Barker’s illness and death—Other deaths—Traitors in the camp—Rest!—
Sickness—Rwoma blocks our passage by land—Magassa fails us by water—A
serious dilemma—Lukongeh comes to the rescue—History of Ukerewé—
Educated amphibians—Leaving Kagehyi with half the Expedition—The
foundering canoes—All saved—Ito conciliates us—Arrival at Refuge
Island with half the Expedition—I return for the rest—A murderous
outbreak in camp—Final departure from Kagehyi—All encamped on Refuge
Island—We ally ourselves with Komeh—A dance of kings—Mahyiga Island
(in the Bumbireh group)—Interviewed by Iroba canoes—Our friendship
scorned—The king of Bumbireh a hostage—The massacre of the Kytawa
chief and his crew—The punishment of the murderers—Its salutary effect
upon their neighbours—We arrive in Uganda.
_May 6._—When the hysterical congratulations of the Expedition had
somewhat slackened, Prince Kaduma and the friends of Saramba, the guide
(who was now quite a hero), and Frank accompanied me to my hut—the dogs
Jack and Bull following—to give me a brief narrative of the events that
had transpired.
Fred Barker, according to Frank, had good health till the middle of
April; after which he began to experience aguish fits. On the 22nd he
had enjoyed a hippopotamus hunt on the shore between Kagehyi and Lutari,
and on the morning of the 23rd had bathed in the lake and eaten a hearty
early breakfast. At 9 A.M., however, he complained of feeling ill, and
lay down. Almost immediately a cold fit seized him, and his blood seemed
to stagnate in its veins. Frank and Barker’s servants employed their
utmost art to increase the warmth of his body. They administered brandy
and hot tea, put heated stones to his feet, and piled blanket after
blanket upon him, but the congealed blood would not run, and at 11 A.M.
the poor young man was dead.
“At 3 P.M. we buried him,” said Frank, “close to the Nyanza. Poor
fellow! many and many a time he said during the last few days, ‘I wish
the master would come back. I should then feel as if there were some
chance of life for me, but I shall die stagnating and rotting here if he
does not come.’ I think, Sir, he would have pulled through had you been
here.”
I missed young Barker very much. He had begun to endear himself to me by
his bright intelligence and valuable services. When ill, my least wish
was immediately gratified: he understood the least motion or sign. He
was also a good writer, and he kept the accounts of the various stores,
cloths, and beads. He was an admirable companion to Frank, and the two
young men were good company for me; they had also won the hearts of the
Wangwana by their gentle, amiable conduct. An oath or a profane word I
seldom heard from either of them; and when angry, their anger at the
stupidity or insolence of the people was of the passive kind; they never
resorted to violence without appealing to me.
But Frank had other bad news to tell. Mabruki Speke, whom Burton
called the bull-headed—the faithful servant of Burton and Speke, Speke
and Grant, of myself on the first expedition, of Livingstone on his
last journey, and one of the most trusted men of my present following
from Zanzibar to Lake Victoria—was dead. Jabiri (one of the stout
boat-bearers) was dead, and so was old Akida, besides three others.
All had died of dysentery. Msenna the “bully of Zanzibar” had broken
out once more, after nearly six months of good behaviour. I arrived at
Kagehyi on the 5th of May from the exploration of the lake; on the 6th
he was to have led a body of sixty men to Unyanyembé, if the master did
not return!
Kipingiri, chief of Lutari, and brother of Kaduma, chief of Kagehyi, had
formed a conspiracy with Kurrereh, chief of Kyenzi, and the chief of
Igusa, to unite their forces to attack and plunder the camp. But the
Wangwana chiefs, Manwa Sera and Kachéché, had discovered the plot, and
Frank and Fred Barker, after sounding Kaduma, had distributed
ammunition, with every intention of employing their best abilities to
resist the attack. Prince Kaduma’s loyalty to his absent friend, and
Frank and Fred’s bold conduct, with the sudden death of the chief of
Igusa, had caused Kipingiri to abandon the wicked conspiracy.
Frank informed me also that he had suffered one or two slight attacks of
fever, but that he had “easily shaken them off.” The Wangwana were
wonderfully recovered from the miserable attenuation which the scant
fare of Ugogo and Urimi had wrought in their frames, and some were so
robust and fat that I scarcely knew them. Upon examining the stock of
goods left in the store-room, I was gratified to discover that Frank had
been extremely economical. I found him in perfect accord with Prince
Kaduma, good friends with Sungoro, and respected by the Wangwana; and on
inspecting his work, there was nothing in his conduct that did not
deserve hearty approval and commendation.
_May 7._—Our return to Kagehyi was followed by Sabbath repose and
rest, fairly earned and much needed. When I placed myself under the
spring-balance scales, I found I weighed only 115 lbs., just 63 lbs.
less than when leaving Zanzibar. Frank Pocock weighed 162 lbs.! I saved
this excessive reduction of flesh to scant fare and days of hunger, not
to sickness.
Sweet were those first days of rest! Frank was eager to hear all that
had befallen us, in our 1000 miles’ sail round the lake, and the
Wangwana formed circles many deep, to hear the Iliad of our woes. What
hearty sympathisers these poor, black, untutored men were! Kaduma was
all amazement, and Sungoro never ceased to express his wonder as to how
we managed to go round the lake in the “little boat.” The Wasukuma
extemporized songs in her honour, which they sang in the evenings; and
the naked urchins made miniature boats out of the stem of the banana,
with twigs as masts and leaves for sails. The influence of one example
had, it seemed to me, already produced fruit here, and the efforts of
the little ones proved to me that the natives needed but one or two more
such examples to stimulate them to similar enterprises. Future explorers
will find many ready to imitate bold Saramba’s conduct as guides, and
the Wasukuma may become in future as docile boatmen as they are capable
porters and steady travellers on land.
Then came sickness. The African fever having found my frame weakened
from privations attacked me vigorously one day after another. Three
fevers reduced me 7 lbs. in weight. But I quininized myself thoroughly
from dawn of day to set of sun, and on the fifth day stepped out,
sallow, pale, weak, and trembling, it is true, with jaundiced eyes,
palpitating heart, and ringing ears—but the fever had been conquered.
Where was Magassa with his canoes? Day after day we hoped and wished he
would appear, but his canoes were never sighted on the horizon, and we
finally abandoned all hope of seeing him, or of being able to reach
Uganda by water. We prepared therefore to march overland by way of Mweré
through King Rwoma’s country. We made no secret of it. Kaduma was
informed, and he communicated it to every one, and it soon came to
Rwoma’s ears.
But King Rwoma, being an ally of Mirambo, entertained a strong objection
to Wangwana, and he had exaggerated ideas of the appearance of the white
men who were at Kagehyi. Some silly child of nature had told him there
was a white man at Kagehyi with “long red hair, and great red eyes”—it
was probably Frank, though a libellous caricature of him certainly—and
the report induced Rwoma to send an embassy to Kagehyi. He said, “Rwoma
sends salaams to the white man. He does not want the white man’s cloth,
beads, or wire, and the white man must not pass through his country;
Rwoma does not want to see him or any other white man with long red hair
down to his shoulders, white face, and big red eyes; Rwoma is not afraid
of him, but if the white man comes near his country, Rwoma and Mirambo
will fight him.” To this bold but frank challenge the Wasukuma added
other reasons to prove that the overland route was impassable. The road
between Muanza and Mweré was closed by factious tribes. Rwoma was an
ally of Mirambo; Kijaju, his neighbour, was an ally of the predatory
Watuta; the chief of Nchoza, hard by him, was at war with the Watuta;
Antari, king of Ihangiro and Bumbireh, would naturally resent our
approach; Mankorongo, successor of Swarora of Usui, could only be
appeased with such tribute as would be absolutely ruinous. If I
proceeded south to Unyanyembé the Wangwana could never be held together,
and the Expedition would dissolve like snow.
By water, what was the outlook? Magassa and his fleet were not to be
heard of. He had probably returned from Musira Island, afraid to risk
his canoes in the great waste of waters between Musira Island and Alice
Island, for Waganda canoes made of plank and sewn together with fibre of
cane sometimes founder in bad weather, and the lake in the rainy season
is dangerous to such. The Wasukuma possessed no canoes, and I but one
boat capable of carrying fifteen men in rough weather. Yet my duty urged
me to proceed to Uganda. Lake Albert must be visited, for I had given my
word of honour that I would attempt it. Yet the land route was
impassable, and to all appearance so also was the lake route!
While explaining my difficulties to Sungoro, he informed me, after
responding to various other questions, that Lukongeh, king of Ukerewé,
possessed numerous canoes, but he doubted if he would lend them to me.
“However,” said he, “he is an agreeable man, and a good friend if he
takes a fancy to one.” I thought of Lukongeh, but another attack of
fever cut short my deliberations. My system was much injured by exposure
and privations, and in my delirium I fancied myself pleading with the
king, and throughout each day’s sick vagaries, “Lukongeh, Lukongeh,”
nothing but Lukongeh, flitted through my brain.
_May 15._—On the 15th of May I was convalescent, and arranged that
Prince Kaduma, Sungoro’s carpenter, and Frank Pocock should proceed
together to Lukongeh, bearing ten fine cloths, ten fundo of beads, and
five fathom of brass wire, to open negotiations either for the sale or
hire of canoes.
_May 28._—On the 28th, Frank and his party returned with fifty canoes
and their crews, under the command of two chiefs and the “premier” of
Ukerewé. I gripped Frank’s hand with ardour, but was dismayed when I was
told that these canoes were to convey the Expedition to Ukerewé! This
was by no means a desirable thing, for its progress might be delayed for
months by caprice, or by any future ill will arising from a too intimate
acquaintance between the Wangwana and the natives. I refused, and told
the chiefs they could accompany me back to Ukerewé, as I would see
Lukongeh myself.
_May 29._—Accordingly, on the 29th, after providing myself with presents
such as might win any African’s goodwill—fine rugs, blankets, crimson
cloth, and striped cloths of Kutch and Muscat, besides beads of a rare
quality, and other things too numerous to mention, equal to about 800
dollars’ worth—I started for Msossi, Lukongeh’s capital on the north
side of Ukerewé.
