matter much more coolly than I can."

A moment or two later the prisoners were brought in. They were not

given their usual seats, but placed in a row on a bench against the

wall at the Judge's left, in the narrow aisle leading to the passage

way to the jail. They sat in the same old order. Spies was at the

head, next to the judge. All looked haggard and excited. Even the

usually stoical face of Lingg wore an expression of anxiety. Fischer

was deathly pale and trembled visibly. These pale and trembling

wretches were the braggarts who a few short weeks before were boldly

proclaiming the doctrines of Socialism and Anarchy on the Lake front,

in Zephf's hall and the beer saloons of the North and West sides. They

were the men who were advocating force and the use of dynamite, and

the total annihilation of law and order, the theft of property, and

murder of citizens. Their vapid mouthings were thrust upon assemblages

of decent working men, their policy was Communism, their banner was

the banner of blood, and their teachings were death and destruction.

Bold and fearless as lions they appeared when indulging in flights of

incendiary oratory. Like dumb, obedient beasts they bowed in submission

before the most powerful scourge the law can wield--the death verdict.

The jurymen filed in and took their seats in the jury box. They looked

determined and resolute. There was a death-like silence in the court.

In a low voice the Judge asked: "Gentlemen, have you agreed?" F. E.

Osborne, the foreman, rose and replied: "We have, your honor." Taking

out two sheets of foolscap from his side coat-pocket, he handed them

to Clerk Doyle, who glanced at them and handed them to the Judge, who

slipped them apart, trembling so that the leaves shook violently. A

whispered consultation between the Judge and the Clerk followed, and

the document was returned to Mr. Doyle, who read:

"We, the jury, find the defendants, August Spies, Michael Schwab,

Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel and

Louis Lingg, guilty of murder, as charged in the indictment, and fix

the penalty at death.

"We find the defendant, Oscar Neebe, guilty of murder in manner and

form as charged in the indictment, and fix the penalty at imprisonment

in the penitentiary for a term of fifteen years."

Not a sound came from the spectators. For a moment the courtroom was

silent as the tomb. The prisoners were struck with horror. Spies' face

blanched white as the paper on which his death sentence was written.

His lips quivered, and he mechanically tapped the floor with his foot

and nervously stroked his moustache. Neebe was completely stunned.

The blood rushed to his face, and the perspiration stood out on his

forehead in great drops. Schwab's yellow face seemed to look into

vacancy, and he had a wandering, stupid stare. Parsons was visibly

affected, but he kept himself up better than the rest, and maintained

a certain air of nonchalance. He made an effort to flaunt a red

handkerchief out of the window at the crowd on the outside, but was

promptly checked by a bailiff. Fielden fairly quaked. He shook like

an aspen leaf, and in every way showed his great fear. Fischer was

ghastly. When the verdict was first being read he held a half-consumed

cigar in his mouth, but when the death penalty was reached the weed

fell from his lips to the floor. Lingg appeared sullen and stoical,

but when the sentence was read his face flushed, and he was seen to

tremble. Engel betrayed no emotion. When the verdict became known to

the thousands assembled outside a great cheer rent the air.

Captain Black asked that the jury be polled. The jurymen answered with

firm voices. Captain Black said he would desire to make a motion for

a new trial. State's Attorney Grinnell said it would be impossible to

dispose of the motion during the present term, but by agreement, the

motion could be argued at the September term. This was agreed to by the

defense.

The Court.--"Let the motion be entered and continued until the next

term, and let the defendants be taken back to jail." Judge Gary then

arose and addressed the jury as follows:

"GENTLEMEN OF THE JURY:--You have finished this long and very arduous

trial, which has required a very considerable sacrifice of time,

and some hardship. I hope that everything has been done that could

possibly be done to make those sacrifices and hardships as mild as

might be permitted. It does not become me to say anything in regard

to the case that you have tried, or the verdict you have rendered;

but men compulsorily serving as jurors, as you have done, deserve

some recognition of the service you have performed besides the meager

compensation you have received."

