EULOGY TO THE POLICE.
Boldly They Fought and Well--Contrast Between Capital and
Labor--The Anarchists' Fatal Delusion--The United States
National Anthem 264
[Illustration]
PREFACE.
In view of the many phases and complications involved in the labor
question, along with the cosmopolitan element engaged in forcing, as
it were, measures intended to revolutionize labor, trade and commerce,
this subject becomes of extreme delicacy to treat, the intricacy of
which affect all classes and conditions of men, and threatens to
convulse society from the outer crust of uppertendom to the inner
sub-strata of human interest, affecting largely the social, civil, and
political interests of the ever-enlarging generations of mankind.
The dark cloud standing out in bold relief outlined against the
political horizon of this great republic seems to be gathering in
intensity. Just now the lull in matters pertaining to this great
question of CAPITAL and LABOR, seem like the "calm that precedes the
hurricane." Animosities and antagonisms are widening the gulf between
these conflicting interests of society, and anarchy and socialism,
assuming a belligerent attitude, threaten a disruption of good and
wholesome government.
We bid a hearty God-speed to any innovation upon the stereotyped and
superannuated system, or dogmatic usage in the interests of absolute
and overwhelming monopolies, which has for its object the general
well-being of our common humanity, the elevation of the universal
brotherhood of mankind, and the perpetuity of American institutions.
We do not believe in monopoly and oppression; but the final triumph of
right over wrong by honest, earnest and persevering endeavor.
SOCIALISM.
A theory of society which advocates a more precise, orderly and
harmonious arrangement of the social relations of mankind than that
which has hitherto prevailed.--_Webster._
COMMUNISM.
The reorganizing of society, or the doctrine that it should be
reorganized, by regulating property, industry and the means of
livelihood, and also the domestic relations and social morals of
mankind; socialism; especially the doctrine of a community of property,
or the negative of individual right in property.--_J. H. Burton._
ANARCHY.
Want of government, the state of society where there is no law or
supreme power, or where the laws are not efficient, and individuals do
what they please with impunity.--_Webster._
INTRODUCTION.
"ORDER, HEAVEN'S FIRST LAW."
Never before, perhaps, in the history of any great nation, was there a
time when wise, honest and unswerving men were necessary at the helm
of the great social and political ship of American freedom than at the
present time, in order that she may weather the blasts, pass in safety
the dangerous reefs and shoals of any _party politics_, maintain the
majesty of her laws, grow strong in truth, making aggressive warfare
upon error and superstition, "and having done all to stand entire at
last," "with her lamps trimmed and burning," her liberty enlightening
the world.
One of our great minds has said: "Our country, though rich in men of
faithfulness and power, and having escaped from the difficulties of
earlier times, perceives new questions which demand whatever of counsel
the wise and thoughtful can give," for an era so active in thought and
impulse is always perilous to the nation and need strong men, wise and
calm in the midst of her greatest storms. Many of our nation's noblest
sons within a short space of time have bowed in obedience to the behest
of that monarch whose summons all must obey. In our minds we go back
to that period when our country was young, and behold manly forms,
marked by intellectual dignity, and bearing in their countenance the
unmistakable insignia of true and noble manhood. They, too, have passed
away, and home and sanctuary know them no more; but the light found in
such characters assist in solving the difficult problems of to-day.
Our nation's God can make of a poor and humble craftsman a mighty
statesman. Many such lives are poured full of honors, and their graves
are fresh and green in our memories. Nothing can equal in grandeur the
interminable extent of our vast prairies, covered with blossoming buds.
Every lover of nature, and home and country can daily hear a grand
anthem of praise ascend to God for the munificence of his unspeakable
gifts.
"From that cathedral boundless as our wonder
Whose quenchless lamps the sun and moon supply."
These pastoral symphonies are dear to all our hearts. We love our
country, and gazing upon our glorious flag, we feel it means to
"_Friends a starry sky_,"
But to foes
"_A storm in every fold._"
Untarnished its honor, and the undimmed radiance streaming down from
every star upon our glorious banner for over one hundred years, what
usurper dare insult her national prowess and trail her honors in the
dust, or flaunt the red flag of anarchy and socialism in the face of
our national greatness?
Anarchy cannot prevail, as "order is heaven's first law," and "eternal
vigilance the price of liberty."
Our measureless prosperity as a nation have caused to seek employment,
protection and a home beneath the ample folds of our grand old flag,
many representatives from almost every nation under the sun, to whom
have been extended all the rights, social, civil, religious and
political, of free-born American citizenship, while obedient to its
laws. We who seek this country as our home, because of its advantages
and the superior facilities for obtaining a livelihood or of amassing
wealth, can be guilty of no baser act than to endeavor to sow the
seeds of discord and confusion among the peaceful and well organized
brotherhood in this land of freedom and prosperity; and all violations
of good and wholesome law, endangering the peace and prosperity of
citizens, or the overthrow of our national institutions, are deserving
of the nation's frown.
What greater insult can be offered to the children of freedom than for
people of foreign birth to usurp the birthrights and trample upon the
institutions for which their fathers bled and died?
Never before were citizens of any country placed on trial for so grave
and flagrant a transgression, who received such consideration and
fairness at the hands of the administrators of law and justice as did
the participants in the Haymarket tragedy.
In view of the deep turpitude of their crime great credit is due to all
the standard papers of the city of Chicago, and the Press of the United
States, for the fair and impartial manner in which they represented
the Anarchists' case during the trial and pending the execution. The
articles appearing from time to time in their columns seemed ever
tempered with mercy. Yet firmness characterized all their expressed
opinions. The institutions of our country are dear to every true and
loyal American.
The outrage perpetrated upon our high order of civilization called
for life in exchange for the lives sacrificed by the tragic events
of the night of May the 4th, 1886. Every right-thinking journalist
acknowledged the justice of the sentence and said, so let it be;
believing that when "judgment and justice are abroad in the land the
people will learn righteousness."
CHAPTER II.
Anarchists--Their Nationality--The First
Agitation--Leaders--Anarchy--The "Revenge" Circular--The
Haymarket Meeting--The Massacre.
Scarcely has the chronicler of time recorded fifty years in the
eventful history of Chicago since it was known only as a little trading
post for the Indians of the west and northwest, but being the central
and distributing point for the interminable fertile territories
stretching away toward the land of the setting sun, its progress in
wealth and population has been unprecedented. The superior facilities
for obtaining supplies, and the demand for implements for agricultural
purposes, have conspired to render Chicago one of the most important
commercial cities on the globe. And to-day it stands the grainery of
the American Continent, the great repository and commercial reservoir
of continental America, with a cosmopolitan population of over seven
hundred thousand. Capitalists engaged in mammoth manufacturing
enterprises like McCormick and others, in order to secure cheap labor
to the exclusion of native skilled workmen, have imported to this
country thousands of foreigners who, after gaining a foothold in the
land, have turned upon their employers in organized bands with measures
intended to be revolutionary.
The troublesome element consisted largely of the ignorant lower classes
of Bavarians, Bohemians, Hungarians, Germans, Austrians, and others who
held secret meetings in organized groups armed and equipped like the
nihilists of Russia, and the communists of France.
[Illustration: THE HAYMARKET MASSACRE.]
They called themselves socialists. Their emblem was _red_. They paraded
the streets of Chicago without let or hindrance in 1878, carrying a red
flag and making insulting and incendiary speeches at Lake front park,
and at several of the public halls of the city.
This free country accorded to them without regard to birth or
nationality the rights of freedom of speech, and we shall see how that
indulgence beyond the bounds of propriety has been abused. In 1877 they
held secret meetings to organize their forces, and during the same year
there were several labor riots.
In 1879 anarchists and socialists united to endeavor to secure by
their votes and influence as mayor DR. ERNST SCHMIDT, and as city
treasurer F. STAUBER. Polling nearly 10,000 votes they secured several
representatives in the city council.
On the evening of the 2d of July, 1879, Captain Bielfeld, with ten of
the gang known as the Lehr and Werh Verein, left Turner Hall, marching
from Twelfth to Union, then returning, Lieut. Callahan secured their
arrest. As a test case for a violation of the law relative to the
militia, Bielfeld alone was booked to appear before the police court
on the 3d of July, 1879. Rubens, his attorney, gave bonds for his
appearance. The defendant then took a change of venue to Morrison,
becoming his own bail to appear at that place in the afternoon.
Bielfeld, with his attorney, and prosecuting attorney Cameron, were
present. The case was continued for one week. The following day being
the Fourth of July, was looked forward to with solicitude as a day when
Chicago might expect riot and carnage. Bielfeld had been bound in $300
bonds but was released on habeas corpus the same day on an application
to Judge Barnum, who pronounced the majority of the clauses in the
militia law as unconstitutional.
In November, 1879, a similar case was argued before the supreme court
which in its rulings sustained the constitutionality of the militia
law in direct opposition to Judge Barnum's rulings and opinions. This
opinion was a reversing of Judge Barnum's decision restricting armed
bodies of socialists, anarchists, or communists from parading the
streets, deciding that in matters pertaining to the peace and safety of
citizens the police powers are plenary.
In the autumn of 1879 the Bohemian anarchistic agitators held a picnic
at Silver Leaf Grove, in the vicinity of Douglas Park, and being
annoyed by uninvited guests, at the command of their captain, Prokop
Hudek, they fired a round of ball cartridge into the promiscuous crowd,
seriously wounding quite a large number of citizens. Their captain,
and the entire company of would-be assassins, were arrested and
brought to the corner of Madison and Union streets, where the police
were compelled to use their utmost efforts to prevent the enraged and
outraged citizens from lynching the leaders of the gang of outlaws.
The peace-loving and law-abiding citizens were so exasperated at
the audacity and cupidity of the uncivilized horde that it was with
difficulty the police induced them to disperse without wreaking a
summary vengeance upon these organized bandits, who were beginning
to operate with impunity in the very midst of the highest order of
civilization and refinement.
The United States Supreme Court acknowledge and defend the right of
citizens to assemble, _without arms_, when the object is to make known,
in proper language, any grievance. But they must in all cases be under
the control, direction and protection of the police force. But all
meetings to organize, or any organized gatherings for the purpose of
subverting law and order, all armed mobs making incendiary speeches or
advocating violence are subject to military law, and under the control
of the police, as the guardians of the public peace.
From the time of the arrest of _Herman Presser_, on the affirmation
of the militia law, by the Federal Court, in 1886, all armed
demonstrations of the socialistic element from this time ceased, but in
secret they matured their fiendish plottings against the law-abiding
citizens and safety of American institutions, becoming skilled in the
manufacture and use of dynamite bombs as a weapon for the purpose of
destroying life and property, and the intimidation of the officers of
law and justice.