_May 30._—We halted a few hours at Wezi, and its curious granite rocks
were photographed by me, and in the afternoon continued our journey,
arriving at Kisorya at 4 P.M., where we camped. The next morning, about
9 A.M., we passed through Rugedzi Channel, which connects Speke Gulf
with Majita Bay. It was 6 feet wide in some places, and if left
undisturbed there was every indication from the grasses and water-plants
which grew in it that it would soon be choked, but by vigorous punting
with poles we succeeded in getting through. Some of the Wakerewé say
that Majita mountain is separated from the mainland by a similar
channel, at which I should not be surprised. We reached Msossi, and
received a hut to house ourselves in, an ox for meat, bananas for
vegetables, and milk for drink.
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_To face page 194._
[Illustration:
THE STRANGE GRANITE ROCKS OF WEZI ISLAND, MIDWAY BETWEEN USUKUMA AND
UKEREWÉ.
(_From a photograph by the Author._)
[This island is reported to be that on which Lieutenant Smith and Mr.
O’Neill were lately killed by the Wakerewé.]
]
----------------------------------------------------------------
_May 31._—At 9 A.M. of the 31st we advanced upon the aulic council
of Ukerewé, which, seated on some rising rocks on a plain, was quite
picturesque, with the gay figure of Lukongeh in the centre, round
which the lesser lights revolved. The king, a handsome, open-faced,
light-coloured young man of twenty-six or twenty-eight years old,
merely gazed his fill; and his chiefs Msiwa, Mosota, Mgeyeya, and
Wakoreh, followed his example, as well as the lesser chiefs, men, boys,
and women.
From his questions I perceived that Lukongeh would be quite as much
influenced by conversations about Europe as Mtesa of Uganda, and I soon
saw in him as eligible a convert to Christianity, though the future was
too fraught with anxiety for me to attempt it. No business could be
commenced on this day. We were to eat and rest, and the next, if the
king felt in good health, we might begin the negotiations.
On the second day Lukongeh was fortunately in excellent health and
spirits, and I felt so also, and with the greatest possible suavity I
proposed that he should either sell or lend me thirty canoes. All his
objections were met and overruled by the exhibition of my presents. But
when he saw me thus publicly expose the gorgeous cloths in broad
daylight, he trembled, and bade me cover them up quickly, saying that he
would visit me in my hut at night, and that I might rest assured he
would do his best for me. On the evening of the 4th of June, he stole
into my hut at night, in company with his faithful premier, and four
principal chiefs, and here I presented him with two fine rugs, one
Scotch plaid, two red blankets, ornaments of copper, thirty fine cloths,
fifty fundo of beads, and two coils of brass wire, besides various other
things, such as dishes, plates, tin pots, &c. His chiefs received five
cloths each and five fundo (a fundo consists of ten necklaces) of beads,
and two fathoms each of brass wire. For these munificent presents, I
should obtain my answer shortly; but in the meantime I must enjoy
myself. “Feed and get fat,” said Lukongeh, as he withdrew, happy with
his wealth.
The Wakerewé, following the example of their king, treated us with
consideration. We had to undergo a narrow inspection, and a keen
analysis of physiognomy, that they might compare us with the Arab
Sungoro; but we had long become accustomed to this, and therefore bore
it with unconcern.
There are representatives of many tribes in Ukerewé—such as Wataturu,
Wa-hya, Wattambara, Wasumbwa, Waruri, Wakwya and Wazinja.
The elders, to whom are entrusted the traditions of the country,
furnished me with a list of the following kings:—
1. Ruhinda I.
2. Kasessa.
3. Kytawa.
4. Kahana I.
5. Gurta I.
6. Nagu.
7. Mehigo I.
8. Mehigo II.
9. Kahana II.
10. Gurta II.
11. Ruhinda II.
12. Kahana III.
13. Iwanda.
14. Machunda.
15. Lukongeh, the present king.
The founder of Ukerewé, Ruhinda I., is the king whose memory is most
revered. He brought his people in canoes from Usongora and Ihangiro,
which was known in old times by the name of U-wya. He it was who
introduced the plantain and banana plants into Ukerewé. The aborigines,
whom he conquered, were called Wa-kwya—another name for the inhabitants
of Majita Mount. A small remnant of the tribe still live on the south
coast of Ukerewé, opposite Kagehyi.
The royal sepulchre is at Kitari. The hill on which it is situated is
seen in the photograph of the boat at the landing-place of Msossi, and
an eminent chief of Ukerewé has the charge of it to protect it
inviolate. The kings are all buried in a sitting posture.
Lukongeh’s dominions east of Rugedzi Channel were acquired by the
forcible dispossession of Wataturu shepherds, after a fierce battle,
which lasted five days, during which many of the Wakerewé were slain by
the poisoned arrows, of the shepherds. Though they live harmoniously
together now, there is as much difference between the Wakerewé and the
Wataturu as exists between a Nubian and a Syrian Arab. The Wataturu are
light-coloured, straight, thin-nosed and thin-lipped, while the Wakerewé
are a mixture of the Ethiopic and negro type.
The king is supposed to be endowed with supernatural power, and Lukongeh
seizes every opportunity to heighten this belief. He is believed to be
enabled to create a drought at pleasure, and to cause the land to be
drenched with rain. It is fortunate that, since his accession to power,
rain has been regular and copious in its season. The king has not been
slow to point out this immense advantage which Ukerewé has gained since
he succeeded his father; he is therefore beloved and feared.
[Illustration:
AT THE LANDING-PLACE OF MSOSSI:
VIEW OF KITARI HILL TO THE LEFT: MAJITA MOUNTAIN TO THE RIGHT.
(_From a photograph by the Author._)
]
Aware of the value of a reputation as rain-maker, he was ambitious to
add to it that of “great medicine man,” and besought me earnestly to
impart to him some of the grand secrets of Europe—such as how to
transform men into lions and leopards, to cause the rains to fall or
cease, the winds to blow, to give fruitfulness to women and virility to
men. Demands of this character are commonly made by African chiefs. When
I stated my inability to comply with his requests, he whispered to his
chiefs:—
“He will not give me what I ask, because he is afraid he will not get
the canoes; but you will see when my men return from Uganda, he will
give me all I ask.”
The custom of greeting the king is a most curious one, differing from
any I have observed elsewhere. His people, after advancing close to him,
clap their hands and kneel to him. If the king is pleased, he reveals
his pleasure by blowing and spitting into their hands, with which they
affect to anoint their faces and eyes. They seem to believe that the
king’s saliva is a collyrium for the eyes.
To each other the Wakerewé kneel, clap hands, and cry, “Waché! waché!”
“Waché sug!” “Mohoro!” “Eg sura?” which, translated, signifies,
“Morning! morning!” “Good-morning!” “A good day!” “Are you well?”
The stories current in this country about the witchcraft practised by
the people of Ukara Island proe that those islanders have been at pains
to spread abroad a good repute for themselves, that they are cunning,
and, aware that superstition is a weakness of human nature, have sought
to thrive upon it. Their power—according to the Wakerewé—over the
amphibiæ is wonderful. One Khamis, son of Hamadi, the carpenter of
Sungoro, having been a long time constructing a dhow, or sailing vessel,
for his employer, shared most thoroughly in these delusions.
Khamis averred, with an oath, that there was a crocodile who lived in
the house of the chief of Ukara, which fed from his hands, and was as
docile and obedient to his master as a dog, and as intelligent as a man.
Lukongeh had once a pretty woman in his harem, who was coveted by the
Ukara chief, but the latter could devise no means to possess her for a
long time until he thought of his crocodile. He instantly communicated
his desire to the reptile, and bade him lie in wait in the rushes near
Msossi until the woman should approach the lake to bathe, as was her
custom daily, and then seize and convey her without injury across the
eight-mile channel to Ukara. The next day, at noon, the woman was in the
Ukara chief’s house.
When I expressed a doubt about the veracity of the marvellous tale,
Khamis said, indignantly, “What, you doubt me? Ask Lukongeh, and he will
confirm what I have told you.”
He then added, “Machunda, Lukongeh’s father, owned a crocodile that
stole an Arab’s wife, and carried her across the country to the king’s
house!” To Khamis, and the Wangwana who listened to him, this last was
conclusive evidence that the crocodiles of Ukara were most astonishing
creatures.
[Illustration]
1 Storage for grain, Ukerewé. 5 Woman’s breasts, Ukerewé.
2 House, Ukerewé. 6 A warrior of Ukerewé.
3 Stool, Ukerewé. 7 Women with coils of brasswork,
Ukerewé.
4 Canoe, Ukerewé. 8 Fish-nets, Ukerewé.
The Wakerewé also believe that, if a hawk seizes a fish belonging to the
Wakara, it is sure to die in the very act!
Kaduma Kagehyi, according to Khamis, possessed a hippopotamus which came
to him each morning, for a long period, to be milked!
It requires twelve goats and three hoes to purchase a wife in Ukerewé
from her parents. Sungoro, the Arab, was obliged to pay Lukongeh 350
lbs. of assorted beads and 300 yards of good cloth before he succeeded
in obtaining one of his young sisters in marriage. If the lover is so
poor that he has neither goats nor hoes, he supplies such articles as
spears, or bows and arrows, but he cannot obtain a wife until he
furnishes a sufficient dowry to please her parents. If the parents or
older relatives are grasping, and impose hard conditions, the state of
the lover is hard indeed, as frequently after marriage demands are made
for cattle, sheep, goats, &c., a refusal of which renders the marriage
void until children have been born, when all connection with her blood
relatives ceases.
Thieves, adulterers, and murderers are put to death by decapitation.
They may escape death, however, by becoming the slaves of the party they
have wronged.
Coils of brass wire are much coveted by the Wakerewé, for the adornment
of their wives, who wear it in such numerous circlets round their necks
as to give them at a distance an appearance of wearing ruffs. Wristlets
of copper and brass and iron, and anklets of the same metal, besides
armlets of ivory, are the favourite decorations of the males.
Families in mourning are distinguished by bands of plaintain leaf round
their heads, and by a sable pigment of a mixture of pulverized charcoal
and butter. The matrons who have fallen into the sere of life are
peculiar for their unnatural length of breasts, which, depending like
pouches down to the navel, are bound to their bodies by cords. The
dresses of men and women consist of half dressed ox-hides, goat-skins,
or a cincture of banana leaves, or kirtles of a coarsely made grass
cloth.
_June 6._—On the 6th of June, Lukongeh, having issued instructions to
his chiefs how to assist me, called on me at night, accompanied by his
premier, to impart his decisions and plans.