The Foreman of the jury said: "The jury have deputed to me the only

agreeable duty, that it is in our province to perform, and that

is to thank the Court and the counsel for the defense and for the

prosecution, for your kindly care to make us as comfortable as possible

during our confinement. We thank you."

The jury then filed out, and scarcely had they left the room when a

shrill voice was heard, and Mrs. Schwab fell heavily to the floor. She

was taken out into the fresh air by policemen, and soon revived. Mrs.

Spies followed up this scene by going into hysterics, and also had

to be assisted from the room. The other women kept their nerves, and

after the first shock maintained composure. In the meantime the crowd

had closed in on the prisoners, and were examining them from head to

foot. The bailiffs, however, promptly put a stop to this, and led the

condemned men away to their cells.

THE JURORS.

The twelve good men and true, who sat in judgment for so many long and

weary days, are all Americans by birth. Frank S. Osborne, foreman of

the jury, is a widower of thirty-nine, and the father of three sons. He

is head salesman of the carpet department of Marshall Field's retail

store, and came here from Columbus, Ohio. He is an Episcopalian.

Major James H. Cole, of Lawndale, the first juror accepted by both

sides, was born at Utica, N. Y., forty-three years ago, and served

throughout the Rebellion in the Forty-first Ohio Infantry. He came

to Chicago from Chattanooga, Tennessee, six years ago, and though a

bookkeeper by profession, is at present out of employment.

J. H. Brayton, principal of Webster School, lives at Engelwood with his

family, although a native of Lyons, N. Y. He had arranged a hunting and

fishing excursion for the summer, which was ruined.

A. H. Reed is of the firm of Reed & Sons, of Reed's Temple of Music,

136 State street. He was born in Boston forty-nine years ago, but has

been in the music business here for twenty-three years, living with

his wife at 3242 Groveland Park. Mr. Reed is a Freethinker, but not an

Atheist.

[Illustration: THE JURY.]

Andrew Hamilton, dealer in hardware, has lived in Chicago twenty years

of the forty-one he has been on earth, and now lives with his wife at

1521 Forty-first street.

C. B. Todd, forty-seven years old, was born in Elmira, N. Y., lived in

Minnesota for sixteen years after the war, but is now a salesman in the

Putnam Clothing House. He served in the Sixth New York Heavy Artillery.

Mr. Todd lives at 1013 West Polk street.

H. T. Sanford is but twenty-four years old, and is a son of the late

Lawyer Sanford, compiler of the Superior Court reports of New York.

For fifteen months past he has been voucher clerk for the Chicago &

Northwestern, but before coming to Chicago he was a petroleum broker at

New York. He and his wife live at Oak Park.

S. C. Randall, the youngest man on the jury, was born in Erie county,

Pennsylvania, in 1864, and in the three years he has been in Chicago he

has been a hotel waiter, a milk peddler, and is now a salesman for J.

C. Vaughan & Co., seedsmen, 45 La Salle street.

Theodore Denker, shipping clerk for H. H. King Co., is twenty-seven

years old, and lives at Woodlawn Park. He has lived in Chicago

twenty-five years, and is not married.

Charles A. Ludwig is also twenty-seven years old, single, and is a

clerk in the wood mantel shop of Charles L. Page & Co.

John B. Greiner is a clerk in the freight department of the Chicago &

Northwestern Road, and lives at Humboldt Park. He is twenty-five years

old, and single.

G. W. Adams, twenty-seven years old, travels in Michigan, selling paint

for a Clinton street firm. He is a painter by trade, and lives with his

brother at Evanston.

The following is the official Police Department report of casualties at

the Haymarket:

CHAPTER VII.

THE CONSPIRACY AND MASSACRE. NAMES AND NUMBER OF KILLED AND

WOUNDED. UNEARTHING THE PLOT. OFFICERS AT WORK AND CROWNED

WITH SUCCESS. REPORT OF GRAND JURY.

====================+================+====================================

NAME OF OFFICER. | STATION. | NATURE OF WOUNDS AND CIRCUMSTANCES.

--------------------+----------------+------------------------------------

August C. Killer | Third Precinct.| Shell wound in right side, and ball

| | wound in left side. Wife and five

| | children.