The leaders of anarchy and socialism with whom we have to do, more
particularly in this volume, are viz.: August Spies, Samuel Fielden and
A. R. Parsons, Spies being the editor of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, and A.
R. Parsons editor of the paper known as the _Alarm_.
The eight-hour system of labor had been agitated for some time, and
the first of May, 1886, was the time set for it to go into effect
by all the trade and labor unions. It was suspected by many that
the insubordinate element of socialists and anarchists would take
advantage of the already fermented state of the working classes, to
make a bold stand to revolutionize and demoralize, by their treasonable
and inflammatory speeches, the otherwise peaceful and respectable
citizens of Chicago. The McCormick reaper works, with over one thousand
employes, mostly foreigners, had been out on a strike for several
weeks, and being at fever heat the anarchists sought to produce a
riot among these turbulent men, who only needed a leader and some
encouragement, which they were soon to receive from Spies. On May 2d
a large force collected at or near the junction of Eighteenth street
and Centre avenue. Here they reversed the American flag, carrying it
top side down, symbolic of the revolution they intended to work in
American institutions. They marched down the Black Road to the prairie
in front of McCormick's works, where August Spies addressed them in
extravagant language, exciting the mob by a seditious and inflammatory
speech, at the close of which the effect was plainly visible, as the
mob at once attacked the works of McCormick, demolishing a portion of
it, and seriously injuring several non-union men who were employed
there. The six police there on duty bravely tried to hold the fort,
but were forced to give way before nearly three thousand infuriated
men, when they turned in a call for assistance, and were reinforced
by the arrival of thirty more officers, who bravely beat back their
assailants, killing one of the mob by a shot from a revolver, and
wounding several others. The repulsed mob then retreated, and their
leaders repaired to office of the _Zeitung_ to prepare a circular, and
printed it in German and English, which was headed _Revenge_, and the
English copy read as follows, which they circulated throughout the city:
REVENGE.
"Revenge, working men! to arms! Your masters sent out their
bloodhounds--the police. They killed six of your brothers at
McCormick's this afternoon. They killed the poor wretches,
because they, like you, had the courage to disobey the
supreme will of your bosses. They killed them because they
dared ask for the shortening of the hours of toil. They
killed them to show you, 'free American citizens,' that you
_must_ be satisfied and contented with whatever your bosses
condescend to allow you, or you'll get killed. You have for
years endured the most abject humiliation; you have for years
suffered immeasurable iniquities; you have worked yourselves
to death; you have endured the pangs of want and hunger; your
children you have sacrificed to the factory lords--in short,
you have been miserable, obedient slaves all these years. Why?
To satisfy the insatiable greed to fill the coffers of your
lazy, thieving master. When you ask them now to lessen your
burden he sends his bloodhounds out to shoot you, kill you.
If you are men, if you are the sons of your grandsires who
have shed their blood to free you, then you will rise in your
might, Hercules, and destroy the hideous monster that seeks to
destroy you. To arms we call you! To arms!
YOUR BROTHERS."
The German portion differed from the above mainly in the following
passage: "_Why? Because_ you dared ask for the shortening of the hours
of labor." In the German copy it ran: "Because you dared ask for all
that you believed to be your rights." Instead of being addressed, as in
the English, to American citizens, it was directed to the followers of
anarchy and socialism.
Another circular was distributed calling a meeting at the Haymarket for
the night of May 4, and urging working men to arm and go in full force.
In the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ appeared the letter "Y," meaning Ypsilon,
which was the signal for the armed anarchists to turn out, and in the
department of the paper known as the "Letter-Box" the word "Ruhe,"
signifying that the time for revolution was at hand.
There were about three hundred and fifty anarchists carrying concealed
weapons at the Haymarket massacre on the 4th of May, 1886, and probably
about fifteen hundred present in all at the time of the explosion. A.
R. Parsons had delivered his speech and Samuel Fielden was portraying
to the sympathizing crowd, with all the eloquence he could command,
the wide and yawning unbridged gulf between capital and labor, when
seven companies of police, numbering nearly two hundred men, under
command of their superior officers, swooped down upon the lawless
mob. Captain Ward, in clear and ringing tones, commanded these land
pirates to quietly disperse, when from an alley contiguous was seen in
the darkness a little line of fire passing directly over the heads of
the motley crowd. The hissing fiend, hurled by some practiced hand to
perform its hellish mission, fell directly between two of the ranks
of our brave and noble officers, and exploded with a detonation which
seemed to shake the city from center to circumference, dealing death to
several brave and noble officers, while the wounded and dying numbered
over sixty, who a moment before were in the best of spirits and in the
discharge of their duty as protectors of public peace, were stricken
down without a moment's warning. But was there a man dismayed, although
the groans of the wounded and mangled victims could be heard in every
direction, not knowing but the next instant another explosion would
strew the ground with fresh victims from their ranks? Scarcely had the
sound of the explosion died away in the echoing distance, or the smoke
from the fatal bomb rose up to be lost in the dark and murky clouds,
ere the spirit of patriotism rose up in their hearts, inspiring them
to deeds of noble daring, when they boldly charged in a solid column
this band of treacherous outlaws. _Captain Bonfield_ seized a revolver
from the hand of a fallen officer, at the same time drawing his own
revolver, and from both hands he rained a shower of lead into the ranks
of the enemy. Under this aggressive movement the anarchists began
beating a hasty retreat.
The wounded officers were removed to the _County Hospital_, while a
large detachment were kept busy during the night caring for the dead
and dying. The exact number of killed and wounded among the anarchists
could not be ascertained, as they were removed from the ensanguined
field immediately by their friends to places of safety, and medical
assistance secured for them from among the socialistic fraternity.
On the 5th of May, Rudolph Schnaubelt was arrested on suspicion that he
was an important factor in the conspiracy. On an investigation which
followed, he very adroitly managed to impress the authorities of his
innocence, when he was discharged, and he at once disappeared from the
city; but during the progress of the trial, evidence was obtained which
proves almost conclusively that Rudolph Schnaubelt was the arch fiend
who hurled the deadly bomb causing so many brave officers to bite the
dust without a moment's warning.
[Illustration]
CHAPTER III.
This great and unprecedented anarchistic conspiracy of May 4th will
doubtless result in a blessing to America. First, it will teach the
administrators of law and justice the necessity of being watchful of
this treacherous element in society which would thus ruthlessly violate
every sacred principle of right and honor.
The bravery of the police on that eventful night of May 4th is worthy
of note in the history of Chicago, and those who fell in the defence
of our birthrights as American citizens have builded a monument in the
hearts of a grateful people that shall endure while the star-spangled
banner shall continue to wave "O'er the land of the free and the
home of the brave." Were we to disturb, disquiet, and bring up from
their tombs the most hideous monsters from the dead of the dark and
superstitious ages of the gloomy past, their hands deep purple with the
blood of their murdered fellow men, we should fail to find a parallel
that would compare with this unscrupulous cold-blooded massacre, along
with the bold attempt at the subversion of law.
On the fifth of the month eight of the leaders of anarchy were arrested
and indicted for murder and conspiracy. The police raided the office of
the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, the organ of the socialistic and anarchistic
labor agitators, obtaining quantities of dynamite bombs, flags, and
inflammatory literature which was offered in the trial as corroborative
evidence. AUGUST SPIES, a German, was the editor of the _Zeitung_ and
a ringleader of the anarchists. A. R. PARSONS, an American, was editor
of the _Alarm_. SAMUEL FIELDEN, of English nationality, laborer. OSCAR
NEEBE, German. ADOLPH FISCHER, a German. LOUIS LINGG, a German,
carpenter. GEORGE ENGEL, German, and MICHAL SCHWAB. These are the ones
who were indicted for murder and anarchy. A. R. Parsons fled the night
of the riot and consequently was not arrested, but he subsequently
came in and gave himself up to the officials in the criminal court,
doubtless thinking by this semblance of honor to impress the court of
his innocence and thereby secure acquittal.
[Illustration]
The attorneys for the State in the prosecution were as follows: Julius
S. Grinnell; and assistants State, George Ingham and Frank Walker.
Col. W. P. Black, Solomon Zeisler, and Mr. Foster, of Iowa, were for
the defence, who availed themselves of every technicality in the
interests of their clients. Four long and tedious weeks were consumed
in obtaining a jury, exhausting fourteen panels of jurors in securing
twelve competent men to try this case. His Honor, Judge J. E. Gary,
presiding.
The names of the jury accepted by the State and the defence were Major
J. H. Cole, F. E. Osborne, S. G. Randall, A. H. Reed, J. H. Bruyton, A.
Hamilton, G. W. Adams, J. B. Greiner, C. B. Todd, C. A. Ludwig, T. E.
Denker, and H. T. Sanford.
An application was filed with State's Attorney Grinnell for a separate
trial in the case of Neebe, Spies, Schwab, and Fielden, but was
overruled by his Honor, Judge Gary, as they had been jointly indicted
for conspiracy and murder.
On Friday, July 10th, 1886, the case of the anarchists was opened by
the prosecution in the taking of evidence.
Officers Steel, Barber, Reed and McMahon, who were wounded in the riot
of May the 4th, were so far recovered as to be able to be present.
Felix Puschek was sworn and submitted plans of the Haymarket and
several halls in the city known to be headquarters for the meetings of
the anarchists.
Police Inspector Bonfield next took the stand and related how the
police attempted to disperse the unlawful assemblage of armed
Anarchists, and detailed the circumstance of the bomb-throwing, already
related. He also identified the following circular, by which the
meeting was called:
"Attention, working men! Great mass-meeting to-night, at 7
o'clock, Haymarket square, between Desplaines and Halsted.
Good speakers will be present to denounce the late atrocious
act of the police, the shooting of our fellow working men
yesterday afternoon. Working men, arm and appear in full
force."
"THE COMMITTEE."
Some of the anarchists indicted for conspiracy turned State's
evidence. Gottfried Waller, a Swiss by nationality, a cabinet-maker
by trade, formerly a socialist, and a member of the Lehr and Wehr
Verein, testified that the latter organization comprised various armed
groups of anarchists; that the letter "Y" in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_
meant for the armed section to meet at Greif's hall; that he acted as
chairman of the meeting of seventy or eighty persons, Engel, Fischer
and Breitenfeld, the commander of the Lehr and Wehr, being present. The
witness testified that Engel unfolded a plan whereby if a collision
between the strikers and the police should occur, the word "Ruhe"
would appear in the _Arbeiter_ as a signal for the Lehr and Wehr and
the Northwest group of anarchists to assemble in Wicker Park with
arms. They should then storm the North avenue police station, and
proceed thence to other stations, using dynamite and shooting down
all who opposed them, and should cut the telegraph wires to prevent
communication with the outside world. Engel said the best way to begin
would be to throw a dynamite bomb into the police station, and that
when the populace saw that the police were overpowered, tumult would
spread through the city, and the anarchists would be joined by the
working men. This plan, Engel said, had been adopted by the Northwest
group. It was decided to appoint a committee to keep watch of affairs
in the city and to call a meeting for the next night in the Haymarket.
Fischer was directed to get the handbills calling the meeting printed.
Those present at the preliminary meeting represented various groups
throughout the city. Fischer announced that the word "Ruhe" would mean
that a revolution had been started. Engel put the motion, and the plan
was adopted. The committee on action was composed of members from each
group; the witness knew only one--Kraemer. The members of the armed
groups were known by numbers, and witness number was 19.
Spies was questioned in January, 1885, at Grand Rapids, Mich., relative
to these secret organizations, when he said that force must bring about
the necessary reform which the ballot-box had failed to inaugurate and
was incompetent to perform. Shook, of Grand Rapids, also testified that
Spies had said that the secret drilled organizations of Chicago for the
revolution of society numbered over 3,000, and that none except members
of those organizations knew of the _modus operandi_ by which they
intended to wage their warfare.