Said he, “My people are very timid in strange lands. They are no
travellers like the Wangwana. I am obliged therefore to act in the dark
with them, otherwise I could not help you. I am going to give you
twenty-three canoes and their paddles. They are not worth much, and if
they give you trouble, you must not blame me. I am telling my people you
are coming back to Ukerewé. Don’t deny it, and don’t talk about it, or
they will be sure to run away back here. If you are clever, they will
follow you to Usukuma. Once there, take the canoes and paddles, because
I give them to you; and here are my young nephew and cousin, who will
follow you to Uganda, and make friends with the Wazinja, as far as
Ihangiro, for you. When you reach Uganda, I wish you to make Mtesa and
myself brothers, and we will exchange gifts. You must also remember to
send my young men back from Uganda. Good-bye. I have said all.”
I was also enjoined to send to Lukongeh by his young nephew and cousin
two suits of crimson and blue flannels, medicine for rheumatism and
headache, one revolver and ammunition, one bale of cloth, beads of
various kinds to the amount of 50 lbs., two fezes, one English rug, one
Kiganda canoe, capable of carrying forty men, two tusks of ivory, Usoga
goat-skins, otter furs, and iron and brass wire—all of which of course I
promised most faithfully to send.
_June 7._—Lukongeh and his chiefs were out early on the morning of the
7th of June to bid me farewell. But there were only five small canoes
ready! “How is this, Lukongeh?” I asked. “Never mind, go on; and
remember what I have said to you, my brother. Lukongeh is true,” he
replied, with dignity.
“Wonderful man,” I thought, “to have a respect for truth in this
country. He is assuredly one of the first. However, we shall see.”
We punted our boat through the narrow Rugedzi Channel, and rowed to
Kisorya. Lukongeh’s premier, his nephew and cousin, who were to be our
guides, were with us.
_June 11._—From the hills of Kisorya I obtained a capital photograph of
the deep bay which leads from Speke Gulf to Rugedzi Channel, and of the
mountains of Urirwi, across the bay. From Kisorya we moved to Ugoma,
where we halted, a sore trial to our patience, until the 11th of June,
on which day, with twenty-seven canoes of Ukerewé, we rowed to Wezi
Island,[15] situate nearly midway in Speke Gulf between Ukerewé and
Kagehyi.
_June 12._—The next day, upon landing at Kagehyi, I whispered
instructions to Frank and Manwa Sera to haul up the canoes to a distance
of eighty yards on land, and with the aid of Lukongeh’s premier and the
king’s relatives induced the Wakerewé canoe-men, 216 in number, to store
their paddles in my hut.
The Wakerewé were then apprised of the strategy of their king, and told
that there were four canoes left to them to return to Ukerewé, and that,
as it would occupy four days to transport their entire party back, beads
would be given for ten days’ provisions. At this the Wakerewé were
naturally very much surprised, and the uproar became tremendous. They
seized the premier, but he audaciously shuffled the fault upon the young
relatives, so releasing him they bound Lukongeh’s relatives, and would
undoubtedly have murdered them then and there but for the precautions I
had taken. A nod to Frank and Manwa Sera, and fifty Wangwana had dashed
up to the rescue and, charging on the excited mob with the muzzles of
their guns, drove them clear out of the village of Kagehyi.
When the Wakerewé were outside, we held a palaver with them, at which it
was explained that we should wait six days at Kagehyi, during which time
they could communicate with Lukongeh, and if the king repented of his
promise, the canoes should be sent back, or that, if they pleased, they
could return and, by manning the canoes for us, would be sure of earning
each man his reward, but that the relatives of Lukongeh, being in my
camp and in my service, must not be molested, as I was bound to protect
them.
This firm decision being fully explained to them, forty-five took the
four canoes given and returned to Ukerewé, to communicate with Lukongeh.
Six additional canoes, despatched by their friends the next day,
assisted in the transport of the natives of Ukerewé back to their
country; and on the third day our camp was emptied of almost all of
them, but though we waited seven days at Kagehyi, no further
communication came from Lukongeh, and therefore the premier and his five
servants departed.
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[_To face page 202._
[Illustration: VIEW OF THE BAY LEADING TO RUGEDZI CHANNEL FROM KIGOMA,
NEAR KISORYA, SOUTH SIDE OF UKEREWÉ, COAST OF SPEKE GULF.]
(_From a photograph by the Author._)
----------------------------------------------------------------
Meanwhile I had despatched messengers to all the districts around to
summon the people to a grain market, whereat all grain brought to
Kagehyi would be purchased, at the rate of eight measures (similar to
pecks) at the rate of one doti or four yards of blue, white, or coloured
cloth. By the 19th of June, 12,000 lbs. of grain, sesamum, millet, and
Indian corn, and 500 lbs. of rice had been purchased and stowed in cloth
sacks, each containing about 100 lbs.
As the canoes were so rotten, the crews of each were detailed under the
supervision of Lukanjah, the nephew, and Mikondo, the cousin of
Lukongeh, to repair them. This was done by re-sewing many of the planks
with cane-fibre and caulking them with the bruised stalk of the banana.
_June 20._—At early dawn we began the embarkation of 150 men, women, and
children, with 100 loads of cloth, beads, and wire, 88 sacks of grain,
and 30 cases of ammunition; and as I could not delegate to others the
care of the flotilla without feeling uncontrollable anxiety about it,
the _Lady Alice_, loaded with most of the ammunition, led the way at 9
A.M. to Mabibi. These islets are three miles westward of Wezi, six miles
from Ukerewé, and about nine miles from Kagehyi.
To my great satisfaction I perceived that the Wangwana would soon
acquire the art of paddling, though many were exceedingly timid on the
water. Until they gained confidence in their new duties, our plan was to
avail ourselves of the calm periods, and not to risk so many lives and
so much property in a tempestuous sea.
A strong breeze from the north-west lasted all the morning, but at noon
it moderated, and two hours afterwards, taking advantage of the calm, we
pushed off from Mabibi, and, rounding the south-west corner of the
Ukerewé peninsula, pulled for the Kunneneh islets, which we reached
without loss or accident. Again the north-west breeze blew strong, and,
as it had power over a greater expanse of water, the waves did not
subside until 2 P.M. It was tough labour rowing against the heavy swell,
and the distance to the Miandereh Islands was long. By persevering,
however, we made good progress, yet at sunset Miandereh islets were not
in sight.
Intense darkness set in. We could not see one another, though we could
hear the measured, rhythmic beat and splash of oar and paddle, but no
voices. Now and then I flashed a waxlight over the dark waste as a
beacon to the thoughtless and unwary. By this means, and by threats of
punishment to those who strayed from the line, the canoes were kept
together.
We had proceeded quietly for three hours in the darkness, when suddenly
shrill cries were heard for “the boat.” Hurrying to the spot, I managed
to distinguish, to my astonishment, round dark objects floating on the
water, which we found to be the heads of men who were swimming towards
us from a foundered canoe. We took the frightened people on board, and
picked up four bales of cloth, but a box of ammunition and 400 lbs. of
grain had sunk.
We moved forward again, but had scarcely gone half a mile when again
piercing cries from the deep gloom startled us. “The boat, oh, the
boat!” was screamed in frenzied accents.
As we steered for the spot, I lit a wax taper and set fire to the leaves
of a book I had been reading during the afternoon, to lighten up the
scene. Heads of struggling men and bales were found here likewise in the
water, and a canoe turned bottom up with a large rent in its side; and
while distributing these among the other canoes, we heard to our alarm
that five guns had sunk, but fortunately no lives were lost or other
property, except four sacks of grain.
My boat was now up to her gunwale with twenty-two men and thirty loads,
and if a breeze rose, she would, unless we lightened her of property,
inevitably sink.
Through the darkness I shouted out to the frightened men, that if any
more canoes collapsed, the crews should at once empty out the grain and
beads, but on no account abandon their boats, as they would float and
sustain them until I could return to save them.
I had scarcely finished speaking before the alarming cries were raised
again: “Master, the canoe is sinking! Quick, come here. Oh, master, we
cannot swim!”
Again I hurried up to the cries, and distinguished two men paddling
vigorously, while five were baling. I was thinking how I could possibly
assist them, when other cries broke out: “The boat! Bring the boat here!
Oh, hurry—the boat, the boat!” Then another broke out, “And we are
sinking—the water is up to our knees. Come to us, master, or we die!
Bring the boat, my master!”
It was evident that a panic was raging amongst the timid souls, that the
people were rapidly becoming utterly unnerved. In reply to their
frenzied cries, and as the only way to save us all, I shouted out
sternly: “You who would save yourselves, follow me to the islets as fast
as you can; and you who are crying out, cling to your canoes until we
return.”
We rowed hard. The moon rose also, and cheered us in half an hour with a
sight of Miandereh, for which we steered. Her brightness had also the
effect of rousing up the spirits of the Wangwana; but still the piteous
cries were heard far behind: “Master! oh, master! bring your boat—the
boat.”
“Hark to them, my boys—hark,” I sang out to my crew, and they responded
to my appeal by causing the _Lady Alice_ to fly through the water,
though the waves almost curled over her sides. “Pull, my men; break your
oars; shoot her through the water; life and death hang on your efforts.
Pull like heroes.” She hissed through the waves, as ten men, bending
with the wildest, most desperate effort, spurred her with their oars.
Miandereh islets rose larger and clearer into view. “Hurrah, my boys,
here is our island! pull and defy the black water—your brothers are
drowning!”
We reached Miandereh—shot the goods out, lightened her of the wrecked
men, and flew back again, skimming over the dark surface.
There were two brothers who had been made coxswains of canoes, who came
prominently into notice on this terrible night. Each had his special
crew, friends and people of the same tribe, and their names were Uledi
and Shumari; the former about twenty-five years old, the latter
eighteen.
As I was returning with my boat to the scene, two canoes passed me like
arrows. “Who go there?” I demanded.
“Uledi and Shumari’s canoes,” replied somebody.
“Return instantly, after unloading, to save the people.”
“It is what we intend to do, Inshallah!” answered a voice.
“Fine fellows those, I warrant them,” I thought. “Their very action and
tone reveal their brave spirits.”
Away we flew to the rescue, blowing the bugle to announce our approach.
We passed three or four canoes, racing by us to the islets. Thank
Heaven, the lake was calm, and the moon shone clear and strong, casting
a golden light upon the waters.