Thomas McHenry | " " | Shell wound in left knee and three

| | shell wounds in left hip. Single;

| | has sister and blind mother to

| | support.

John E. Doyle. | " " | Bullet wound in back and calves of

| | both legs; serious. Wife and one

| | child.

John A. King | " " | Jaw bone fractured by shell, and

| | two bullet wounds in right leg

| | below the knee; serious. Single.

Nicholas Shannon | " " | Thirteen shell wounds on right side

| | and five shell wounds on left

| | side, also right foot and back;

| | serious. Wife and three children.

MICHAEL SHEAHAN | " " | DIED MAY 9. Single.

James Conway | " " | Bullet wound in right leg. Single.

Patrick Hartford | " " | Shell wound right ankle, two toes

| | on left foot amputated, bullet

| | wound in left side. Wife and four

| | children.

Patrick Nash | " " | Bruise on left shoulder by club.

| | Single.

Arthur Conolly | " " | Two shell wounds in left leg, bones

| | slightly fractured. Wife.

Louis Johnson | " " | Shell wound in left leg. Wife and

| | four children.

M. M. Cardin | " " | Bullet wound in calf of both legs.

| | Wife and two children.

Adam Barber | " " | Shell wound left leg, bullet wound

| | in right heel, bullet not

| | extracted. Wife and one child.

Henry F. Smith | " " | Bullet wound on right shoulder;

| | quite serious. Wife and two

| | children in California.

Frank Tyrell | " " | Bullet in right hip near the spine;

| | bullet not removed. Single.

James A. Brady | " " | Shell wound in left leg, slight;

| | injury to toes left foot and

| | shell wounds in left thigh. Wife

| | and two children; wife very sick

| | at County Hospital.

John Ried | " " | Shell wound in left leg; bullet

| | wound in right knee, not removed.

| | Single.

GEORGE MULLER | " " | DIED MAY 6, at County Hospital.

| | Single.

Patrick McLaughlin | " " | Bruise on right side, leg and hip;

| | slight. Wife and three children.

Frank Murphy | " " | Trampled on, three ribs broken.

| | Wife and two children.

Lawrence Murphy | " " | Shell wounds left side of neck and

| | left knee; part of left foot

| | amputated. Wife and three

| | children.

====================+================+====================================

====================+================+====================================

NAME OF OFFICER. | STATION. | NATURE OF WOUNDS AND CIRCUMSTANCES.

--------------------+----------------+------------------------------------

JOHN J. BARRETT | Third Precinct.| DIED MAY 6, at County Hospital;

| | shot in liver. Wife.

Michael Madden | " " | Shot in left lung, will recover;

| | killed his assailant after he was

| | shot. Single.

Lieutenant Stanton | " " | Shell wound in right side, bullet

| | wound in right hip, wounds inside

| | both hips, bullet wound in calf

| | of leg. Wife, seven children.

MATTHIAS J. DEGAN | " " | INSTANTLY KILLED. Widower; father,

| | mother and three sons.

Thomas Brophy | " " | Slight injury in left leg; reported

| | for duty. Wife.

Bernard Murphy | " " | Bullet wound in left thigh shell

| | wound in right side of head and

| | on chin; not dangerous. Wife.

Charles H. Fink | " " | Three shell wounds in left leg and

| | two wounds on right leg, and

| | slightly in thigh; not dangerous.

| | Wife.

Joseph Norman | " " | Bullet passed through right foot,

| | slight injury to fingers on left

| | hand. Wife and two children.

Peter Butterly | " " | Bullet wound in right arm, shell

| | wound in both legs, near knees.

| | Wife and one child.

Alexander Jameson | " " | Bullet wound in left leg; serious.

| | Wife and seven children.

Michael Horan | " " | Bullet wound in left thigh, not

| | removed, slight shell wound on

| | left arm. Single.

Thomas Hennessey | " " | Shell wound on left thigh; slight.

| | Has crippled brother and two

| | sisters to support.

William Burns | " " | Slight shell wound on left ankle.

| | Single.