Lieutenant Bowler testified to seeing men in the crowd fire upon the
police with revolvers; officers S. C. Bohner and E. J. Hawley saw
Fielden fire. In the line of proving up the conspiracy to incite
the working men to violence, it was shown by the evidence of James
L. Frazer, E. T. Baker, A. S. Leckie, Frank Haraster, Sergeant John
Enright and officer L. H. McShane, that Spies and Fielden incited the
mob to attack McCormick's Reaper Works and the non-union employes on
May 3. Detective Reuben Slayton testified to having arrested Fischer
at the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office. He had a loaded revolver hid under
his coat; a file-grooved dagger and a fulminating cap, used to explode
dynamite bombs. Theodore Fricke, former business manager of the
_Arbeiter_, identified the copy of the "Revenge" circular as being
in Spies' handwriting. Lieutenant William Ward testified to having
commanded the Haymarket meeting to disperse in the name of the people
of Illinois, and that Fielden cried, "We are peaceable," laying a
slight emphasis on the last word.
William Seliger, of 442 Sedgwick street, testified that Louis Lingg
boarded with him, and that himself, Lingg, Huebner, Manzenberg and
Hewmann worked at making dynamite bombs of a spherical shape. He
attended the various meetings. He identified the calls for the armed
sections to meet in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_. Balthazar Rau brought the
"Revenge" circular to Zephf's hall. Lingg worked at first on "gas-pipe"
bombs; they made forty or fifty bombs the Tuesday before the riot.
Lingg said they were to be used that evening; he and Lingg carried a
small trunk full of the bombs to Neff's hall, 58 Clybourne avenue,
that evening, where they were divided up among the anarchists; besides
the Northwest group the Sachsen Bund met at Neff's hall; witness,
Lingg, Thieben and Gustave Lehmen and two others from the Lehr and
Wehr Verein, left Neff's hall for the Larrabee street police station;
Lingg said a disturbance must be made on the North side to prevent the
police from going to the West side; Lingg wanted to throw a bomb into
the station; the police were outside, and they could not get near;
the patrol-wagon came along completely manned, and Lingg wanted to
throw a bomb under the wagon; he asked witness for fire from his cigar;
witness went into a hallway and lit a match, and before he returned the
wagon had passed: they returned to Neff's hall where he heard a bomb
had fallen on the West side, and killed a great many; Hewmann blamed
Lingg and said in an angry voice, "You are the cause of it all;" they
then went and hid their bombs under sidewalks and in various places,
and went home; Lingg first brought dynamite to the house about six
weeks before May 1, in a long wooden box; he made a wooden spoon to
handle it with in filling the bombs; witness belonged to the Northwest
group, and his number was 72, Engel was also a member. [The bombs were
here produced and Judge Gary ordered them removed immediately from the
courtroom and from the building.] Seliger's testimony was unshaken
on cross-examination. Mrs. Bertha Seliger corroborated her husband's
testimony, testifying that at one time six or seven men were at work
making bombs, and that after the Haymarket Lingg tore up the floor of a
closet to secrete those he had on hand.
Lieutenant John D. Shea, Chief of the Detective force, testified to
having assisted in the raid on the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office, May 5.
The galley of type from which the "Revenge" circular was printed,
copies of Herr Most's book, and other anarchistic literature, red flags
and banners with treasonable devices, and a quantity of dynamite were
found. The witness asked Spies if he wrote the "Revenge" circular, and
he refused to answer. When he arrested Fischer he asked him where he
was on the night of the Haymarket meeting. Fisher said in the _Arbeiter
Zeitung_ office with Schwab, and that Rau brought word that Spies was
at the Haymarket, that a big crowd was there, and they all went over.
He had a belt, a dagger, and a fulminating cap on him when arrested,
but he said he carried them for protection. I said: 'You didn't
need them in the office.' He said: 'I intended to go away, but was
arrested.' I also said: 'There has been found other weapons like this
sharpened dagger; how is it you come to carry this?' He said he put it
in his pocket for his own protection.
Detective William Jones testified that he had a locksmith open a closet
in Spies office, and in a desk were found two bars of dynamite, a long
fuse, a box of fulminating caps, some letters, and copies of both the
celebrated circulars. At Fischer's home he found a lot of cartridges
and a blouse of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. Officer Duffy found two
thousand copies of the circular calling upon the working men to arm,
and the manuscript of the "Revenge" circular in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_
office. Herr Most's book, "The Science of Revolutionary Warfare," found
in the _Arbeiter_ office, was offered in evidence; also the manual for
the manufacture of explosives and poisons.
Bernhard Schrader, a native of Prussia, five years in this country, a
carpenter by trade, testified that he was a member of the Lehr und Wehr
Verein; was at the meeting at Greif's hall the night of May 3, and he
corroborated Waller's testimony throughout. Besides those mentioned by
Waller, Schrader named Hadermann, Thiel and Danafeldt, as attendants at
the meeting. He saw Balthazar Rau distributing the "Revenge" circulars
at a meeting of the Carpenter's Union on Desplaines street. Witness
was present also at the Sunday meeting on Emma street. It was here
agreed to cripple the fire department, in case they were called out, by
cutting their hose. Witness went to the meeting at 54 West Lake street
in response to the signal "Y" in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_. He was at the
Haymarket, but did not know who threw the bomb. The Northwest group of
the Lehr und Wehr were armed with Springfield rifles. Witness' number
in the organization was 3,312.
Lieutenant Edward Steele testified that when the police entered the
Haymarket somebody cried out: "Here come the bloodhounds. You do your
duty, and we'll do ours."
Lieutenant Michael Quinn testified that he heard this exclamation and
that the man who made it was Fielden, just as he ceased speaking on the
wagon. About the instant the bomb exploded, Fielden exclaimed: "We are
peaceable!"
Lieutenant Stanton testified that the bomb exploded four seconds after
his company of eighteen men entered the Haymarket. Every member of his
company except two were wounded, and two--Degan and Redden--killed.
The witness was wounded in eleven places. Officers Krueger and Wessler
testified to having seen Fielden shoot at the police with a revolver.
Gustave Lehman, one of the conspirators, gave a detailed account of
various meetings; the afternoon of May 4 he was at Lingg's house
where men with cloths over their faces were making dynamite bombs;
Huebner was cutting fuse; Lingg gave witness a small hand-satchel with
two bombs, fuse, caps, and a can of dynamite; at 3 o'clock in the
morning, after the Haymarket explosion, he got out of bed and carried
this material back to Ogden's grove and hid it, where it was found by
Officer Hoffman; money to buy dynamite was raised at a dance of the
Carpenters' Union, at Florus' Hall, 71 West Lake street. Lingg took
this money and bought dynamite; Lingg taught them how to make bombs.
M. H. Williamson and Clarence P. Dresser, reporters, had heard Fielden,
Parsons and Spies counsel violence; the latter at the _Arbeiter
Zeitung_ office had advised that the new Board of Trade be blown up
on the night of its opening. George Munn and Herman Pudewa, printers,
worked on the "Revenge" circular in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office;
Richard Reichel, office-boy, got the "copy" for it from Spies.
The most sensational evidence of the trial, as showing the inside
workings of the armed sections of the socialists, and at the same time
the most damaging as indicative of their motives and designs, was that
of Detective Andrew C. Johnson, of the Pinkerton agency, an entirely
disinterested person who was detailed in December, 1884, by his
agency, which had been employed by the First National Bank to furnish
details of the secret meetings which it was known were being held by
revolutionary plotters at various places throughout the city. Johnson
is a Scandinavian, thin-faced and sandy-haired, born in Copenhagen,
and thirty-five years of age. He told his story in a calm, collected,
business-like manner. Mr. Grinnell asked:
"Do you know any of the defendants?" Witness--"I do."
"Name them."--"Parsons, Fielden, Spies, Schwab and Lingg."
"Were you at any time connected with any group of the International
Workingmen's Association?"--"I was."
"What group?"--"The American group."
"Were you a member of any armed section of the socialists of this
city?"--"Yes, sir."
"When did you begin attendance at their meetings?"--"The first meeting
I attended was the 22d of February 1885, at Baum's pavilion. The last
meeting I attended was the 24th of January of this year."
"At whose instance did you go to their meetings?"--"At the instance of
my agency."
"Did you from time to time make reports of what you heard and saw at
their meetings?"--"I did."
Mr. Grinnell passed over to witness a bundle of papers and asked:
"Have you in your hand a report of the meeting of the 22d of February,
1885?"--"Yes, sir."
"Were any of the defendants present at that meeting?"--"Yes, sir;
Parsons was present."
"Refer to your memoranda and tell me what was said by Parsons at that
meeting."--Objected to; overruled.--"Parsons stated that the reason
the meeting had been called in that locality was so as to give the
many merchant princes who resided there an opportunity to attend and
see what the Communists had to say about the distribution of wealth.
He said: 'I want you all to unite together and throw off the yoke.
We need no president, no congressmen, no police, no militia, and no
judges. They are all leeches, sucking the blood of the poor, who have
to support them all by their labor. I say to you, rise one and all, and
let us exterminate them all. Woe to the police or to the military whom
they send against us.'"
"That was where?"--"At Baum's pavilion, corner of Cottage Grove avenue
and Twenty-second street."
"Have you a report of any other of the defendants speaking at that
meeting?"--"No, sir."
"What is the next memorandum that you have?"--"The next meeting was
March 1. That night I became a member. I went to Thielen, who was at
the time acting as treasurer and secretary for the association, and
gave him my name and signified my willingness to join the association.
He entered my name in a book and handed me a red card with my name on
and a number."
"When and where was that?"--"That was March 1, 1885, at Greif's hall,
No. 54 West Lake street, in this city."
"Have you what was said and done at that meeting?"--"I have a report of
it here."
"Who spoke?"--"Parsons, Fielden, Spies, and others."
"Any other of the defendants?"--"No sir."
"State what Fielden said, and then what Parsons said."--"A lecture
was given by a man named Bailey on the subject of socialism and
christianity, and the question arose as to whether christianity ought
to be introduced in their meetings."
"What did Fielden, Spies and Parsons say there?"--"Fielden said that
he thought this matter ought not to be introduced into their meetings.
Parsons said, 'I am of the same opinion,' and Spies also said that it
ought not to be introduced."
"Now state the next meeting."--"The next meeting was March 4, at the
same place."
"Who were present?"--"Parsons, Fielden and Spies were present, and
spoke."
"When was the memorandum made that you have of that meeting?"--"The
same day, immediately after the termination of the meeting. Parsons
said: 'We are sorely in need of funds to publish the _Alarm_. As many
of you as are able ought to give as much as you can, because our paper
is our most powerful weapon, and it is only through the paper that
we can hope to reach the masses.' During his lecture he introduced
christianity. Spies stood up and said: 'We don't want any christianity
here in our meetings at all. We have told you so before.' Fielden made
no speech."
"When was the next meeting?"--"March 22."
"Were any speeches made by any of the defendants there?"--"Yes, sir,
Spies spoke. Previously a man named Bishop introduced a resolution of
sympathy for a girl named Sorell. Bishop stated that the girl had been
assaulted by her master. She had applied for a warrant, which had been
refused her on account of the high social standing of her master. Spies
said: 'What is the use of passing resolutions? We must act, and revenge
the girl. Here is a fine opportunity for some of our young men to go
and shoot Wight.' That was the man who had assaulted the girl."
"Do your reports contain references to speeches made by others?"--"They
do."