“You are brave fellows; pull, my sons; think of those poor men in
the lake in sinking canoes.” Responding to my prayers, the crew
almost cracked their hearts in the mighty efforts they made; their
quick-swaying figures, the deep sighs which burst from their breasts,
the careering boat, the excited helmsman, everything sympathized with
me. I seized one of the oars myself to relieve a lad, and to assist the
force which now dashed the boat over the water. She seemed instinct
with life.
We now heard the cries for aid, “Oh, the boat! Master, bring the boat!”
come once more pealing over the golden lake from the foundering canoes.
“Do you hear, men? break the oars—lift the boat over the water. We will
save them yet. It is to-night or never!”
With fresh force she bounded upward. Every fibre of our straining bodies
and the full strength of our energies were roused, and in five minutes
we ran alongside first one canoe, then a second and a third—until again
the boat was down in the water to within an inch of her gunwale. But all
the people—men, women, and children—were saved. The light material of
which the canoes were constructed had sufficed to float the loads that
were in them.
We rested until help should arrive, and presently Uledi’s and Shumari’s
canoes were seen advancing side by side, with lines of pale foam
flashing from each bow, as they were driven with the force of strong men
towards us. With loud, glad cries they stopped their furious career
alongside, and the first words they uttered were, “Are all safe?”
“Yes, all,” we replied.
“El hamd-ul’-illah!” (“Thanks be to God!”), they answered fervently.
With the aid of these two canoes we were able to return to the islets
with the thirty-two men, women, and children, and the entire property
safe. Our loss during this fearful night was five canoes, five guns, one
case of ammunition, and twelve hundred pounds of grain.
_June 21._—The next morning, leaving a third of the party and goods at
Miandereh, we departed for Singo, which we reached at 9 A.M. A few
canoes were then hastened back to Miandereh for the remainder.
It will be remembered that, while the boat was returning from Uganda and
passing by Ito, an island situated half a mile south-west of Singo, the
natives of Ito drove us away by slinging stones at us. Such a force as
we now numbered could not be received with such rudeness: at the same
time they were secure from molestation by us. I despatched therefore
Lukanjah and Mikondo, the Wakerewé guides, to the Island of Ito, to
explain to the natives who we were, and to remove all fears of reprisal.
Lukanjah was extremely successful, and brought the chief of Ito, who, as
some atonement for our previous treatment, had furnished himself with
peace-offerings in the shape of a couple of fat kids, and several
bunches of mellow plantains. The large island of Komeh also, on the next
day, sent its king to rejoice with us over numerous jars of potent beer
and many slaughtered goats. The king of Komeh sold us besides four good,
almost new, canoes of sufficient capacity to render us secure from
further anxiety.
The Wangwana, after their terrible experiences while crossing the
entrance to Speke Gulf, were awakened to the necessity of narrowly
inspecting and carefully repairing their canoes. At Kagehyi the repairs
had been extremely superficial, but the men were now fully alive to the
importance of good caulking and a thorough relacing of the planks
together, while Frank, Lukanjah, and I superintended their work.
_June 24._—Seven hours’ paddling on the 24th of June brought us to
Refuge Island, and on its south side we proceeded to establish a small
camp. The 25th was employed in constructing one large store hut for the
grain, and another for the property of the Expedition; and the huts of
the garrison were built with due regard to the strict watch of the camp.
After selecting forty-four men as garrison, and appointing Frank Pocock
captain and Manwa Sera his lieutenant, with the two guides, Lukanjah and
Mikondo, as interpreters in case of visitors, and leaving four canoes
for the garrison to communicate, if they wished, with the natives of
Itawagumba on the mainland, I began my return to Usukuma on the 26th
with the boat, seventeen canoes, and 106 men.
_July 1._—Four days afterwards we reached Kagehyi, at 3 P.M. But as the
voyage had been extremely rough, only fourteen canoes were mustered in
the cove.
When five days had passed, and we received no tidings of the three
canoes and their crews of thirteen men which were still absent, I
despatched a canoe with two Wangwana and eight Wasukuma to Lukongeh, the
king, requesting him to hunt up the laggards, who no doubt had either
deserted or had been captured by the Wakerewé.
On this day also I purchased from Kipingiri, for 40 yards of cloth, a
large canoe capable of carrying thirty men, which the Wangwana, on
account of her uncouth shape, called the “Hippopotamus.” The wood of
which she was made was sycamore, and she was so rotten at the stern that
one thrust of my foot kicked a hole in her 9 inches in diameter. Though
she was an ancient craft, and heavy with saturation, she might, I
thought, be still made serviceable for the transport of the riding
asses.
Whilst Uledi and Salaam Allah, the carpenters, and two or three chiefs,
were assisting me to repair the venerable “Hippo” in a hollow close to
the water’s edge, a man came rushing down, crying, “Quick! quick!
Master, the Wangwana are murdering one another! They are all dead men!”
Leaving one man to look after our tools, we ran up the hill, and
witnessed a most horrible scene. About thirty men armed with guns were
threatening one another in an excited manner; others brandished clubs or
knobsticks; some held spears menacingly, while several flourished
knives. A frenzy seemed to have possessed the hitherto well-behaved
people. One man was already dead with a ghastly knife-wound in his
heart, another lay prostrate with a fractured skull from a knobstick,
and the author of this deed was even then striding with sweeping
flourishes of a long club through the ranks of a turbulent crowd,
delivering sounding blows on their heads and shoulders.
Snatching a stout stick, I rapped the ruffian so vigorously over his
knuckles that he dropped his club and was secured by my assistants, and
then, calling the chiefs to my aid, we disarmed the infuriates. This
summary proceeding soon quelled the disturbance, and then, perceiving
that pombé—beer—was at the bottom of the mischief, all who were sober
were ordered to fall into line, by which we discovered that fifty-three
were quite intoxicated.
Upon examination it was found that the murderer of Membé, one of the
stoutest of our boat-bearers, was Fundi Rehani, and that he who had
fractured the other man’s skull was Rehani, the brother of Membé. Both
were immediately secured for trial before Prince Kaduma, the Arab
Sungoro, and the Wangwana chiefs. The jars of pombé were broken, and
diligent search made in every place for beer.
This bloodshed upon the soil of Usukuma had to be paid for out of my
cloth stores to mollify Prince Kaduma, and further payment was required
for the privilege of burial.
The jury which I convened to adjudge the case sentenced the murderer to
death; but, as I would not consent to this extreme measure, the sentence
was changed to two hundred lashes and the chain, until his arrival at
Zanzibar, when he might be rendered to his prince. The drunken madman
Rehani, though he had been inspired to the fury which led him to
fracture a man’s skull by the sight of his dead brother, was also
condemned by the jury, for endangering the life of a perfectly innocent
man, to fifty lashes. These sentences, faithfully executed with due
ceremony in presence of all the Wangwana, affected them greatly, and I
took advantage of this scene to call the attention of the bully Msenna,
and others who had distinguished themselves in the previous day’s
ebullition of madness, to the punishment which must assuredly follow the
commission of such dreadful acts.
_July 5._—On the 5th of July, to my great joy, the scouts sent to
Lukongeh in search of the missing canoes returned with two of them, but
of the third we received no news, until a year later—after our arrival
at Ujiji—when we heard that they had deserted and had proceeded direct
to Unyanyambé with their guns. The crews of the two canoes, now happily
restored to us, informed me that they had been driven by the gale to
seek shelter on the mainland of Ukerewé, where they were instantly
seized and conveyed to Lukongeh, when, instead of being slain, as the
natives expected the captives would be, they were kindly treated by the
king, proving to the islanders that the white man had only acted by his
orders.
_July 6._—On the 6th of July, after giving farewell presents to Prince
Kaduma and his clever, genial princess, to the Arab Sungoro, Prince
Kipingiri of Lutari, and Kurereh—though the two latter little deserved
them—as well as to many others, I embarked all the people, animals, and
effects of the Expedition, and by ten o’clock we were safely clear of
Kipingiri’s power and vicious intents, and, for the last time, of
Kagehyi.
There was not one feeling of regret in my breast at leaving this place,
where the Expedition had found a camp for over four months. Not that the
village was in any way destitute of comforts, for these it afforded, nor
that the natives were in any manner repugnant to me, for they were not;
but the objects for which we came into the land could never be attained
by unnecessary residence at any one spot. The time had simply arrived to
begin our travels again, and I was glad of it, for the bold and bad
Kipingiri was, I suspected, ever exercising an evil influence over
Kaduma.
_July 11._—On the 11th of July we arrived safely and without accident
at Refuge Island, where I found the garrison thriving admirably.
Through the influence of young Lukanjah—the cousin of the king of
Ukerewé—the natives of the mainland had been induced to exchange their
churlish disposition for one of cordial welcome, and the process of
blood-brotherhood had been formally gone through between Maawa Sera, on
my part, and Kijaju, king of Komeh, and the king of Itawagumba on the
other part.
Lukanjah, aware of the respect paid by his dusky brothers to power, had
deftly exaggerated my influence and the numbers of my force, until a
friendly alliance with one so powerful became a cherished project with
Kijaju, and caused him to seek it by a tribute of three fat oxen, six
goats, and fifty bunches of bananas, besides a store of delectable
maramba, upon which I found that the garrison had been subsisting during
my absence from Refuge Island.
I deputed Frank to repay with cloths, beads, and wire Kijaju’s
generosity, for the constant anxiety which I suffered during the
passages between Refuge Island and Kagehyi, for the safety of my people
and effects, had induced such a serious illness, that for five days I
was unable to leave my hut on the island.
_July 17._—On the sixth day, however, I left my bed and strolled over
the island on which, on that terrible day of our escape from Bumbireh,
we had found a refuge and relief in our distress, and now an asylum
for half of the Expedition for about a month. The younger portion of
the garrison knew every nook and cranny of our island home, and had
become quite attached to it. On the eastern side about fifteen fruit
trees had been discovered by them, laden with delicious berries, the
flavour of which seemed something of a mixture of custard apple and a
ripe gooseberry. The stones of this small fruit were two in number,
like small date-stones. The leaves of the tree resemble those of the
peach; its fruit are smooth-surfaced, and hang in threes; its wood
is tough and flexible. It is no doubt a species of the _Verbenaceæ_.
The garrison had failed to consume half the quantity found, so that,
when I arrived with a reinforcement of 150 men, there was a sufficient
quantity left to cause them all to remember the sweet fruit of Refuge
Island.