THOMAS REDDEN | " " | DIED MAY 16, at County Hospital.

| | Fracture of left leg below knee,

| | bullet wound in left cheek,

| | bullet wound in right arm. Wife

| | and two children.

James Plunkett | " " | Struck with club and trampled upon:

| | on duty. Wife.

Charles W. Whitney | " " | Shell wound in left breast, shell

| | not removed. Single.

Jacob Hansen | " " | Right leg amputated above the knee.

| | Three shell wounds on left leg.

| | Wife and one child.

Timothy Sullivan | " " | Bullet wound just above left knee.

| | Has four children (Widower).

Martin Cullen | " " | Right collar bone fractured, and

| | slight injury to left knee; not

| | serious. Wife and five children.

Simon Klidzio | " " | Shot in calf of left leg; serious.

| | Wife and three children.

Julius L. Simonson | " " | Shot in arm, near shoulder; very

| | serious. Wife and two children.

John K. McMahon | " " | Shell wound on calf of left leg;

| | shell not found; ball wound left

| | leg, near knee; very serious.

| | Wife and two children.

Simon McMahon | " " | Shot in right arm and two wounds on

| | right leg. Wife, five children.

Edward W. Ruel | " " | Shot in right ankle, bullet not

| | removed; serious. Single.

====================+================+====================================

====================+================+====================================

NAME OF OFFICER. | STATION. | NATURE OF WOUNDS AND CIRCUMSTANCES.

--------------------+----------------+------------------------------------

Alexander Halverson | Third Precinct.| Shot in both legs, ball not

| | extracted. Single.

Carl E. Johnson | " " | Shot in left elbow. Wife and two

| | children.

Peter McCormick | " " | Slight shot wound in left arm.

| | Wife.

Christopher Gaynor | " " | Slight bruise on left knee. Wife.

TIMOTHY FLAVIN | Fourth " | DIED FROM WOUNDS, MAY 8. Wife and

| | three children.

NILS HANSEN | " " | DIED JUNE 14, at County Hospital.

| | Shot in body, arms and legs,

| | fingers paralyzed. Wife and six

| | children.

S. J. Weineke | " " | Shot in left side of head, ball not

| | found; serious. Wife and two

| | children.

Patrick McNulty | " " | Shot in right leg and both hips;

| | dangerous. Wife and three

| | children.

Samuel Hilgo | " " | Shot in right leg; not serious.

| | Single.

Herman Krueger | " " | Shot in right knee. Wife and two

| | children.

Joseph A. Gilso | " " | Slightly injured in leg and back.

| | Wife and six children.

Edward Barrett | " " | Shot in right leg; quite serious.

| | Wife and six children.

Fruman Steele | " " | Slightly wounded in back; not

| | serious. Single.

James T. Johnson | " " | Right knee sprained; not serious.

| | Wife and three children.

Benjamin F. Snell | " " | Shot in right leg; at hospital.

| | Single.

James H. Willson | Central Detail.| Seriously injured in abdomen by

| | shell, and in left hand; very

| | serious. Wife and five children.

Daniel Hogan | " " | Shot in calf of right leg and in

| | left hand. Wife and daughter.

M. O'Brien | " " | Shell wound in left thigh. Wife and

| | two children.

Frederick A. Andrew | " " | Wounded in leg; not serious.

| | Married.

Jacob Ebinger | " " | Shell wound on back of left hand.

| | Wife and three children.

John J. Kelly | " " | Slight wound by shell, left hand.

| | Wife and three children.

Patrick Flavin | " " | Finger hurt by shell. Married.

--------------------+----------------+------------------------------------

Total number of wounded officers, 67. Deaths, 7.

"BEHOLD HOW GREAT A MATTER A LITTLE FIRE KINDLETH!" The explosion

at the Haymarket made 3 widows, 14 orphans, and left 119 children

dependent upon public charity, pending the recovery of their wounded,

or perhaps permanently maimed and crippled fathers.

The business men of the city and railroad corporations promptly gave

over $50,000 for the relief of the families of the officers who were

killed and wounded.

THE CONSPIRACY.