"You are only picking out speeches made by the defendants?"--"That is
all."
"When was the next meeting?"--"March 29, 1885, at Greif's hall. The
defendant, Fielden, spoke at that meeting. He said: 'A few explosions
in the city of Chicago would help the cause considerably. There is
the new Board of Trade, a roost of thieves and robbers. We ought to
commence by blowing that up.'"
"Were other speeches made at that meeting?"--"There were, but no others
made by the defendants."
"When was the next meeting?"--"April 1, at Greif's hall. Spies, Fielden
and Parsons were present at the meeting. Spies made a lengthy speech on
this occasion. His speech was in regard to acts of cruelty committed
by the police in Chicago; he spoke of the number of arrests made, and
the number of convictions in proportion. He also referred to the case
of the girl who preferred a charge of assault against police-sergeant
Patton, of the West Chicago avenue station."
"Who else spoke there?"--"Fielden. Spies had said before that he had
advised the girl to get a pistol and go and shoot the policeman.
Fielden stood up and said; 'That is what she ought to do.'"
"What was the next meeting?"--"April 8, 1885, at Greif's hall. Parsons
made a lengthy speech. He referred frequently in his address to the
strike at the McCormick harvester works. He said: 'There is but one of
two things for the men to do. They must either go to work for the wages
offered them or else starve.' In concluding his remarks he referred
to the strike at La Salle, Illinois. He said: 'To-morrow morning or
the next day the authorities here in the city will probably send a
trainload of policemen or militia to La Salle to shoot down the working
people there. Now, there is a way to prevent this. All you have to do
is to get some soap and place it on the rails and the train will be
unable to move.' Parsons spoke at great length of the crimes, as he
termed them, of the capitalists, and he said to those present that it
was an absolute necessity for them to unite against them, as that was
the only way they could fight the capitalists."
"Who else spoke there?"--"Fielden. He said it was a blessing something
had been discovered wherewith the working men could fight the police
and militia with their Gatling guns."
"What was the next meeting you had?"--"April 19. That meeting was held
at No. 106 Randolph street, because the hall at No. 54 Lake street was
engaged. At this meeting Parsons offered a resolution of sympathy for
Louis Riel and the half-breeds in the Northwest who were in rebellion
against the Canadian government. Neither Parsons nor Fielden spoke at
the meeting."
"What was the next meeting?"--"April 22, at Greif's hall. Referring to
the opening of the new Board of Trade building, Parsons said: 'What a
splendid opportunity there will be next Tuesday night for some bold
fellow to make the capitalists tremble by blowing up the building
and all the thieves and robbers that are there.' At the conclusion
of his speech he said that the working men of Chicago should form in
processions on Market square Tuesday evening next, and he invited all
those present to get as many of their friends as they could to join in
the procession."
"Did any other of the defendants speak there?"--"Fielden said: 'I also
wish to invite as many of you as can come and as many as you can get.
Go around to the lodging-houses and get all you can to join in the
procession--the more the merrier.'"
"When was the next meeting?"--"April 26, at Greif's hall."
"Did any of the defendants speak there?"--"There were present Parsons,
Fielden, Spies. Parsons said: 'I wish you all to consider the misery
of the working classes, and the cause of all the misery is these
institutions termed government. I lived on snowballs all last winter,
but, by G--d! I won't do it this winter.'"
"What was the next meeting at which any of the defendants
attended?"--"April 30, at Market square; Parsons and Fielden. Parsons
said: 'We have assembled here to determine in which way best to
celebrate the dedication of the new Board of Trade building, and to
give the working men of Chicago a chance to state their views in the
matter'. Fielden then said: 'I want all the working men of Chicago,
the country, and the world in general to arm themselves and sweep the
capitalists off the face of the earth.' Parsons then said: 'Every
working man in Chicago must save a little of his wages every week until
he has enough to buy a Colt's revolver and a Winchester rifle, for the
only way that the working people will get their rights is by the point
of the bayonet. We want you to form in procession now, and we will
march to the Board of Trade. We will halt there, and while the band is
playing we will sing the Marseillaise.'"
"Did you march in the procession, too?"--"I did."
"Where were you in that line of march?"--"I was in the center of the
procession."
"Did any of the defendants march with you?"--"Not with me, but in the
procession Fielden, Spies, Parsons and Neebe marched."
"What was the next meeting?"--"There was something occurred the night
of May 30. I was standing at the corner of Washington street and
Fifth avenue close behind Spies. That was Decoration day, and as the
procession passed by, Spies said: 'A half-dozen dynamite bombs would
scatter them all.' A little later a gentleman who was standing near
remarked upon the fine appearance of the Illinois National Guard, who
were then passing. Spies said: 'They are only boys, and would be no use
in case of a riot. Fifty determined men would soon disarm them all.'"
"When was the next meeting?"--"The next meeting was on the Lake front,
May 31, and Fielden and Parsons was there. Fielden said: 'It is only
by strength and force that you can overthrow the government.' Parsons
also spoke, but I don't recollect what he said."
"Go on to the next meeting."--"The next meeting was June 7, at Ogden's
grove. There were present Fielden, Parsons and Spies. Fielden said:
'Every working man in Chicago ought to belong to organizations. It is
of no use to go to our masters to give us more wages or better times.
I mean for you to use force. It is of no use for the working people to
hope to gain anything by means of an ordinary weapon. Every one of you
must learn the use of dynamite, for that is the power with which we
hope to gain our rights.' Schwab also spoke at that meeting in German,
which I do not understand."
"When was the next meeting?"--"The next meeting was August 19, at
Greif's hall. Parsons and Fielden spoke. Parsons referred to the late
strike of the street car employes, and said that if but one shot had
been fired, and Bonfield had happened to be shot, the whole city would
have been deluged in blood, and social revolution would have been
inaugurated. The next meeting was August 24, at Greif's hall."
"Do you know of a fellow named Bodendecke speaking at those
meetings?"--"Occasionally, but not frequently; I don't know where he
is now. There were some twenty or twenty-three men present at that
meeting, and twenty women."
"Name who were present."--"Besides the two defendants, Parsons, and
Fielden, there was Baltus, Bodendecke, Boyd, Lawson, Parker, Franklin
and Schneider."
"State what occurred there."--"After being there a short time a man
armed with a long cavalry sword and dressed in a blue blouse and
wearing a slouch hat came into the room. He ordered all those present
to fall in. He then called off certain names, and all those present
answered to their names. He inquired whether there were any new members
who wished to join the military company, and some one replied that
there was. He then said: 'Whoever wants to join step to the front.'
Myself and two others stepped to the front. We were asked separately to
give our names. I gave my name, which was put down in a book, and I was
then told that my number was 16. Previous to my name being put down in
the book, a man to whom I was speaking asked whether there was any one
present who knew me, or whether any one could vouch for my being a true
man. The defendant, Parsons and Bodendecke spoke up and said they would
vouch for me. The other two were asked their names in turn, and as they
were properly vouched for, their names were entered in a similar manner
in a book, and they were given numbers. The man who came into the room
armed then inquired of two other men in the room whether they were
members of the American group. Both said they were and he asked to see
their cards. As they were unable to show cards they were expelled, as
were two others. The doors were closed and the remainder were asked to
fall in line, and we were drilled about three-quarters of an hour--put
through a regular manual of drill, marching, countermarching, wheeling,
forming fours, etc."
"Who drilled you?"--"The man that came in with the sword; I didn't
ascertain his name. At the expiration of that time the drill-instructor
stated that he would now introduce some of the members of the first
company of the German organization. He went outside and in a few
minutes returned accompanied by ten other men, dressed as he himself
was, each one armed with a Springfield rifle. When they all got into
the room he placed them in line facing us and introduced them as
members of the first company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. He said
that he was going to drill them a little while to let us see how far
they had got with their drill. He drilled them about ten minutes in a
regular musket drill. At the end of that time a man in the employ of
the proprietor of the saloon at No. 54 West Lake street came into the
room with two tin boxes, which he placed on the table at the south end
of the room. The drill-instructor then asked all those present to step
up and examine the two tin boxes, as they were the latest improved
dynamite bomb. I stepped to the front with the others, and examined the
two tins."
"Describe them as near as you can."--"They were about the size and
had the appearance of ordinary preserved fruit cans. The top part
unscrewed, and on the inside the cans were filled with a light-brown
mixture. There was also a small glass tube inserted in the center of
the can. The tube was in connection with a screw, and it was explained
that when the can was thrown against any hard substance it would
explode."
"Was that mixture a liquid?"--"Inside of the glass tube was a liquid."
"Was there anything around that glass tube?"--"Yes, sir; it was a
brownish mixture."
"Was that a liquid?"--"No, sir; it looked more like fine sawdust."
"Did you feel of it?"--"I did not. The drill-instructor told us we
should be very careful about selecting new members of company, because
if we were not, there was no telling whom we might get into our midst.
The next proceeding of the evening was to select officers. A man
named Walters was chosen Captain, and Parsons was chosen Lieutenant.
Some discussion arose as to what the company should be called. It was
decided eventually that we should be called the International Rifles.
The drill-instructor then suggested that we ought to choose some other
hall, as we were not quite safe there. He added: 'We have a fine place
at No. 636 Milwaukee avenue. We have a shooting range in the basement,
where we practice shooting regularly.' Parsons inquired whether it
was not possible for us to rent the same place. The drill-instructor
informed him he did not know. The question of renting another hall was
postponed, and our next meeting was fixed for the next Monday."
Mr. Salomon--"A meeting of what?"
Witness--"A meeting of the armed section of the American group."
Mr. Grinnell--"Who drilled that company that night?"--Witness--"That
German, and Parsons and Fielden."
"When was the next meeting?"--"The following Monday, the 31st of
August, at the same place. Parsons and Fielden were present, and
others. That was a meeting of the armed section, and it was held at
Greif's hall. Capt. Walters drilled us about an hour and a half.
Afterward a consultation was held by the members of the company as to
the best way of procuring arms. Some one suggested that each member
should pay so much a week until a sufficient amount had been raised
wherewith to purchase a rifle for each member of the company. Parsons
said: 'Look here, boys, why can't we make a raid some night on the
militia armory? There are only two or three men on guard there, and it
is easily done.' This suggestion seemed to be favored by the members,
and it was finally decided to put the matter off until the nights got a
little longer."
Capt. Black--"Which matter was put off?"
Witness--"The raid on the armory."
Mr. Grinnell--"When was the next meeting?"--Witness--"September 3,
1885, at No. 54 West Lake street. Fielden made a speech there and said:
'It is useless for you to suppose that you can ever obtain anything in
any other way than by force. You must arm yourselves and prepare for
the coming revolution.' That was one of the ordinary meetings of the
association. The next meeting was October 11, at Twelfth street Turner
hall. Spies and Fielden were present. Fielden said: 'The Eight-Hour law
will be of no benefit to the working men. You must organize and use
force. You must crush out the present Government by force. It is the
only way in which you can better your present condition.' I left with
Fielden before the meeting terminated."
"When was the next meeting you attended?"--"The next meeting was
December 20, at Twelfth street Turner hall. Fielden was present. He
said: 'All the crowned heads of Europe are trembling at the very name
of Socialism, and I hope soon to see a few Liskes in the United States
to put away a few of the tools of the capitalists. The execution of
Riel in the Northwest was downright murder.'"--"Was that an open
meeting?"--"It was as far as I know. I saw no one refused admission."