On this day, Kijaju, king of Komeh, visited me, to our mutual
satisfaction. He furnished me with two guides to accompany me to Uganda,
who were to be returned to Komeh along with Lukanjah and Mikondo. Their
assistance was valuable only as the means of furnishing me with the
names of localities between Refuge Island and Uzongora.
In the same manner that we had left Kagehyi, we departed from Refuge
Island, viz. by embarking the garrison, and leaving those who had stayed
at Kagehyi to rest upon Refuge Island until we should return for them.
The night was passed with a wild dance under the moonlight, at which
three kings were present, who participated with all the light-hearted
gaiety of children in the joyous sport.
Old Kijaju distinguished himself on the wild “fantastic toe” most
extraordinarily. Itawagumba, jealous of his uncle’s performance, exerted
himself with mad vigour, and the stalwart chief of Bwina bounded upward
as though performing on the flying trapeze. Young Lukanjah of Ukerewé,
and his royal relative Mikondo, with all the suppleness of acrobats,
made their début on this night with great spirit, and the hundred
warriors from the mainland sang to the dance with such force of lungs as
startled the colossal rocks of Refuge Island into echoing the wild
harmony. The Wangwana, headed by Frank and the gallant Manwa Sera,
enlarged the vast circle with 150 men and 20 women, and all voices
chimed to the song which old Kijaju sang to celebrate the day on which
the white chief made brotherhood with the king of Komeh.
Refreshments were not wanting to cheer the dancers. Great masses of beef
were roasted over glorious fires, and many jars of beer and maramba,
brought from Bwina and Komeh, invited the special attention of the
thirsty.
_July 18._—As we left Refuge Island, on the morning of the 18th of July,
the guides furnished by Kijaju, king of Komeh, propitiated the genius of
the lake with beads given to him for the occasion, and adjured it by
saying:—
“Be kind to the white M’kama, O Nianja, I charge thee! Give him a safe
and prosperous voyage across thy wide waters.”
From Kazaradzi Island, on which we rested for the night, we beheld a
most glorious sunset. The western sky, halfway up to the zenith, was all
aglow for about an hour with resplendent gold, which tinted mountain,
hill, plain, and lake with the reflection of the lustrous hue.
_July 19._—Next day we sailed for Wawizua Island; and on the 20th,
passing by the picturesque islands of Mysomeh and Rumondo—every canoe
hoisting small lug-sails, made of the loin-cloths of the crew, in order
to benefit by the strong south-easter—we steered for Nameterré Island,
where we arrived without accident.
_July 21._—On the 21st of July we arrived at the southernmost of the
dreaded Bumbireh group, Mahyiga Island, which I ascertained, after
careful survey, was not inhabited.
At a little cove on the western side we discovered relics of a large
camp, which, by the shape of the dome-like huts and bonneted doorways
had, we were assured, been constructed by Waganda. Yet what force of
Waganda could have penetrated thus far to the south?
As we were now in a dangerous neighbourhood, it behoved us to form a
proper camp, as a small party would be compelled to remain upon this
island until the remainder of the Expedition could be brought from
Refuge Island. For this purpose, every hand was employed to clear the
scrub and bush for a distance of 200 yards from the cove, and a road 12
feet wide was cut from the south side of Mahyiga Island to the north
end.
About 5 P.M. while we were still at work, two large canoes approached
cautiously from the direction of Iroba Island towards our cove. They
took great pains to ascertain the number of our canoes, and we could see
that they endeavoured to reckon up the number of men on the island
before they spoke a word. Finally they hailed us, and Lukanjah, of
Ukerewé, and Kijaju’s man were requested to reply to them.
Our conversation, which was of great interest to us, as we burned to
know what to expect from Bumbireh, was as follows:—
“Is this the white chief who was at Bumbireh?”
“Yes.”
“Oh, he was not lost on the Nianja then?”
“No, he lives, and has returned.”
“Oh. The white chief must not be angry with Iroba. We did not trouble
him, therefore he has no quarrel with us. The people of Bumbireh are
bad. What has the white chief come for?”
“He is going to Uganda.”
“How can he go to Uganda? Does he not know that Bumbireh is in the way,
and Ihangiro’s eyes will be upon him? Will he fly?”
“No; he will proceed by water in his canoes. Tell Bumbireh the white
chief is not afraid; his young men are many in number. If the men of
Bumbireh wish to make friends, let Shekka send the oars he stole, and
the white chief will be glad.”
“Magassa,” replied they, “who camped on that island you are on, received
the oars from Shekka, and he took them away to Uganda, believing you
were lost in the Nianja.”
“The white chief was not lost; he is here. If it is true that the oars
are gone to Uganda, let Shekka make friends with the white chief, and
send him two or three men to go with him to Makongo, in Uzongora, or to
Uganda, as Lukongeh of Ukerewé and Kijaju of Komeh have done, and there
will be no more words between them.”
“Shekka is very strong, and the men of Bumbireh are bold. Antari of
Ihanghiro, the great king, is stronger, and Shekka is his son. All this
Nianja about here is his water, and they will not let you pass. What
will the white chief do?”
“Tell Shekka and Antari, his father, that the white chief will remain
here for many days. He will be glad to hear good words from them. When
he is ready to go away, he will let them know. If the king of Iroba is
the white chief’s friend, let him send food here to sell.”
After promising to perform all that we required, and to bring food the
next day, the two canoes paddled away, two or three of their crews
laughing ostentatiously.
_July 23._—On the morning of the 23rd, about 10 A.M., another canoe,
containing fifteen men, approached us from Iroba, in a bold, defiant
manner. We asked their crew if they brought food for sale. They replied,
“No; but you will get food in plenty by-and-by.” After taking a
searching look at our camp, they turned away, giving expression to their
contempt by a method which obtains all round the Uvuma, Uganda,
Uzongora, and Ukerewé coasts, viz. by throwing up water behind them in
the air with their paddles, which is as well understood as the British
youth’s gesture of placing a thumb to his nose.
Lukanjah smiled when he saw this, and when requested to give me his
thoughts, he said significantly, “Those people mean something.”
_July 24._—On the morning of the 24th, long before dawn, in order that
the Iroba or Bumbireh people might not espy their departure, I
despatched sixteen of the largest canoes under Manwa Sera, to return to
Refuge Island for the remainder of the Expedition, after many
injunctions to be cautious, and not to commit any folly.
Our camp was now in perfect condition, and presented as clean and
orderly an appearance as two days’ labour could render it. Watch-huts
were also erected upon the highest part of the island, and five men
under a chief were detached for the duty of observation. The garrison
left with me upon the island consisted of forty-five men and the four
guides from my friends Lukongeh and the Kijaju.
On this day also canoes came from Iroba, to the crews of which, as they
rested in the water, we exhibited beads and cloth, copper bracelets and
bright brass wire. In return for our professions of friendliness and our
proffers of gifts, they spurned the water towards us, and replied with
mockery.
_July 25._—On the 25th, when the Iroba natives came, I adopted, after
due forethought, a sterner tone, perceiving that amiability was liable
to contempt and misconstruction. I told them that the king of Iroba must
prove his friendship by sending food for sale by noon of the next day;
and that as I was assured he was in communication with the king of
Bumbireh, his neighbour, I should expect either the return of the oars
or two or three men as sureties and pledges of peace. I knew the
mainland was hostile, and since I was compelled to proceed to Uganda, I
resolved to be assured, before venturing the lives of the women and
children in rotten and crowded canoes, that I should be permitted to
proceed in peace, and not be attacked midway between Bumbireh and the
mainland.
The natives, cowed a little by the tone of voice, promised that there
should be no delay in sending provisions, bananas, milk, honey,
chickens, even oxen, for the white M’kama.
_July 26._—On the morning of the 26th, the men at the observation-post
reported that they saw a great many canoes proceeding from the mainland
towards the great island of Bumbireh. I ascended the road to the summit,
and with my glass I counted eighteen canoes, heavily laden with men, and
watched them till they had passed round Iroba’s westernmost point
towards Bumbireh. It was evident that mischief was brewing, but how or
in what shape I could not tell. It was probable that they would attack
the island by night, knowing we were not very strong in numbers at the
time. It was a very possible feat, for the islanders, as we had
experienced, were not dull-witted, and were resolute and brave.
Meantime, what should I do in such a case?
I waited until 3 P.M. for the king of Iroba. He did not come. Instant
action on my part was therefore imperative.
I manned my boat and four of the canoes with thirty-five men, leaving
only Safeni with fourteen men in charge of the camp and island, and
proceeded to Iroba to make a reconnaissance. As we came up, I observed a
flutter of excitement on the shore. I steered straight for the beach
opposite a village, and landed. Twenty-five of the men were deployed as
skirmishers along the shore, to give due effect to what I purposed.
Lukanjah of Ukerewé was told to request the king of Iroba and elders to
approach, or we should begin fighting.
They came to us, about fifteen in number. “Tell him, Lukanjah,” I said,
“that Iroba has behaved badly by sending his young men to laugh at us.
Since he has lied so many times to me, he himself and two of his chiefs
must depart with me to my camp. He will not be hurt, but he must stay
with me until Shekka of Bumbireh is in my hands, or peace is made as I
suggested.”
There was no violence used, and the king of Iroba and two chiefs quietly
walked into the boat. When they were seated, the king was requested to
give instructions to his young men how to capture Shekka of Bumbireh and
two Bumbireh chiefs; and a solemn promise was given that on their
appearance the king of Iroba and his friends would be released. The
natives of Iroba, who were collected by this time on the beach, entered
into the project with animation. They declared that next day Shekka
should be in my hands.
_July 27._—On the morning of the 27th, a canoe from Iroba came with
provisions for the king and chiefs, and to report their failure at
Bumbireh. One of the young men, said to be the king’s son, offered to
remain in his father’s place, while he himself should try to obtain
possession of Shekka’s person. This touching confidence so affected me
that, after inducing the king of Iroba to go through the process of
blood-brotherhood with one of the Wangwana, he was released.
At 5 P.M., faithful to his promise that he would perform what I wished,
the king of Iroba brought the treacherous king of Bumbireh with two of
his chiefs, whose appearance, after he had landed at Mahyiga and been
recognised, was hailed with a loud shout by the Wangwana. He was about
to be maltreated, and had I not been present at the time, there is no
doubt that he would have been murdered by the enraged boat’s crew. But
they calmed down when they were told that his life and services were
necessary to us, and that good treatment might secure his friendship and
peace with Bumbireh.