The search for, and the capture of the prime-actors in the Haymarket

tragedy was at once commenced in earnest. The well organized and

efficient force of brave men, under command of cool headed and well

skilled officers, was sure to succeed. Captain F. Schaack, with six

detectives, kept the entire Northwest group under the surveillance of

their argus eyes. Thielen turned informer and communicated important

information which fitted exactly to supply a perfect chain of evidence.

The _Ypsilon_ and _Ruhe_ signals were significant evidence toward

proving conspiracy along with the other daily developments in the

case. Several officers and detectives were detailed to make a search

of several houses on Sedgwick street, among which, one Seliger's, at

No. 442. As the officers were nearing the house, Louis Lingg and one,

Oppenheimer, were watching them with much interest and discussing the

practicability of making a rush for their arms and kill the officers

rather than have the arsenal of the Anarchist, with its appliances for

the manufacture of infernal machines for the consummation of conspiracy

and treason, fall into the hands of the officers of the law. But the

ever vigilant officers secured possession of the house and removed

all suspicious articles to the station. Lingg went immediately into

hiding, but was on the 14 of May arrested in a little cottage on

Ambrose street. Seliger was arrested in Meyer's carpenter shop, and

Thielen coming to see what Seliger was arrested for was also taken into

custody. Lingg became reckless and defiant. Many of the conspirators

were run to earth by those six men and arrested. Assistant State's

Attorney Furthman interviewed the prisoners in their native tongue and

made a record of their statements.

RUDOLPH SCHNAUBELT,

who it is now believed was the man who threw the dynamite bomb

with such deadly effect, was once arrested, but on temporary

release decamped at once, which suspicious action led to a further

investigation. But two weeks having elapsed since his release, he made

good his escape from the country no doubt. About forty Socialists

were arrested and discharged again. Neebe was once discharged and

re-arrested as the case developed. Gilmer's evidence some days after

the riot tended very much to strengthen the belief that Schnaubelt

was the party who threw the bomb, and that it was thrown under the

immediate supervision and by the direction of August Spies, which is

in keeping with his public speech and the secret teachings by which

he was endeavoring to establish, that system of revolutionary warfare

supplemented by the organization known as the _Lehr und Wehr Verein_,

which is synonymous with armed protection, or teaching secretly the use

of weapons for the purpose of defense.

THE GRAND JURY.

The following is an abstract of their report:

TO THE HON. JUDGE JOHN G. ROGERS: In presenting the bills of

indictments which we have the honor herewith to submit, in what

are known as the "Anarchist cases," we deem it proper to accompany

the same with a few words of explanation. We have endeavored in

our deliberations and in our findings to be guided strictly by the

instructions delivered to us by the Court in regard to the liability

of a citizen under the law for the abuse of the privilege of free

speech. We have in this connection, upon the evidence adduced, found

true bills only against such persons as had, in their abuse of this

right, been more or less instrumental in causing the riot and bloodshed

at Haymarket square, the particulars of which we were called upon to

investigate. We have in some cases refused to find bills for the reason

that persons against whom evidence was presented seemed to be the weak

and ignorant tools of designing men, and that it was our belief should

they continue their evil associations and practices after this calamity

shall have shown them to what it leads, that some future grand jury

would give their cases proper attention. So far as we are informed

this is the first appearance of dynamite as a factor in the criminal

annals of this state, and this is also the first organized conspiracy

for the destruction of human life, and the overthrow of law in any part

of this country that has employed this new and dangerous agency. It is

not surprising that the fatal and appalling success which has attended

this, its first introduction, should have inspired terror in this

community.