"How about those other meetings you have mentioned, aside from the
armed sections?"--"Aside from the meetings of the armed section
I should say that they were public. I never saw any one refused
admission."--"Was there any precaution taken?"--"A precaution was taken
in this way: A member of the group was generally stationed at the door,
and as each member entered the hall he was closely scrutinized. The
next meeting was December 30."
"What place?"--"At No. 106 Randolph."
"Who spoke there?"--"Fielden. At this meeting a stranger asked a
question, and Fielden replied to the question."
"Do you know what the question was?"--"The question was: 'Would the
destruction of private property assist universal co-operation?' Fielden
replied: 'Neither I or any body else can tell what is going to be in a
hundred years from now, but this everybody knows: If private property
is done away with, it would insure a better state of things generally.
And we are trying all we can to teach the people the best way in which
to bring about this change.'"
"Who was present at that meeting?"--"Fielden, only. The next meeting
was January of this year, at Twelfth street Turner hall. Fielden and
Schwab were present. Fielden, referring to the troubles in Ireland,
said: 'If every Irishman would become a Socialist, he would have
a better opportunity to secure home-rule for Ireland. I want all
Irishmen to destroy all the private property they can lay their hands
on.' He also referred to other matters. What he said had reference to
Pinkerton's detective agency."
"What was it he said?"--"He said Pinkerton's detectives were a lot of
cold-blooded murderers, and the worst enemies the working men had, and
they were all in the pay of the capitalists."
"Is that all that was said there? Was that one of these ordinary
opening meetings?"--"It was."
"What else happened?"--"Schwab also addressed this meeting in German.
During his speech he was frequently applauded. The next meeting I
attended was January 14, at No. 106 Randolph Street."
"January of this year?"--"Yes, sir."
"What was said at this meeting?"--"Before the meeting commenced the
defendants, Fielden and Spies, had a conversation which I overheard."
"Where was that?"--"That was held in the hall near the door."
"State what you heard."--"Spies said to Fielden: 'Don't say very much
about that article on Anarchists in an afternoon paper. You simply need
to state that a reporter of the paper had an interview with me a few
days ago, but that most of the statements of the paper are lies.'"
"How was that conversation carried on?"--"It was carried on quietly and
was not meant for anybody else to hear."
Capt. Black objected to the last part of the answer, and succeeded in
having it stricken out.
"What was the tone of voice?"--"In whispers."
"When did they leave?"--"Spies further said: 'You must be careful in
your remarks. You don't know who might be amongst us to-night.' Spies
then went away and the meeting was called to order."
"By whom?"--"Fielden."
"What did he say?"--"He made a long talk, commenting on the articles
that appeared. He said almost all of the statements were lies. He
said in regard to dynamite bombs: 'It is quite true we have lots of
explosives and dynamite in our possession, and we will not hesitate
to use them when the proper time comes. We care nothing at all either
for the military or the police. All of these are in the pay of the
capitalists.' He further said that 'even in the regular army most of
the soldiers are in sympathy with us, and most of them have been driven
to enlist. I have had a letter from a friend out West. He told me that
he had seen a soldier on the frontier reading a copy of the _Alarm_.'
Others then made speeches. Afterward Fielden again spoke at the same
meeting in regard to the question asked him, what was the Socialist
idea of the eight-hour movement. Fielden said: 'We don't object to
but we don't believe in it. Whether a man works eight hours a day or
ten hours a day he is still a slave. We propose to abolish slavery
altogether.' That is all of that meeting. Fielden said, the 24th of
January, at a meeting held at No. 106 Randolph street--"
"What is the name of that, Jung's hall?"--"Yes, I believe it is Jung's
hall. Fielden said good results were sure to follow the abolishment of
private property."
"When did you quit this branch of your business?"--"The latter part of
January last."
"Did you know then of Pinkerton's agency having any other men employed
in the same line that you were employed in?"--"I knew there had been
another man, but whether he was employed then I do not know."
"Have you lately, within the last few days, ascertained, and do
you know the fact, that you have seen any Pinkerton men in these
meetings?"--"That is so."
"But you did not know it at that time?"--"I did not know it at that
time."
"How often did you drill with the armed section?"--"Only twice."
"How often did they drill?"--"Once a week."
"Have you got any information from any other members of the
organization? If they drilled after that?"
Objected to and withdrawn.
"Did you ascertain from any of the defendants if they drilled after
that?"--"I did not."
"Have you had any other talk with Parsons outside of these
utterances?"--"I have."
"Have you had any talk with Spies, Fielden, Parsons, and other
defendants as to the purposes of their organization?"--"I have talked
frequently with Parsons and Fielden at various times and at various
places. I cannot recollect as to what was said at each place and when
it was said."
"Can you give me the substance or purport of what was said at any time?"
Captain Black objected, unless time and place were given.
"What was the object of the armed section as was expressed by the
members?"--"At the first meeting of the armed section the discussion
arose as to what the company should be called. Some one suggested
that the company should be amalgamated with the German organization,
and the company was to be called the Fourth Company of the Lehr und
Wehr Verein. This idea was opposed, and finally it was decided that
it should be called the International Rifles. It was further said and
understood by all the members that in case of a conflict with the
authorities the International Rifles were to act in concert with the
Lehr und Wehr Verein, and obey the orders of the officers of that
organization."
"What was said at any time as to when this revolution was to take
place--when was to be the culmination of the conflict?"--"The 1st of
May was frequently mentioned as a good opportunity."
"What 1st of May?"--"This present. As far as I remember it was at a
meeting at Twelfth street Turner hall on one occasion in December, and
it was the defendant Fielden that said the 1st of May would be the time
to strike the blow. There would be so many strikes and there would be
50,000 men out of work--that is to say if the eight-hour movement was a
failure."
"Have you ever met any of them at the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office?"--"I
have."
"What conversation did you have?"--"I had a conversation with Parsons
some time in March. The conversation took place in the _Alarm_ office
in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ building. This office is situated in the back
of the building."
"Well, state what you remember of the conversation."--"I asked
Parsons if he did not think it advisable to get some papers printed
in the Scandinavian language, as I thought I could make use of them.
I intended to distribute them among the Scandinavian people along
Milwaukee avenue and that neighborhood. Parsons replied: 'Yes, it is a
good idea, and the best thing you can do is to bring the matter up in
our next meeting. Bring it up before the meeting, and I will see that
it is attended to. It is no use, we must have the Scandinavians with
us.'"
"Did you have any talk with any of these defendants about the purposes
and objects of the social revolution, so-called?"--"I have had numerous
conversations with Fielden and Parsons but I cannot remember distinctly
what was said."
"What was Parsons' relation to the _Alarm_?"--"He was the editor."
"Did you ever see a book by Most called 'The Modern Science of
Revolutionary Warfare?' Look at that book and state whether you have
seen it before."--"I have."
"Where?"--"I have seen it at meetings at Twelfth street Turner hall; at
No. 54 West Lake street, and also at No. 106 Randolph."
"Who had charge of the distribution of it?"--"The Chairman."
"Of the respective meetings?"--"Yes, sir."
"Were they sold or given away?"--"They were sold."
"Do you know whether or not any steps were taken to distribute the
_Alarm_?"
"There were a number of those present at that particular meeting who
bought a number of copies of the _Alarm_, and said that they would try
their best to sell them and obtain new subscribers."
"Do you know a man named Schneider and one Thomas Brown?"--"Yes, sir."
"Did they belong to the American group?"--"Both of them."
"Did they belong to the armed section?"--"Both of them."
"Where usually did the American group meet before the time you ceased
your connection with it?"
"During the last few meetings it met at No. 106 Randolph street."
"Prior to that where did it meet?"--"It had met at No. 54 West Lake
street, also at No. 45 North Clark street, and on the Lake front."
"Did you ever meet with the American group at No. 107 Fifth
avenue?"--"No, sir."
"No. 636 Milwaukee avenue was the place mentioned as the proper place
for drilling. Were you ever there?"--"I was there."
"Did they meet more than once there?"--"I don't know."
"Do you know what the hall is called?"--"I do."
"What is it?"--"Thalia hall."
"When you joined this organization did it cost you anything?"--"Ten
cents."
"How often did you pay the contributions?"--"Once a month."
"How much?"--"Ten cents."
"When you joined the armed section did that require any special
contribution?"--"No, sir."
"What was Fielden's office in the group of the armed section?"
"He was Treasurer and Secretary of the organization--of the group."
"Did he hold any office, or was he simply a private in the armed
section?"
"He held no office while I attended there."
CROSS-EXAMINED.
Cross-examined by Mr. Foster:--"Where were you before you came here?"
"I was a police officer in England eight years."
"In uniform?"--"Part of the time."
"How long did you do detective service there?"--"Three years."
"At what place?"--"In Lancashire."
"How long have you been with Pinkerton?"--"Three years."
"What did you do before you became a detective here? Were you ever in
any legitimate business?"
Mr. Grinnell--"In any _other_ legitimate business?"
Witness--"I was storekeeper at the Windsor hotel."
"Was that meeting at Baum's hall a public one?"--"It was."
"March 1 you became a member?"--"Yes, sir."
"Were your antecedents inquired into?"--"No, sir."
"You just paid your ten cents and were received?"--"Yes, sir."
"Is not that your experience, that anybody who could pay 10 cents could
be received?"--"Yes, sir."
"Did you ever see anybody excluded?"--"No, sir, except reporters. I
have seen reporters excluded sometimes."
"Were not reporters generally freely admitted?"--"Not very often."
"They had seats for them and a table?"--"I don't know. I never saw more
than one at a time there."
"Did you ever see anybody excluded by the doorkeeper?"
"No, sir."
"Did you ever have any ushers--anybody who got seats for strangers."
"No, sir; but I saw some of the old members get up and give their seats
when strangers came in."
"You stated that Mr. Spies introduced resolutions in sympathy with a
girl?"
"Somebody else introduced them but Spies opposed it. He said there was
no use making resolutions."
"That is, the girl had had her day in court and it was no use passing
resolutions?"
"He said it would be a good opportunity for some one to take a pistol
and go and shoot Wight."
"You are sure Spies said that?"--"Yes, sir."
"You wrote out your report immediately with all the facts fresh in your
mind."--"Yes, I wrote it that night."
"Didn't you write in your report [reading from it] that Keegan said
that after Spies got through with his remarks?"--"Yes, but Mr. Spies
said it also."
"You are sure of that?"--"Yes, sir."
"Will you show me the place in your report where this is said?"--"I
don't find it."
"Then your memory is better now than it was immediately after the
meeting?"
"It is considerably better now that I have refreshed it."
"A detective's memory gets better as the time goes on, does it?"
Mr. Grinnell objected to this kind of cross-examination.
Referring to the charges against Sergt. Patton, Mr. Foster asked: "Were
the circumstances stated that the girl had been grossly abused, but his
brother officers stood round and swore him out?"
"It may have been."
"And was it not stated as a general expression that such a man ought to
be shot?"
"It may have been."
In regard to the strike at La Salle, Mr. Foster made it appear as
if Parsons had simply stated in general terms that if soap was put
on the rails the train would not be able to move, but that he did
not advise anybody to go and put the soap on. Fielden's remark that
something had been discovered by which the working men could resist
the police and militia, and Parson's remark that he would not live on
snowballs another winter, were represented by Mr. Foster in an
equally innocent and harmless light. The cross-examination for the day
concluded with the following questions and answers:
[Illustration: OSCAR NEEBE.]