My purpose in possessing myself of the person of the king of Bumbireh
and his two chiefs may easily be divined. It must have been perceived
that weakness and irresolution—or, in other words, over-gentleness and
want of firmness—had proved harmful on several previous occasions. Thus,
the hesitation to act immediately after the commission of murder by the
Wanyaturu led them to imagine that it was fear which withheld us; the
forbearance exhibited at Ngevi Island only brought upon us more
annoyance; our mildness at Mombiti in Uvuma suggested the attack upon us
by stoning; our long-suffering temper at the straits between Uvuma and
Ugeyeya induced the Wavuma to proceed to piracy and violence; our
patient bearing at Bumbireh led the natives to think we might be
murdered like lambs; our placability merited and received the contempt
of the natives of Iroba; and a hundred times afterwards did I see that
the savage only respects force, power, boldness, and decision; and that
he is totally ignorant of the principles which govern the conduct of
Christian man to man. Forbearance is to him cowardice: mildness,
patience, and an equable temper are, in his undeveloped and unreasoning
mind, only evidences of effeminacy. But the murderous Wanyaturu, when we
finally turned out of our camp, learned, when it was too late, that our
womanly gentleness covered power; the audacious Wakamba at Ngevi Island
were only brought to their senses when they heard the startling reports
of the revolver; the intention of the daring Wavuma to murder was only
checked by quick, and energetic action; the treacherous rock-slingers of
Mombiti only desisted when fired upon; the ferocious Wa-Bumbireh only
respected us after our successful escape; the cunning king of Iroba only
became really friendly when we quietly showed our power, and his rapidly
growing insolence was only cowed by the exhibition of sternness.
But the exercise of power without magnanimity is simply brutality, and
has only a transient effect. If, therefore, I could only show the king
of Bumbireh and his people that the first white man they had seen was
extremely gentle in his manner until aroused, but, though strong and
powerful when angered, was magnanimous afterwards, I should, I felt,
leave a lasting good effect upon their minds. Though Shekka’s capture
was necessary, in order to ensure the passage of the Expedition between
Bumbireh and Ihangiro in peace and safety, his good treatment and
after-release were none the less necessary also—provided that nothing
serious occurred in the meantime to prevent the exhibition of clemency
towards him.[16]
Perceiving himself to be in the power of those whom he had outraged with
a wanton ferocity, and whom he had compelled to risk the terrors of the
stormy sea without the means of subsistence, or means to seek shelter
from the gales and tempests which prevail during the rainy season,
Shekka’s behaviour became as abject as it had been ferocious when our
positions were reversed. But he was informed in mild tones that we
sought not his life, but our own safety; that he was captured to secure
ourselves from violence by the possession of his person; that, while he
was a prisoner with us, there would be no fear that Antari of Ihangiro
and the people of Bumbireh would attack us by night, as they must know
that we possessed the means of retaliation through him.
He was pleased to be communicative on this assurance, and informed us
that Antari was collecting a vast force on Bumbireh, by day and night,
for the purpose of attacking us on the island of Mahyiga. He imparted to
us also the narrative of how Antari’s father, in conjunction with Kytawa
in the days of old, had successfully defied for a long period the full
power of the great Suna of Uganda, and he was curious to know how a
small body of men like ourselves could hope to escape from Antari[17]—or
“the Lion”—of Ihangiro.
Shekka was advised that, as we knew how to defend ourselves when
attacked, he had better send word to Bumbireh and to Antari that we did
not seek trouble, but were desirous of establishing peaceful relations
between the Wangwana and the natives. Three of the ordinary natives of
Bumbireh, who had been brought with Shekka and his two chiefs, were
therefore permitted to depart with the king of Iroba and his friends.
_July 28._—At 9 A.M. the king of Iroba appeared again, this time with
gifts of milk, honey, bananas, and a fat kid, which kindness we
liberally reciprocated, not without much politic ostentation for the
advantage of Shekka and the natives.
At noon he reappeared with three large canoes, containing twenty men
each, from Ihangiro, under the command of Antari’s chief elder. They
were permitted to land, though they were numerically superior to the
garrison on the island. But before I had given them permission to that
effect, Frank was requested to hold thirty men under arms to prevent
treachery and surprise.
Our greeting was friendly, though there was a certain proud reserve in
their manner.
“What says the king Antari?” I asked through Lukanjah.
“Antari asks, ‘Why have you come to his waters and camped on his
island?’”
“We have come because we must pass through to Uganda, and have rested on
Mahyiga to wait for our people. As I have not sufficient canoes to carry
my people and property in one passage, I must leave some here, while I
proceed to Uganda with the first half of the party. I wish to be assured
by Antari that in my passage by Bumbireh we shall not be attacked, nor
the party which must be left in my absence on this island be molested.
What say you?”
“Antari says he is a great and strong king. All the mainland which you
see from Rumondo to Kytawa’s is his, so are all these islands and
waters. He has never seen strangers before travelling by sea; they
always went by land. He says, ‘You must go back.’”
“We cannot go back, tell him,” I replied. “This water belongs to every
stranger, as much as the wind. The island may be his, but no one dwells
on Mahyiga, and we will not injure the rocks.”
“Antari says he will make peace only if you go back. He sends these
three bunches of bananas to you, and this woman and child.”
“We do not deal in slaves, and three bunches of bananas are of no use to
us. We want permission to pass quietly and peacefully through to Uganda,
and if Antari will send many bananas to us, we will buy them, as we have
many mouths with us.”
“Then Antari says he will make war on you, and kill you all.”
“Ah, does he say those words?”
“Yes, Antari says those words.”
I whispered to Frank to bring Shekka, who was immediately brought to
their presence. When they saw him, they all rose to a man with
threatening actions. We all rose also, in a prepared attitude, which
convinced them that violence was useless. I said to the elders—
“Sit down, and carry my words to Antari. Open your ears wide, and
understand. Antari is Mtesa’s slave; I am Mtesa’s friend. Antari’s
people rob and try to murder Mtesa’s friend, but he escapes, and has now
come back on his way to Mtesa. Again, Antari and his people are busy
preparing war against Mtesa’s—Antari’s master’s—friend. He sends many
canoes and hundreds of men to Bumbireh. He also sends three canoes to
tell me that he is about to fight me, and perhaps—you know best—to
rescue Shekka, who is my means for securing my safety. Tell Antari that
the white man is not a woman, and that lying words will not be swallowed
by him. He means to go to Uganda, whether Antari will let him or not. If
Antari fights, tell him to remember how the white man escaped from
Bumbireh. The white man wants peace, but he is not afraid of Antari. Now
go, and carry every word to Antari, and to-morrow, by noon, I must have
his answer, or I shall carry Shekka and his two chiefs to Uganda, and
deliver them up to Mtesa.”
Without giving them time to consider further, we urged them towards
their canoes, not violently, but firmly. When the principal elder had
recovered his senses, which he did not until he felt himself safe in his
canoe, it seemed to dawn on his mind that I was purposely avoiding
violence, and he said—
“Let the white man rest in peace. You have Antari’s son, Shekka, in your
hands. Antari will not fight you. I will speak to him truly, and when
the sun is high I shall return with words of peace.”
“It is well. Tell Antari his son shall not be hurt, and will be
delivered over to his people as soon as we shall have passed Bumbireh
safely.”
Those were days which required caution, for the first false or weak step
would have ensured the destruction of the Expedition, the members of
which I was bound by every principle of honour to protect and defend to
the best of my ability. They had pledged themselves to me only upon the
condition that I should secure their safety, and they looked to me to
watch and guard their lives with paternal care. In my opinion,
considering all the circumstances, I could not have better avoided
trouble than—while the savages were actively preparing and offensively
boasting—by acting as I did.
About 4 P.M. a small fleet of six beautiful canoes, painted a brown
colour, were seen approaching us, having travelled mid-channel between
Bumbireh and Ihangiro. We soon made them out to be Waganda, and when the
chief, who was received with loud and warm greetings, had landed, he
gave his name as Sabadu.
He soon informed us that he was on a double errand, one of which was to
proceed to Kagehyi in Usukuma to convey the Arab Sungoro to Uganda, and
the other was to hunt up news of myself. He said also that I had been
reported by the long-lost Magassa, on his return to Uganda, to have been
either murdered by the savages of Bumbireh or to have foundered in the
lake. He had returned with the oars and drum to Mtesa, who was much
shocked at the sight of them, for he believed that, as the oars were our
“feet,” we were murdered. But as nothing else was found, such as traces
or parts of the boat, Mtesa was in doubt; he had therefore enjoined
Sabadu to make strict inquiries at all points about me, and had
despatched Magassa with a strong force by land to Uzongora and Ihangiro,
and a Mtongoleh, called M’kwanga, with a fleet of eight canoes, to
prosecute a more rigid search by water along all the coasts. Sabadu said
also that, while he was at Kytawa’s with M’kwanga, on the mainland, he
had heard of our danger, and had hurried up to assist us, and that
M’kwanga would appear on the morrow with eight canoes, manned by
Waganda, and five canoes manned by Kytawa’s people under two chiefs,
who, by their influence with Antari, might negotiate a successful peace.
Sabadu, upon delivering his news, was, as may well be imagined, heartily
welcomed, and was readily induced, upon my taking the responsibility, to
remain with me, to assist in the transport of the Expedition to Uganda,
for which his canoes, with those of M’kwanga and Kytawa, would prove
amply sufficient. He was also informed in his turn of the state of
affairs at Bumbireh and Ihangiro, at which he expressed great
indignation; but both he and Bugomba—a youth of sixteen, the brother of
the Katekiro, or Premier, of Uganda—were confident that, when they
should proceed to Bumbireh to treat with the natives through the
assistance of Kytawa’s chiefs, they would be able to persuade them to
abandon their hostile attitude. My experience of the people of Bumbireh,
however, would not permit me to entertain this feeling of assurance.
_July 29._—About 11 A.M. M’kwanga’s search expedition, consisting
of eight large canoes, accompanied by five of a smaller size, under
two chiefs of Kytawa, arrived at Mahyiga Island, containing about 250
Waganda and 50 Wazongora. Including the crews of Sabadu’s canoes, the
garrison of Mahyiga, and the natives of Komeh and Ukerewé, I had now a
force of 470 men. There was no fear of the issue of an attack on the
island now, but a fear of famine remained.