We find that the attack on the police on May 4 was the result of

a deliberate conspiracy, the full details of which are now in the

possession of the officers of the law, and will be brought out when

the cases shall be reached in court. We find that this force of

disorganizers had a very perfect force of organizers of its own, and

that it was chiefly under the control of the coterie of men who were

connected with the publication of their English and German newspaper

organs, the _Alarm_ and _Arbeiter Zeitung_. The evidence has shown

conclusively to us that these men were manipulating this agitation from

base and selfish motives, for the power and influence which it gave

them, and for the money which they could make out of it; that the large

majority of their followers were simply their dupes, and they have

collected in this way large sums of money from those followers, and

from the working men of this city. That their plan was to involve, so

far as they could, not only the Socialist and Communist organizations,

with whom they claim some kindred, but also the labor societies and

trades unions, to the end that in the midst of the excitement they

were creating they could not only rely upon them as a source of

revenue, but also have them to fall back upon in the event of their

finally being made amenable to the law. Witnesses have come before

us under protest and with fear and trembling lest their appearance

before this jury should draw down upon them or upon their families

the secret vengeance of this unknown enemy. Branches of industry in

the city have remained paralyzed after all causes of disagreement

between the employer and the employed had been adjusted, by the same

fear inspired among the workmen, coupled with the feeling that the law

as administered was impotent to afford protection to a man ready and

willing to work for the support of his family. So exaggerated has been

the popular notion as to the magnitude of this force that politicians

have cringed before it, and political parties have catered to its

vote. Processions have been tolerated upon our public streets carrying

banners and inscriptions which were a shame and a disgrace to our city,

and an affront to every law-abiding citizen. Public harangues have

been permitted that were an open menace to law and order, and which in

logical sequence have reached their culmination in the bloody outrage

known as the Haymarket massacre. We believe that a proper enforcement

of the law, as expounded by your Honor in the charge made to this

Grand Jury at the beginning of its session, would restore confidence,

correct existing evils, preserve the peace, and protect this community

from the recurrence of a like disorder.

In conclusion, we desire, as citizens and as members of this Grand

Jury, in this public way to express our most grateful acknowledgments

of the debt owing to the officers and men of the police force of

Chicago. By their heroic bravery and their conscientiousness and

devotion to duty we believe that they have saved this city from a

scene of bloodshed and devastation equal to, or perhaps greater than

that witnessed during the Commune in Paris. We wish further, from

the evidence that has been placed before us, to express our fullest

confidence that the same force that has protected us by its bravery

in the face of the enemy, aided by the skill and legal ability of our

Prosecuting Attorney and his assistants, is quite competent to hunt

these public enemies down, and to bring them before our courts of law

with sufficient evidence of guilt to insure what they so richly deserve.

Wednesday, May 19, there appeared before the grand jury as a witness

one Krendl, who is in the service of the City Water Department. This

witness, it was said, testified that he saw a machinist, whose name was

withheld, talking with Spies and Schwab at the Haymarket the evening

of the tragedy. The witness watched the trio closely and saw them

go toward Halsted street and then return to the wagon so frequently

referred to in connection with the massacre. Upon their return

the witness noticed that the machinist had something in his right

coat-pocket which filled it up as an apple or base-ball might. His

attention was directed to this fact because of the persistent manner in

which the machinist kept guard over the mouth of the pocket with his

hand.

M. M. Thompson followed the above witness, and described a certain

person who was with Schwab and Spies during the early part of the

evening, and this, in connection with Krendl's testimony, was

considered important by the jury. It was stated at the time that

Krendl was able to give the machinist's name, from having once been a

Socialist.

It was afterward discovered that Schnaubelt was the machinist referred

to. Fred. P. Rosbeck, a manufacturer of light machinery at No. 224 East

Washington street, stated that Schnaubelt had been in his employ about

five weeks previous to the Haymarket riot. He was a good workman, but a

pronounced Socialist and Anarchist, and his rabid utterances had many

others in the shop to incline to his views. Schnaubelt had a companion,

August Lambrecht by name, who came to work for Rosbeck about the same

time he did. They were very intimate, going and coming together, and

carrying on a close relationship. Tuesday, May 4, Schnaubelt asked his

employer for the day, saying he had some important business to attend

to. He was granted a leave of absence, but returned to work promptly

Wednesday morning. Seeking to enlist him in conversation, Mr. Rosbeck

said:

"Rudolph, they had a big time at the Haymarket last night."

"Yes," said Schnaubelt, "a devil of a time."

Intending to further draw him out, the employer continued:

"You Anarchists didn't half do your job, though. Why didn't you use

more bombs?"

"Because," he answered, "they didn't get up with them in time."