"You heard Fielden say: 'While we march toward the Board of Trade we
will sing the Marseillaise hymn?'"--"Yes, sir."
"That you understood to be the French national hymn?"--"Yes, sir."
W. H. Freeman, a reporter, testified as follows:
"I was at the corner of Randolph and Desplaines streets. Saw Parsons
speaking, and listened to what he had to say. Some one said Mayor
Harrison was there and I tried to find him. There was a big crowd.
Parsons said that Jay Gould was a robber, and asked what was to be
done. Somebody shouted, 'Throw him in the lake.' Parsons said: 'No,
that won't do. We must overthrow the system by which he was enabled
to secure so much money.' He shouted frequently: 'To arms! to arms!'
and the crowd applauded. There were six or eight persons on the wagon.
Fielden, the next speaker, discussed legislation, saying that Martin
Foran had admitted that it was impossible for the working men to get
their rights through legislation, and that the people were fools to
send such a man to Congress when he owned that the legislation could
not better them. He justified the forthcoming revolution, saying it was
just as proper as the colonial revolution. The police came up quietly
and my first knowledge of it was the command to disperse. Then the
bomb exploded. It made a terrible noise, and a moment after the firing
commenced. Parsons, Spies and Fielden were on the wagon, and I think
I saw Schwab there. I crouched down behind the wagon until after the
firing was over; then I went to the Desplaines street station. On
getting out on the street I saw two officers lying wounded. I spoke to
them but they didn't answer, so I told the sergeant of a patrol-wagon
about it."
Officer McKeogh testified:
"I was at the Haymarket on the night of May 4. Parsons followed Spies,
saying: 'I am a Socialist from the top of my head to the soles of my
feet, and I'll express my sentiments if I die before morning.' Again he
said: 'I pay rent for the house I live in.' Some one asked: 'What does
the landlord do with the money?' Parsons replied: 'I am glad you asked
that question. The landlord pays taxes, they go to pay the sheriff, the
militia, and the Pinkertonites.' The crowd cheered, then Parsons cried:
'To arms! to arms!' and Fielden took the stand. He said: 'The law does
not protect you, working men. Did the law protect you when the police
shot down your brothers at McCormick's? Did the law protect you when
McCormick closed the doors of his factory and left you and your wives
and children to starve? I say throttle the law; strangle it, kill it!'"
H. E. O. Heineman, formerly a reporter on the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, was
asked:
"Mr. Heineman, you were formerly an Internationalist?"--"Yes, sir."
"When did you cease your connection with them?"--"About two years ago."
"Whom of the defendants do you know that were in that association or
society before you left it?"--"Of my own knowledge I know none but one,
that is Neebe. He used to belong to the same group that I did."
"Did you ever meet with any of the others at any of the
meetings?"--"Yes; Spies, Schwab, and I think, Parsons."
"That was about the time Herr Most came here and delivered some
speeches?"--"Yes, sir."
"And it was on account of those speeches you severed your connection
with the Anarchists?"--"Yes."
"Whom did you see on the speaker's wagon at the Haymarket?"--"I saw the
speakers, Spies, Schwab and Fielden, and Rudolph Schnaubelt, whom I had
formerly known from my connection with the Internationalists."
"You say Schnaubelt was on the wagon. How long after the cloud came up
and the crowd thinned out did you see him?"--"I cannot say."
"Well, how long before the police came did you miss Schnaubelt?"--"I
cannot say; perhaps ten minutes."
"You say Mr. Neebe was a member of the Internationalist organization.
Now, you didn't have any passwords, did you? It wasn't an organization
where you drilled, was it?"--"It was an avowed Socialistic order."
Another sensational witness was Harry L. Gilmer, a workman, who
testified that he saw Spies and Rudolph Schnaubelt standing inside
the mouth of the alley at the Haymarket; that Spies lit a match for
Schnaubelt, who in turn lit the fuse of the bomb and threw it among
the police. An effort was made to shake the testimony of this witness,
which was not successful, and witnesses were then brought forward to
impeach his veracity, but the state produced many prominent men who
knew him, and who stated that they would believe him under oath.
Captain Frank Schaack, in charge of the East Chicago avenue police
station, who unearthed the Anarchists' conspiracy after the Haymarket,
was called to the stand on Thursday, July 29. Lingg's trunk was placed
before him. He was asked:
"Do you know any of the defendants in this case?"
"I have seen Spies, Schwab and Parsons, and Engel and Lingg were
arrested and confined in my station."
"When did you first converse with Lingg about this case?"
"About 3 o'clock on the afternoon of May 14. First I asked him his
name. He told me. I asked him if he was at the meeting at 54 Lake
street on Tuesday night. He said: 'Yes.' Then he said he made dynamite.
I asked him what for. He said: 'To use then.' He looked excited. I
asked why he disliked the police. He said he had a reason; the police
clubbed the men at McCormick's. He said he was down on the police
because they took the part of the capitalists. I said: 'Why don't you
use guns instead of dynamite?' He said guns wouldn't do; that the
militia would outnumber the Socialists. I asked him how he learned to
make dynamite. He said out of books, and that he made bombs out of
gas-pipe and out of lead and metal mixed. He said he got the lead on
the streets and the gas-pipe along the river or anywhere he could."
"What other conversation did you have?"
"Lingg said he made those bombs and meant to use them. Then Mrs.
Seliger accused him of making bombs a few weeks after he came to her
house. I knew then that he had made a good many. John Thielen was
arrested at the same time, and from him we got two bombs. I said to
Lingg: 'This man says you gave him the bombs. What have you to say?'
He looked at Thielen and shook his head, and Thielen said: 'Oh, it's
no use, everything is known; you might just as well talk.' But Lingg
refused to say anything."
"Anything else?"
"Well, this trunk here was brought to my office. Under the lining
I found a lot of dynamite and some fuse and asked him if that was
the kind of dynamite he used. He said it was; that he got it at a
store on Lake street. There were three kinds of dynamite. He said he
experimented once with a long bomb; that he put it in a tree, touched
it off, and that it riddled the tree to atoms. I asked him if he knew
Spies. He said 'Yes, for some time;' that he was often at the _Arbeiter
Zeitung_ office. I asked him how long he had been a Socialist. He said
he'd been a Socialist as long as he could think."
"Did you have any conversation with Engel?"
"Yes, on the 18th, in the evening, I asked him where he was May 3. He
said he worked for a man named Koch. I asked him if he made a speech
at the meeting at 54 Lake street. He said no, but that he was at the
meeting. The second time I talked with him his wife came. She brought
him a bunch of flowers. He got excited, and cried: 'What good are those
flowers to me? Here I am locked up in a dark cell.' Then his wife
said: 'Papa, see what trouble you've got yourself into; why haven't
you stopped this nonsense?' He said: 'Mamma, I can't. I am cursed with
eloquence. What is in a man must come out. Louise Michel suffered for
the cause. She is a woman; why should I not suffer? I am a man, and I
will stand it like a man.'"
"How many bombs in all did you find?"--Objected to.
"Tell the jury what experiments you made with those bombs."
"One bomb found in Lingg's room, which Schuettler said was loaded with
a funnel, I put in a box two feet square and buried in the ground three
feet deep at Lake View. Officers Stift, Rehm and Loewenstein were
there. We touched the bomb off. It blew the box to pieces, fragments
carried off the branches of trees, and the ground was torn up for a
great distance. This black dynamite, also found in Lingg's room, was
put in a beer keg. Part of this dynamite Lingg gave to Thielen, and
this is a fragment of a round bomb I experimented with. On top of this
bomb I had a round piece of iron thirty-four inches wide, some heavy
planks, a piece of steel forty-two inches wide and weighing 180 pounds;
then an iron boiler twenty-two inches wide and fourteen inches high;
then on top of that a stone weighing 132 pounds. The stone was burst to
pieces, nine holes were shot through the iron boiler, the steel cover
was cracked, and the planks were split into kindling wood. Portions of
the other bombs I cut off, and gave them to Profs. Haines and Paton."
There were bushels of bombs before the jury. Coils of fuse was
unwound. Dynamite in paper packages and in tin boxes was displayed.
The courtroom looked like the interior of an arsenal so far as the
tremendous character of the explosives were concerned. Pieces of metal,
gas-pipe, tin cans, and iron boxes rattled together. Capt. Schaack,
pointing to the bombs, said he got two from Hoffman, one from fireman
Miller, and one from Officer Loewenstein. He was not allowed to tell
how many bombs in all he received until the officers first told where
the bombs were found.
"Now about those conversations. Did Lingg say anything about the use of
those bombs?"
"He said he intended to use them against the Gatling-guns of the
militia; that a revolution was impending. I asked him about that
satchel he brought to Neff's place. He said he saw one there. Then I
asked him where he got the moulds to mould the round bombs. He said he
made them out of clay; that they could be used about two times, then
they were no good. He said he saw the 'Revenge' circular on the West
side."
"Who did he say was at his place May 4?"--"He said about six in all,
but he only knew the two Lehmans."
Capt. Schaack was asked by Mr. Ingham whether he experimented with fuse.
"I did. I also experimented with dynamite cartridges. I had one
inserted into a stone weighing perhaps thirty pounds. The explosion
broke this stone into atoms."
Cross-examined by Mr. Foster.--"What Lingg said to you, Captain, was
substantially this: That there was to be a conflict between the police
and the Gatling-guns on one side and the laboring men on the other, and
that he was making these bombs to use when that time came?"
"That's about it, only he said the time had actually come."
"Those experiments you made were made for your own satisfaction?"
"They were made to enable me to testify to the character of the stuff
that was found."
"As a matter of fact you woke up Engel in his cell after midnight to
interrogate him, didn't you?"
"Well, I don't remember. If I did, I did, and I suppose I did. I had a
right to do it."
"Do you know of two detectives at your station who went to Lingg's cell
late at night and exhibited a rope saying they were going to hang him?"
"I do not, and I do not believe anything of the kind was done."
Officer Hoffman, of the Larrabee street station, testified that he
found nine round bombs and four long ones under a sidewalk near Clyde
street and Clybourn avenue.
"Who was with you at the time?"--"Gustav Lehman."
Under John Thielen's house the witness found two long bombs, two boxes
of cartridges, two cigar boxes full of dynamite, one rifle, and one
revolver.
"What else?"--"Lehman pointed out to me a can holding about a gallon,
and this was filled with dynamite."
"Look at this box of caps. Where did you find them?"--"They were with
the dynamite. They were all under the sidewalk on Clybourn avenue, back
of Ogden's grove."
Assistant State's Attorney Frank Walker opened the proceedings Friday,
July 30, by reading extracts from Parsons' _Alarm_, dated May 2d of
this year. It was a speech delivered by Parsons April 29, the night
the new Board of Trade was dedicated, and that occasion afforded the
speaker his subject. The speech was full of rabid utterances, of which
the following are samples:
"To-night the property owners are dedicating a temple for the plunder
of the people. We assemble as Anarchists and Communists to protest
against the system of society founded on spoilation of the people."
In conclusion Parsons advised his hearers to save their money and buy
revolvers and rifles, and recommended the use of dynamite.