The king of Iroba was appealed to, and for an adequate remuneration he
promised to supply the Waganda with bananas; while we possessed
sufficient grain upon which the Wangwana might subsist for a few days
longer. The king of Iroba again confirmed the information that Antari
was collecting a large force of canoes, and about sunset a single canoe,
powerfully manned, dashed up opposite our camp, and one man stood up
with spear and shield, and delivered a stout defiance, after which the
canoe as hastily departed for Bumbireh, without paying any attention to
Kytawa’s chiefs.
It was apparent that our departure for Uganda would be hotly contested,
but of the result there could be but one opinion. What kind of canoes
Antari possessed I knew by the specimens which Kytawa, who was neighbour
to him, sent to us at Mahyiga. Their number would be probably a hundred,
which, with a crew of ten men in each, would amount to a thousand.
Allowing six bowmen in each canoe, this would make the fighting force
about 600 strong, against which I could offer 70 guns and about 350
effective spearmen of Uganda.
_August 2._—However, it was my duty to persist in avoiding the bloody
conflict, as it would assuredly be by water, and employ all my efforts
towards bringing Antari and the natives of Bumbireh to a sense of the
inutility of hostile demonstrations. Messages of a peaceful nature
accordingly passed between us. Antari’s elders visited us once more, on
the 2nd of August, this time with an assurance that we should not be
molested, as a proof of which they said that Antari had given orders to
the people of Bumbireh to sell us provisions upon the condition that we
should deliver Shekka, Antari’s son, and two other chiefs to Kytawa, the
day we should arrive on the mainland.
This news was received with shouts of applause by all, and no one was
more sincerely glad that the trouble was over than myself, though there
was something in the manner of the delivery, in the sly exchange of
looks between Antari’s elders and the prisoners, that I did not like. It
may have been that a slight suspicion still lurked in my mind, but I did
not permit any sign of doubt to escape me, but treated the elders
affably and courteously.
Sabadu—who was of a sanguine disposition—and young Bugomba were for
testing the truth of this manifestation of friendship at once, but I
restrained them for this day, as we possessed sufficient food for the
time being. The Waganda also were eager to remind me that they were a
people decidedly averse to scarcity, and they obtained my promise that
next morning they should have cloths and beads wherewith to purchase
food.
_August 3._—Accordingly the next day Sabadu was despatched with beads,
cowries, and cloths to Kajurri, from the cove of which we had made our
escape in April. They were absent about six hours, during which time I
was very anxious, as the event would decide our future.
“What is the news, Sabadu?” I asked eagerly as he stepped on the shore
near our camp with gloomy looks. “Anything wrong?”
“Ah,” he sighed; “the people of Bumbireh are bad, wicked people. We
went on shore at Kajurri, saw some twenty people there, and Kytawa’s
chief talked with them. They said we might go and cut as many bananas
as we wanted, and they would talk afterwards about the price we should
have to pay. The Waganda left their spears, and, taking only their
_mundu_—bill-hooks—proceeded to cut the fruit while I remained in the
canoe. Suddenly I heard a shout and a rustling in the banana grove, and
the Waganda came running back, and pushing the canoes into the water,
plunged in, and got on board. Kytawa’s chief had his left arm chopped
clean off, and then they cut him on the head, which killed him. Eight
of the Waganda[18] have been badly hurt. They will be carried on shore
presently, and you shall see them. Bumbireh! ah, ah! Bumbireh is bad!”
he said emphatically.
The wounded men were brought on shore with ghastly wounds from spears,
and one or two from arrows, at the sight of which a grand rush was made
upon the captives by two or three hundred excited Waganda and Wazongora,
but with the aid of the Wangwana and Frank we saved them.
“Gently, gently, friends,” we cried; “these men are not they who are
guilty of this deed. Do not ill-use them; they are innocent.”
M’kwanga, the chief of the search expedition of Waganda, was furious. He
seized his shield and three spears, and called his men together, telling
them to arm, as he would lead them through and through Bumbireh, and
then would proceed to Antari and slay him in his house, would cut down
every banana, burn down every hut, and scorch Ihangiro to a cinder, &c.
But M’kwanga was persuaded to be patient, and not foolishly throw more
lives away. We should, I told him, consult together, and if I found,
after consideration, that my duty was to avenge this deed, I should do
it.
Said he: “If you do not assist me to punish this treachery, you need
never expect to see Mtesa’s face or Uganda again. The Waganda came to do
you service; they came to seek you while Mtesa believed you were lost.
The Waganda, with myself and Sabadu, promised to stand by you when we
heard you were in danger. The Waganda left your camp with your consent
to go and get food for you as well as for us. Kytawa’s chief is dead,
and here are eight wounded men. What will you do?”
“Only what I think is right, and after proper consideration. If I do not
assist you, it will not prevent you from going to fight them to-morrow.”
“But,” said M’kwanga, “if I go to fight to-morrow by myself, I shall
never return to Mahyiga.”
He stalked away sullenly, and the Waganda became cold and distant
towards us, as though we were to blame for the sad event. The Wazongora
bewailed their chief aloud, and the strangely mournful tones of their
lamentations produced a powerful impression on all who heard them.
Before many minutes had elapsed, I had manned my boat and five canoes,
and was on my way to Iroba before the intelligence could be spread,
simply with the view to ascertain how far the king of Iroba was involved
in this affair. I found him to be perfectly innocent of all knowledge of
anything that had occurred at Bumbireh since morning. Upon asking him if
any natives of Ihangiro were there, he answered that one of Antari’s
youngest sons was there. We proceeded to the hut, and the young man was
secured and conveyed into the boat, and the king of Iroba was instructed
to convey the intelligence to Bumbireh to the chiefs of Antari’s people,
and to tell them that, if they intended to make peace, they must be
quick, and send me word of it before noon of the next day, as I should
not be able to restrain the Waganda or defer my departure another day.
The arrival of messengers from the post of observation on the summit of
the island announcing that the canoes of the Expedition were seen coming
from the south, distracted the attention of all for a period, and soon
the summit was lined with the figures of the anxious Wangwana, some of
whom had wives and children, besides relatives and friends in the little
fleet that was bearing towards the island with miniature sails set.
By sunset they were answering their safe arrival close to us with cheer
after cheer, and soon had landed amid hearty greetings.
But Manwa Sera, to cap the day’s dismal and tragic record, had to report
the loss of two men, who were drowned by the collapse of one of the
rotten canoes, which added another cause for grief. The riding asses
also were in a pitiable condition, for the poor things, being obliged to
be bound in the small canoes, were terribly chafed even to the quick,
and could scarcely stand. The rest of the force were in good condition,
and no property had been lost or other accident occurred.
That evening, while the sorrowing Wazongora made the camp doleful with
their loud mournful cries for the dead chief, Frank and all the Wangwana
chiefs were summoned to my tent to discuss our future. I only wished to
hear their views, to discover their sentiments, not to disclose my own.
The unanimous opinion of the party was that we were bound to fight. All
I could say on the other side availed nothing to shake the decision they
had arrived at. Then they were dismissed with a promise that I should
impart my resolution in the morning. I also enjoined on Frank to double
the guard over the captives, lest they might be injured during the
night.
Alone with myself, I began to discuss seriously the strict line of duty.
If it were a military Expedition that I commanded, duty would have
pointed out the obvious course to follow; but though the Expedition was
governed for its own well-being after military principles, it was an
expedition organized solely for the purposes of exploration, with a view
to search out new avenues of commerce to the mutual advantage of
civilization and such strange lands as we found suitable for commercial
and missionary enterprise. But whatever its character, its members
possessed the privilege of self-defence, and might justly adopt any
measures, after due deliberation, for self-protection. The principles of
right and justice every educated Christian professes to understand, and
may be credited with a desire to observe, but in addition to these, it
was desirable in a person in my position—knowing how frequently it is
necessary to exercise them in barbarous lands—to remember charity and
forbearance, in order to ensure the objects in view, and to create good
impressions for the benefit of those who might succeed the pioneer.
Thirteen days had elapsed since our arrival at Mahyiga, and the
thirteenth day was signalized by this bloody attack upon people
entrapped to their death maliciously, and evidently by a preconcerted
arrangement between Antari’s elders and the chiefs of Bumbireh. Sabadu
said also that the last words he had heard as the Waganda paddled away
from Bumbireh were, “Look out for mischief to-morrow,” which no doubt
meant that the war “shauri” was nearly terminated, and that all were by
this time worked up into proper fighting spirit.
The Expedition was now ready to move towards Uganda, but the water-way
had first to be opened; whatever plot was on hand must be frustrated,
and treachery punished; otherwise impunity would inspire an audacity
which might be dangerous to our safety.
Apart, therefore, from a duty owing to the wounded Waganda and the dead
chief of Kytawa, as well as to our respect for and gratitude to Mtesa
and Kytawa—apart from the justice which, according to all laws human and
divine, savage and civilized, demands that blood shall atone for blood,
especially when committed with malice prepense, and the memory of our
narrow escape from their almost fatal wiles, and the days of agony we
had suffered—there lay the vital, absolute, and imperative necessity of
meeting the savages lest they should meet us. For they were by this time
reinforced by about 2000 auxiliaries from the mainland; they were
flushed with triumph at their success in the snare they had set for the
unsuspecting Waganda, and the sight of their dead victim would only
inspire them with a desire for more blood.
As I could not see any way to avoid the conflict, I resolved to meet
them on their own island, and by one decisive stroke break this
overweening savage spirit. I should, however, wait the result of my last
message, for it might be that the capture of one of Antari’s sons might
induce them to embrace peaceful proposals.
_August 4._—Accordingly next morning a couple of ammunition boxes were
opened, and twenty rounds distributed to each man who bore a ride or
musket; 230 spearmen and fifty musketeers were detailed for a fighting
party, and eighteen canoes were prepared to convey them to Bumbireh.
I waited until noon, having gazed through a field-glass many times in
the direction of Bumbireh, but nothing was observed approaching Mahyiga.
The force was therefore mustered, and I addressed it to this effect—
“My friends and Wangwana,—We must have the sea clear. Whatever mischief
these people have meditated must be found out by us, and must be
prevented. I am about to go and punish them for the treacherous murder
of our friends. I shall not destroy them, therefore none of you are to
land unless we find their canoes, which we must break up. We must fight
till they or we give in, for it can only be decided in this manner.
While in the fight you will do exactly as I tell you, for I shall be
able to judge whether their fierce spirit is broken, or whether we shall
have to fight on land.”