That evening Rosbeck told this story to a friend, who informed the

detective, and the arrest was made Thursday morning. Wednesday

Schnaubelt had a heavy beard and moustache. At the time of his arrest

Thursday he had no beard and his moustache had been trimmed close to

his lip. After his release by the police Schnaubelt returned to the

shop and resumed work, but that Thursday night he informed Rosbeck that

he might not return the next day. He said that he feared the detectives

might search his house and then arrest him. He said Mrs. Schwab was his

sister, and he was often at her house. If they searched Schwab's house

it might lead to his (Schnaubelt's) arrest. He has not been seen since

that Thursday night. His tools and clothes remained in the shop, as

also did his unpaid wages. Rosbeck thought Lambrecht had knowledge of

his friend's whereabouts. About the middle of May Lambrecht informed

Rosbeck that Schnaubelt had instructed him to draw his salary and take

possession of his clothes.

In his evidence before the jury M. M. Thompson declared that he

saw either Spies or Schwab--and he felt almost certain it was the

latter--hand Schnaubelt the bomb while the trio were about fifteen

feet from the wagon. Schnaubelt, he said, was in waiting for them when

they came from Halsted street. Krendl testified that in his opinion

Schnaubelt could not have been handed the bomb at the place designated,

because he saw him go to Halsted street with the speakers, and return.

He admitted, however, that Schnaubelt had something in his outside

pocket when near the wagon.

Schnaubelt, when arrested by Detective Palmer, admitted to Lieutenant

Shea that he was with Schwab that Tuesday night, but insisted that he

left the wagon on which they were standing when it commenced to rain.

Various rumors as to Schnaubelt's whereabouts were received. A letter,

said to be in the fugitive's handwriting, was received by the police

some weeks after the riot, from Portland, Oregon. The writer poked fun

at the chief and said that the fact that he was so far away was due to

the stupidity of the detective force and Lieut. Shea's gullibility.

Subsequently the body of a man was found in the canal at Erie, Pa.,

which in features and in the clothes upon it corresponded to the

description of Schnaubelt, and it was thought he had left Chicago as a

stowaway in a vessel and had been drowned in trying to get ashore at

Erie at night. The authorities, however, became convinced that this was

not Schnaubelt. Some of the police have always believed that Schnaubelt

left the city with Parsons the night after the bomb-throwing, and after

remaining in hiding with the latter near Omaha until Parsons decided to

appear and stand trial, continued his flight South or West. September

15, 1886, H. F. Schaffer, a conductor on the Mexican Central Railroad,

on his way to his home in Ohio, called on Chief of Police Ebersold and

informed him that from a picture of Schnaubelt in the _Police News_,

he thought he had identified the fugitive in the person of a jeweler

in the City of Mexico, who spoke English with a German accent. Mr.

Schaffer and a companion visited the jeweler frequently and endeavored

to draw him out upon the subject of the Haymarket massacre, but the

suspected person would not talk about the Anarchists. It is understood

the police took measures to investigate this supposed clue.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER VIII.

COST OF ANARCHIST TRIAL. EXTRACTS FROM ZEITUNG. MOTION FOR NEW

TRIAL. MOTION OVERRULED.

COST OF THE ANARCHIST TRIALS.

It is estimated that the trials of the Anarchist conspirators for

connection with the Haymarket massacre has cost Cook county and Chicago

about $100,000. A calculation made by county officials at the close of

the murder trial in August, placed the average cost since the night of

the bomb-throwing at $24,800 per month. Another estimate itemizes the

daily expenses as follows:

State's Attorney's office, stenographers, messengers, telegrams,

interpreters, extra legal help (Mr. Ingham) $200

Sheriff's office, bailiff's, jury fees, hotel bills for jury, etc. 150

Court Costs, Judge's salary, miscellaneous items 100

Detectives, policemen, witness fees 150

Criminal Court Clerk's office and other expenses 100

This makes a total of $700 a day, or $70,000 for the 100 days which

the trial covered. The trials of the twenty-six persons indicted for

conspiracy in connection with the murders bring the total cost up to

$100,000.