Under date of December 26, 1885, the _Alarm_ contained a long
description of what qualities should center in a revolutionist. "The
revolutionist," it was said, "must dedicate his life exclusively to
his idea, living in this world only for the purpose of more surely
destroying it. He hates every law and science, and knows of but one
science--that of destruction. He despises public sentiment and social
morality. All his sentiments of friendship, love and sympathy must be
suppressed. Equally must he hate everything that stands in the way to
the attainment of his ends. He must have but one thought--merciless
revolution; he must be bound by no ties, and must not hesitate to
destroy all institutions and systems."
On February 6, 1886, the _Alarm_ paid its respects to Captain Bonfield,
and the attention of the revolutionists was called to the clubbing done
by the police at the time of the car-men's strike, by saying: "American
sovereigns, if you don't like this, get guns or dynamite."
The names of those appointed to act as a bureau of information for the
Anarchists were printed in the _Alarm_ under date January 9, 1886.
Joseph Bock, B. Rau, August Spies, A. R. Parsons and Anton Hirschberger
were the names given. On March 20, 1886, the _Alarm_ said: "All
argument is no good unless based on force."
On another occasion, speaking of the eight-hour movement, it was
said: "All roads lead to Rome; so must all labor movements lead to
Socialism." Later the _Alarm_ said: "One pound of dynamite is better
than a bushel of ballots. Working men, to arms! Death to luxurious
idleness!" All articles from which these extracts were taken had
Parsons' name appended as the writer. April 24, the date of the
last issue of the _Alarm_, the Knights of Labor were assailed "for
attempting to prevent the people from exterminating the predatory
beasts--the capitalists." Mr. Ingham reads from Herr Most's book
a description of an infernal machine to burn down buildings. This
apparatus is described as of wonderful efficiency and dirt cheap. It
is read to secure the admission as evidence of the four tin boxes
spoken of by Detective Jansen, who saw them exhibited at 54 West Lake
street.
The Court is not sure the contents in both cases are the same, and
Officer Coughlin, of the Chicago avenue station, is put on the stand
to prove the character of the compound. He experimented with one
can by means of a fulminating cap. He tried to explode the can but
failed, then he attached a fuse and an explosion followed. A quantity
of burning liquid, much resembling vitriol, was distributed in all
directions, a stream was thrown five or six feet high, and for a space
of ten feet in all directions the grass was set on fire, and it burned
for fully five minutes.
Charles B. Prouty is called. He was formerly manager of a gun store on
State street.
"Have you ever seen any of the defendants before?"--"I have seen Engel
and Parsons."
"When did you converse with Engel last, before May 4?"--"Some time
last fall. Mr. Engel and his wife called at the store and inquired
for some big revolvers. They found one that suited them, to present
to some society. They said they wanted 100 or 200 for this society. A
week later they said this revolver would do and they wanted some 200
revolvers. I told them I thought I could get them, but when they came
back the second time I found I couldn't. They were much disappointed
and said they would go some place else."
"What was the price?"--"I think $5.50. They were either 44 or 45
calibre revolvers."
"What did you say about the price?"--"I told them that was very cheap
and said they could make a handsome profit on them. They said they
didn't want to make any profit; that the weapons were for a society."
Captain Black, on the cross-examination, brings it out that the witness
sold the gun to Engel, thinking he wanted to go into some speculation.
W. J. Reynolds, also in the gun business at 73 State street, has seen
Parsons, and he thinks Engel.
"When did you see Parsons relative to your business, and tell what it
was?"
"I think it was in February or March. He came into the store and wanted
to purchase about forty remodeled Remington guns. Parsons spoke to
me several times about this purchase, but it was never made. Parsons
seemed undecided."
"State whether your concern ever sold any rifle or revolver cartridges,
which were to be delivered, and were delivered, at 636 Milwaukee
avenue--Thalia hall?"
This question is overruled by the court unless the cartridges were
delivered by the witness in person. Capt. Black takes the witness in
hand and he said he never knew Parsons by name until yesterday, then
that person was pointed out to him in court.
"That's all," says Capt. Black.--"Mr. Reynolds," says Mr. Grinnell,
"was Parsons pointed out to you, or did you not point out the man you
had seen before?"
"I pointed out the man I had seen before."
A manuscript in Spies' handwriting is offered in evidence. It is a
manuscript of an editorial which was printed in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_
of May 4 and captioned: "Blood and Powder as a Cure for Dissatisfied
Working Men." In another part of the paper was the following: "This
evening there is a great meeting at the Haymarket. No working men ought
to stay away."
Manuscript in Schwab's handwriting is submitted. This matter appeared
in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ May 4, and one passage is as follows: "The
heroes of the club dispensed with their cudgels yesterday." This has
reference to the riot at McCormick's.
Another extract; "Reports of the capitalist papers have all been
dictated by the police." Still another: "The armory on the Lake front
is guarded by military tramps." And another: "Milwaukee, usually
so quiet, yesterday became the scene of quite a number of labor
riots." Under date of May 3, Spies' paper said: "A hot conflict. The
termination of the radical elements bring the extortioners in numerous
instances to terms." January 5, 1885, Spies wrote concerning a report
of a meeting at 54 West Lake street: "Comrade Spies, in the course
of his speech said: 'And if we commence to murder we obey the law of
necessity for self-preservation.'" January 19, 1885, the _Arbeiter
Zeitung_ contained a two column report of a meeting held at Mueller's
hall. Dynamite, blood and bombs were the nice points dealt with, and
the comments thereon was what the state wanted read. But first a
translation should have been made, and to do this an adjournment is
taken until 2 o'clock.
As the trial progressed public interest in the development of the
Anarchist plot to overthrow law and order increased. The courtroom
would not hold half of the people that applied for admission, and
hundreds were turned away. Scattered throughout the courtroom were
numerous red flags and banners of the Lehr und Wehr Verein and the
various Anarchist groups. Detective James Bonfield was recalled to
identify the flags and banners found at the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ office.
They were as follows: "In the Absence of Law all Men are Free";
"Every Government is a Conspiracy against the People"; "Down with
all Laws"; "Fifteenth Section Boys Stick together"; "Proletarians of
all Countries, unite"; "International Working People's Association of
Chicago. Presented by the Socialistic Women's Society July 16, 1875".
Saturday, July 31, the state introduced more translations from the
_Arbeiter Zeitung_. The paper of January 6, under the caption of "A New
Military Law," contained the following editorials: "After the adoption
of the law and its working we have learned a lesson. The vote of 1881
has shown that we are stronger than ever. There exists to-day an
invisible network of Socialistic forces. We are stronger than ever."
On January 22, 1886, an editorial asked: "How can the eight-hour day be
brought about? Why, every clear-headed man can see that the result can
be obtained by no other means than armed force."
The next day it was said: "The rottenness of our social institutions
cannot be covered up with whitewash. Capital sucks its force out of the
labor of the working men. The misery has become unbearable. Let us not
treat with our enemies on May 1. Therefore, comrades, arm to the teeth.
We want to demand our rights on May 1."
Regarding the riot in London, a meeting was held at the Twelfth street
Turner hall, Neebe presiding; Fielden the orator, and his speech and
the proceedings were reported under date of February 15. Fielden said:
"The time is not so far distant when the down-trodden in Chicago will
rise like their brothers in London, and march up Michigan avenue, the
red flag at their head." Schwab spoke, calling on the people to rally
around the red flag of revolution. An editorial on February 17 said:
"Hundreds and thousands of reasons indicate that force will bring about
a successful termination in the struggle for liberty." April 10 it was
said: "What happened yesterday in East St. Louis may happen in Chicago.
It is high time to be prepared to complete the ammunition and be ready."
On April 22 Spies wrote: "Working men, arm yourselves. May 1 is close
at hand." Six days later he said: "What Anarchists predicted six months
ago has been realized now. The power of the manufacturers must be met
with armed working men. The logic of facts requires this. Arms are more
necessary now than ever. It is time to arm yourselves. Whoever has not
money sell your watch and buy firearms. Patience has been preached--the
working men have had too much of patience."
On April 29 Spies wrote: "The wage slave who is not utterly demoralized
should have a breech-loader in his house." And the next day he said:
"As we have been informed the police have received secret orders to
keep themselves in readiness for fear of a riot on Saturday next, to
the working men we again say: Arm yourselves! Keep your arms hidden so
that they will not be stolen by the minions of the law, as has happened
before." In the Letter-Box was the following: "A dynamite cartridge
explodes not through concussion. A percussion primer is necessary."
January 5, in the _Arbeiter Zeitung_, a report said: "The meeting
which the American group held at 54 West Lake street was one of the
best meetings ever held in Chicago. Comrade Spies said: 'When we
murder we put an end to general murder. We only follow the law of
self-preservation.'"
On January 18 all working men were called to attend a meeting
at Steinmetz hall. "To Arms," was the caption. "Those who desire
instruction in drilling will not have to pay." At Mueller's hall, a
few days later, Schwab made an address, saying: "We have made all
preparations for a revolution by force." Spies said: "I have been
accused by a paper that I tried to stir up a revolution. I concede
this. What is crime, anyhow? When the working men try to secure the
fruits of their labor it is called crime."
Guns, dynamite and prussic acid, Spies preached, should be given the
working men, and "for every clubbed head in the ranks of the working
men there should be exacted twelve dead policemen." In a long discourse
on the means of action, Spies said: "In the action itself one must
be personally at the place, to select personally that point of the
place of action which is the most important, and is coupled with the
greatest danger, upon which depends chiefly the success or failure of
the whole affair. Otherwise the thing would reach the long ears of the
police, which, as is known to every one, hear the grass grow and the
fleas cough; but if this theory is acted on, the danger of discovery
is extremely small." "The Love of Self-Sacrifice", as manifested by
those who were killed during the uprising of the Paris Commune, while
fighting under the red flag, was the subject of a long address on
March 22, and March 23 it was said the question of arming was the one
uppermost in labor circles. Working men, it was held, ought to be armed
long ago. Daggers and revolvers were easily purchased; hand-grenades
were plentiful, and so was dynamite. The approaching contest should not
be gone into with empty hands.
The State here rested its case.
CHAPTER IV.
UNDER A CLOUD. A STRUGGLE FOR LIFE. CONTESTING EVERY POINT BY
SHREWD COUNSEL. BRAVING IT OUT. THE DEFENSE.
Attorney Zeisler moved to have the jury sent from the room pending
a motion, and this the Court refused to do, saying it was a vicious
practice, and that the jury should hear all there was in a case.
Capt. Black--"The motion we desire to make is that your Honor now
instruct the jury, the State having rested, that they find a verdict of
not guilty as to Oscar Neebe; and we desire to argue that motion."
Counsel for the defense proceeded to argue the motion, and held that
Neebe was not amenable; not having been present at the Haymarket, and
having nothing to do with the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ until after the arrest
of Spies.
The Court--"If he had had prior knowledge of the participation in
the Haymarket meeting the question would be quite different, but if
there is a general advice to commit murder, and the time and occasion
not being foreseen, the adviser is guilty if the murder is committed.
Whether he did participate, concurred, assented, or encouraged the
publication of the _Arbeiter Zeitung_ is a question for this jury
upon the testimony that he was frequently there, and that so soon as
Schwab and Spies were away he took charge. Everything in which his name
has been mentioned must be taken together, and then what the proper
inference is, is for the jury to say."