As the distance between Bumbireh and Mahyiga was about eight miles, we
did not arrive until 2 P.M. before the former island. It was evident
that the savages had expected us, for the heights of the hilly ridge
were crowded with large masses, and every point was manned with
watchmen.
Through my field-glass I observed messengers running fast to a thick
plantain grove which crowned the southernmost hill, and commanded a view
of all approach to a cove that penetrated to its base. It was clear that
the main force of the natives was ready in the shadows of the grove.
Calling the canoes together, I told the chiefs to follow my boat, and to
steer exactly as I did. We made a feint of entering into this cove, but
when near the point, perceiving that we were hidden by the lofty hill
from the observation of those in the grove and of the look-outs, we
swerved to the left, and, clinging to the land, pulled vigorously until
we came to a cape, after rounding which we came in view of a fine and
noble bay to our right.
By this manœuvre the enemy was revealed in all his strength. The savages
were massed behind the plantains as I had suspected, and from their
great numbers proved much too strong to be attacked under cover. All the
eastern and northern sides of the bay were surrounded by lofty hills,
which sloped steeply to within a few feet of the water’s edge, and were
covered with small shingly rocks and thin short grass. The low shelf of
land that lay between the hill base and the water was margined with tall
cane-grass.
We steered straight east towards the more exposed hill slopes. The
savages, imagining we were about to effect a landing there, hurried from
their coverts, between 2000 and 3000 in number. I examined the shores
carefully, to see if I could discover the canoes which had conveyed this
great number of warriors from the mainland. Meanwhile we pulled slowly,
to afford them time to arrange themselves.
Arrived within 100 yards of the land, we anchored in line, the stone
anchors being dropped from midships that the broadsides might front the
shore. I told Lukanjah of Ukerewé to ask the men of Bumbireh if they
would make peace, whether we should be friends, or whether we should
fight.
“Nangu, nangu, nangu!” (“No, no, no!”) they answered loudly, while they
flourished spears and shields.
“Will they not do anything to save Shekka?”
“Nangu, nangu! Keep Shekka; he is nobody. We have another M’kama”
(king).
“Will they do nothing to save Antari’s son?”
“Nangu, nangu. Antari has many sons. We will do nothing but fight. If
you had not come here, we should have come to you.”
“You will be sorry for it afterwards.”
“Huh,” incredulously. “Come on; we are ready.”
Further parley was useless; so each man having taken aim was directed to
fire into a group of fifty or thereabouts. The result was several killed
and wounded.
The savages, perceiving the disastrous effect of our fire on a compact
body, scattered, and came bounding down to the water’s edge, some of the
boldest advancing until they were hip-deep in water; others, more
cautious, sought the shelter of the cane-grass, whence they discharged
many sheaves of arrows, all of which fell short of us.
We then moved to within 50 yards of the shore, to fire at close
quarters, and each man was permitted to exercise himself as he best
could. The savages gallantly held the water-line for an hour, and slung
their stones with better effect than they shot their arrows. The spirit
which animated them proved what they might have done had they succeeded
in effecting a landing at Mahyiga by night, but here, however, the
spear, with which they generally fight, was quite useless.
Perceiving that their spirit was abating, we drew the canoes together,
and made a feint as though we were about to make a precipitate landing,
which caused them to rush forward by hundreds with their spears on the
launch. The canoes were then suddenly halted, and a volley was fired
into the spearmen, which quite crushed their courage, causing them to
retreat up the hill far away from the scene. Our work of chastisement
was complete.
The Waganda spearmen (230 strong), who had been, up to this time, only
interested spectators, now clamoured loudly to be permitted to land and
complete the work of vengeance. M’kwanga was fierce in his demands; the
Wangwana seconded the Waganda, and in their hot ardour several of the
canoes rushed on the shore, but as this extremity was not my object, I
resisted them, and when, despite my refusal, they persisted in their
attempts to land, I threatened to fire upon the first man, Mgwana or
Mgwanda, who set foot upon the shore, and this threat restored order.
Lukanjah was again told to warn the natives of Bumbireh that, if they
had not had enough of fighting, we should return next day, but that we
would allow them a night to think over it.
It was dark when we arrived at our camp; but we did not omit, while
passing Iroba, to comfort the friendly king with the assurance that he
need not fear trouble, as he was not involved in the atrocious acts of
Bumbireh.
_August 5._—Having thus shown sufficient boldness in meeting the enemy
and demonstrated our ability for the encounter, it was now clear that
the passage of the channel, with the women and children and property of
the Expedition, might be performed without danger. Accordingly, on the
5th of August, at early dawn, we began the embarkation. The fourteen
Kiganda canoes were large, with ample storage room, and all the goods,
ammunition, and asses, and all the timid, men, women, children, and
Wanyamwezi, were placed in these. Our eighteen canoes of Ukerewé and
Komeh and five lent us by generous Kytawa proved sufficient to transport
the remainder, consisting of the more active members of the party, who
were directed, in the event of trouble, to range on either side.
At the tap of M’kwanga’s drum, without which no party of Waganda march,
and a cheery blast from Hamadi’s bugle, the thirty-seven canoes and
boat, containing 685 souls, departed from our island cove towards
Bumbireh.
About 9 A.M. we were abreast of Bumbireh, and when, on coming to the
bay, we saw hundreds of people lining the topmost ridges, I deemed it
expedient to make a demonstration once more in order to discover the
effect of the previous day’s engagement. On arriving near the shore, a
shot was fired, the effect of which was to cause about a hundred to
scamper away hastily. Others, whom we distinguished as elders, after
hailing us, came down towards us.
Lukanjah was requested to ask, “If we were to begin the fight again?”
“Nangu, nangu, M’kama.” (“No, no, king.”)
“The trouble is over then?”
“There are no more words between us.”
“If we go away quietly, will you interfere with us any more?”
“Nangu, nangu.”
“You will leave strangers alone in future?”
“Yes, yes.”
“You will not murder people who come to buy food again?”
“Nangu, nangu.”
I then told them that, having murdered one and wounded eight of Mtesa’s
people, it would be my duty to convey Shekka and his friends to him, but
I should intercede for them, and they would probably be back in two
moons. Advantage was also taken to point out the contrast between the
conduct of Bumbireh and that of Ukerewé, Komeh, Itawagumba, Kytawa, and
Kamiru, and to adorn the brief speech with a moral.
Turning away, we coasted along the much indented shores of the savage
island, and several times had opportunities of distinguishing the
altered demeanour of the natives and to observe that their fierce temper
had abated.
King Kamiru received us with princely magnificence. The Wazongora who
were with us extolled me as a father and begged his permission to
accompany me to Uganda. Kamiru, a bluff, hearty old man, kindly
consented, and furnished us with canoes to replace four of the most
rotten of the vessels from Ukerewé, which required constant caulking and
baling to prevent their foundering. The generous king supplied Frank and
myself with such a quantity of milk and honey that several potfuls
broke, and a section of the boat was a couple of inches deep with the
luscious mixture, which the boat’s crew licked up with broad grins of
satisfaction.
A bay separates Ihangiro from King Kamiru’s land. We were encamped on
the north side, which belongs to Kamiru; had we ventured on the south
side, we should have been in the enemy’s country. Desirous of showing
some kindness to Shekka and his friends, I made proposals to Kamiru to
accept them on behalf of Mtesa and to negotiate with Antari for their
release, but the king peremptorily refused, saying that he would be
unable to protect them, and that as they were Mtesa’s subjects, they
ought to be given up to him.
_August 8._—On the 8th of August we arrived once more on the little
island of Musira, whither we had before been driven by the natives of
Makongo, in King Kytawa’s country. The elders of all the villages along
his coast greeted us with acclamation. Makongo outdid the generosity of
Kamiru, for it sent four oxen besides 200 bunches of bananas. Kytawa
despatched quite a little army to bear his salaams and gifts of
provisions and messages, thanking me for avenging the death of his
chief, and making an offer of twenty canoes if I were short of vessels.
Inspired by the effect on the Wazongora which the punishment of the
natives of Bumbireh had created, Sabadu hinted that it would be
desirable to threaten Kyozza, the king of northern Uzongora, but he was
speedily made to understand that white men only fought in self-defence.
As we proceeded by Kyozza’s villages, Kagya, Weza, and Bugavu, the
inhabitants lined the shores without arms and loudly greeted us; and
when we stopped for our midday meal at a village near Weza, a messenger
from Kyozza came and promised us ten oxen if we would wait for that day
and accept his hospitalities. We returned a courteous reply, but
refused, upon the ground that we were in a hurry to proceed to Uganda.
_August 12._—We halted at Mezinda, and on the 12th of August, passing by
the mouth of the Alexandra Nile and Chawasimba Point, directed our
course for Dumo, in Uganda, at which place we arrived in the afternoon
without further incident of interest.
The next day was devoted to preparing a camp, arranging for supplies
with the neighbouring Watongoleh of Mtesa during my absence, and writing
letters to the _Daily Telegraph_ and _New York Herald_, giving in brief
an account of the events which are described in detail in this chapter,
a copy of which was left with Frank to send to the coast by way of
Karagwé and Unyanyembé.
A score of small matters employed my attention until midnight, of a
similar nature to those arranged before setting out from Kagehyi on the
exploration by circumnavigation of Lake Victoria in March. Before
retiring, messengers arrived in camp from Magassa—the dilatory admiral
of the canoe fleet despatched as my convoy in April—entreating me to
wait a couple of days for him before setting out for the capital of
Uganda. But as every hour was now precious, I was not able to defer my
departure.
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# 15:
This island has since had attached to it a sad interest. At Wezi,
Lieutenant Shergold Smith, and Mr. O’Neil, of the Church Missionary
Society, together with Sungoro the Arab, and many of their followers,
lately lost their lives while endeavouring to remove the Arab’s women—
among whom was Lukongeh’s young sister—from Ukerewé, without the
king’s permission or consent.
# 16:
On page 32, vol. i., ‘Last Journals,’ Livingstone says:—“It may have
been for the best that the English are thus known as people who can
hit hard when unjustly attacked, as we on this occasion most certainly
were.” Other instances could be cited from his books to prove Dr.
Livingstone’s views on such occasions.
# 17:
Antari, or “the lion,” is a favourite name with the Wahuma tribes.
# 18:
Six of these died subsequently to our arrival in Uganda, from the
effects of these wounds.