Capt. Black--"Does your Honor overrule the motion?"--The Court--"I
overrule the motion."
[Illustration: COUNSEL FOR DEFENDANTS.]
Capt. Black--"We except, if your Honor pleases. We desire also to
make a like motion, without arguing it, in behalf of all the defendants
except Spies and Fischer."--Motion overruled.
Mr. Salomon then began the opening argument for the defense. There were
two leading points in his argument:
1. There cannot be accessories without a principal. The state must
prove that somebody was a principal in committing murder before it can
convict others as accessories.
2. The defendants did not throw the bomb: therefore they are not guilty.
"True, the defendants made bombs; true, they intended to use dynamite.
What if they did?" asks Mr. Salomon. "They were preparing for a
revolution by force of arms and by means of dynamite--but what has that
to do with the case? Did they kill Matthias J. Degan, for which act
they were specifically indicted? That is the question."
Mr. Salomon then argued that the State would have to prove that the
object of the Haymarket meeting was to "aggressively kill the police."
He pointed out that the defendants had consecrated their lives to the
benefit of their fellow men. They did not seek McCormick's property
for themselves--they did not want the goods in Marshall Field's store
for themselves. Their methods were dangerous, but why were they not
stopped at inception? They advocated force, because they believed in
force. No twelve men--no 12,000 men--could root out Anarchy. Anarchy
is of the head--it is implanted in the soul! As well attempt to root
out Republicanism or Democracy! They intended revolution--a revolution
similar to that of the Northern states against slavery, or of America
against British oppression. They wanted to free the white slaves--the
working classes. They intended to use dynamite in furtherance of that
revolution. But they did not expect, nor did they conspire to take,
the life of officer Degan. Lingg had the right to manufacture bombs
and fill his house with dynamite, if he so pleased. There was no law
against it. Mr. Salomon intimated that an attempt would be made to
show who threw the bomb, or that it was thrown by somebody other than
Schnaubelt; also that the police began the riot by shooting into the
crowd; that Schwab was not at the meeting at all, and that when the
bomb exploded Parsons and Fischer were in Zephf's hall drinking beer.
"We expect further to show you," said Mr. Salomon, "that this meeting
had assembled peaceably, that its objects were peaceable, that they
delivered the same harangues, that the crowd listened quietly, that not
a single act transpired there previous to the coming of the police,
for which any man in it could be held amenable to law. They assembled
there under the provisions of our Constitution in the exercise of their
right of free speech, to discuss the situation of the working men, to
discuss the eight-hour question. They assembled there and incidentally
discussed what they called the outrages perpetrated at McCormick's. No
man expected that bomb would be thrown, no man expected that any one
would be injured at that meeting."
The witness who gave, perhaps, the strongest evidence for the defense
was Dr. James D. Taylor, an aged physician of the Eclectic school. On
the direct examination, Captain Black asked:
"How old are you?" Answer--"I am seventy-six years of age."
"Where were you on May 4, in the evening?"--"At the Haymarket."
"Tell us when you reached the Haymarket."--"About twenty minutes before
the speaking commenced."
"During that twenty minutes where were you?"--"I was standing in the
alley--Crane's alley--near Desplaines street."
"How near to the west edge of the sidewalk?"--"Very close to it."
"How long did you occupy that position?"--"As long as the bullets would
let me."
"How long was that?" asks Mr. Grinnell.--"I was the last man that left
the alley after the bomb exploded."
"Did you hear the speeches at the Haymarket?"--"Oh, yes; distinctly."
"What did Spies say?"--"He spoke about Jay Gould, and some one said:
'Hang him,' and Spies said: 'No, it is not time for that.'"
"What did Parsons say?"--"He spoke of the necessity for union. The
substance of his remarks was that if the working men expected to win
they must unite."
"Did you notice the approach of the police?"--"I did; the first column
came up close to where I was standing. They were so close I could touch
them."
"Did you hear Fielden?"--"Yes."
"What did he say?"--"Well, he spoke about the law, and said: 'It is
your enemy. Kill it, stab it, throttle it; if you don't, it will
throttle you.'"
"Did you hear the command given to disperse?"--"Yes, sir."
"What did Fielden say?"--"He said: 'We are peaceable,' or 'This is a
peaceable meeting.'"
"Did you see Fielden again?"--"I did. He got down out of the wagon and
came around where I was standing."
"Did you see him with a revolver?"--"I did not."
"Did you see him shoot at all?"--"Never. I did not."
"Did you see the bomb?"--"I did."
"Where did it come from?"--"About twenty feet, or perhaps forty, south
of the alley, behind some boxes on the sidewalk."
"Now, tell what you saw."--"Well, the bomb looked to me like a boy's
firecracker. It was then about five feet in the air. It circled in a
southeast direction, and fell, I think, between the first and second
columns of the police."
"When did the shooting commence?"--"Almost simultaneously."
"Did the firing proceed from the crowd, or the police?"--"It came from
the street, near where the police were."
"Did you see or hear of any pistol shots from the crowd?"--"Not one."
"You say you went to the Haymarket the next morning. Did you make any
examination of the neighborhood?"--"I did."
"Did you find any marks of bullets in the walls around there?"--"Yes,
a great many. They were in the north end of the wall of Crane Bros.'
building. Then I examined a telegraph pole north of the alley, on the
west side of the street. There were a great many perforations on the
south side of this pole."
"Were there any perforations on the north side of the pole?"--"Not one."
"Did you visit the place a second time?"--"I did."
"For the purpose of examining this telegraph pole?"--"Yes, sir."
"Tell the jury whether you found the pole there or not."--"It was not
there."
"How long ago was that?"--"A week."
"And the pole was gone?"--"It was gone."
"What course did you take, doctor, in going out of the alley?"--"I took
a zig-zag course."
"Doctor, are you a Socialist?"--"Yes, sir."
"Are you an Anarchist?"--"Not in the sense in which the term is usually
employed."
"How long have you been a Socialist?"--"About fifty years. I was taught
Socialism by Robert Owen, father of Robert Dale Owen."
"Do you know any of the defendants?"--"Yes. I know Parsons and Fielden
well; Spies and Neebe slightly."
"Have you ever taken part in Socialistic meetings?"--"Yes. I have
spoken at meetings controversially."
"Are you, or were you, a member of the International Working Men's
Society?"--"I was."
"For how long?"--"Well, I continued a member until the organization was
abandoned."
"What group were you a member of?"--"Of the American group."
"Where did you attend meetings?"--"At Greif's hall."
"What were the conditions of membership? Tell the jury whether those
meetings were secret or public."--"They were public. The conditions of
membership were--" This answer was objected to by the State, and the
Court sustains the objection.
"How long have you been a member of the American group?"--"I think a
year, or a little more."
"How often have you met Parsons and Fielden?"--"They have not been
regular in their attendance."
"Now, taking them in their order, will you state what you heard them
say, either on the Lake front or at any hall, regarding the use of
force?" Captain Black withdraws this question at once upon consultation
with his associates.
Mr. Ingham then took up the cross-examination: "How did you come to
go to the Haymarket, doctor?"--"I happened to be in the neighborhood,
taking my usual evening walk."
"Did you see any circular?"--"I did not."
"How did you come to attend the meeting, then?"--"I saw a great many
people, who told me there was to be a meeting."
"Did you go at once to the alley?"--"I did."
"Are you sure you did not stop on the Haymarket?"--"I am sure I did
not."
"Why, then, did you go in the alley?"--"To hear what was to be said."
"What time did you get there?"--"A little after 7 o'clock."
"And you stopped there all the time?"--"Yes."
"How long did you wait?"--"About twenty minutes."
"Then the meeting was opened?"--"It was."
"And you listened to Spies?"--"Yes."
"What did he say?"--"The substance of what he said was that the men had
better go home, and not do any violence."
(The witness confounds Spies and Parsons. The former, according to
other witnesses, made no reference to Jay Gould, but Parsons did. The
doctor said also that Parsons told the men that the history of strikes
showed all strikes to have proved a failure; that what was wanted was a
change in the system.)
"Did you see Fielden all the time he was speaking?"--"I did."
"And he had no revolver?"--"He had not."
"Did you keep your eye on him all the time?"--"Every minute."
"You did not take your eye off him for a single minute?"--"Not half a
minute."
"And you saw him just as he closed his speech?"--"I did. He got down
out of the wagon and was standing close to me."
"Where did he go after the bomb exploded?"--"The Lord only knows what
became of him. The demoralization was so great that I don't know. I
think he was one of the first men to go down after the shell exploded."
"Well, how long did you remain there?"--"I was the last man to go up
the alley. There was a great crowd ahead of me."
"Were the bullets thick?"--"Well, I should say they were."
"Yet you didn't run?"--"Well, I am an old man, and I don't care much."
"What did you do next, after leaving the alley?"--"I went farther down
in the alley. I was the last man to go down the alley. There was a
projection in the alley and I took refuge behind that."
"You were young enough then to want to live?"--"It wasn't that; I heard
the police shooting. They were going back toward the Haymarket. I could
tell that by the report of the shooting. Then I ran out on Desplaines
street and dodged about till I got home."
"Where did you dodge?"--"A good many places. The police were shooting
all over. They were all excited. I saw them shooting as far up as
Madison street. One policeman on Madison street I saw point his
revolver at a crowd of people on the street and say: 'D--- you! you've
got to die any way.' Then he fired his revolver at them."
"You say you saw the bomb when it was about five feet in the
air?"--"Yes."
"Did you see the fuse?"--"Yes."
"What kind of a bomb was it?"--"Round."
"What happened after it exploded?"--"The demoralization was great."
"Did you hear any groans?"--"No."
"How long have you been a physician?"--"Forty years."
"What school?"--"Eclectic."
"Are you a graduate of any college?"--"Yes; Eclectic."
"You say you are a Socialist, but not an Anarchist as it is commonly
defined. Are you an Anarchist as you understand that term?"--"I am."
"Do you believe in an oath?"--"I do."
"Do you believe that an oath adds anything to the obligation to tell
the truth?"--"No. All honest men should tell the truth."
"That's all."
L. M. Moses, a grocer, and Austin Mitchell, who lived with Moses,
testified that they would not believe the witness Gilmer under oath.
The defense then introduced August Krumm, of 1036 West Twentieth
street, a woodworker, by whom they expected to entirely offset Gilmer's
evidence. From his evidence it was made to appear that Gilmer mistook
Krumm for Spies, and that instead of lighting a bomb Krumm was engaged
in nothing more harmful than lighting a pipe of tobacco. Mr. Foster
conducts the examination, and the witness says he was at the Haymarket
meeting May 4, and saw Spies and Parsons there for the first time.
"How did you come to go there?"--"I had business down town; heard of
the meeting and went there with a friend, A. M. Albright."
"Now, how close to the alley near Crane Brothers did you stand?"--"Very
close. We stood there all the time from about 9.30 o'clock until the
police arrived."
"Did you stand there all the time?"--"No; we were gone for a minute or
two."
"Where did you go?"--"We went into the alley. I wanted to light my
pipe. Albright came with me. He gave me a pipeful of tobacco and I went
into the alley to light my pipe."
"What did you go into the alley for?"--"There was a wind on the street,
and we went into the alley so the match would not go out."
"And Albright followed you?"--"Yes. He came to light his pipe."