CHAPTER III

THE EMPTY COUNTRYSIDE

In the past the decay of civilisation has been heralded by the decay of

the country-side. When the cities had sucked the life of the plains

and valleys dry, then came the end. It was thus with Israel. Out of

the villages and farms nestling in valleys the people were driven into

cities by the rapacity of men eager to be rich. This was the burden

that weighed on the prophets, 'Woe unto them that join house to house,

that lay field to field till there be no room.' When in the country

places there was no room for the common folk, then national decay

ensued in Israel. It was so also in Rome. The day came when one

magnate owned the 'territories of whole tribes' and left them 'to be

trampled under foot by herds or ravaged by wild beasts,' or garrisoned

them 'with slave {55} prisons or citizens held in bondage,' and Rome

sucked dry the rural life of Italy and of the lands washed by the

Mediterranean. Therewith paralysis seized the greatest of the

world-empires. In every age overgrown cities have proved themselves

the graveyards of civilisation. And the primary cause of the evils

which now threaten us is that we have made the countryside waste.

Counties and parishes have been depleted of life that cities might grow

more and more. It has been calculated that nine out of ten families in

England have migrated to the city in the last three generations. In

and around Glasgow half of the population of Scotland is concentrated.

Three-fourths of the whole population of Scotland has been massed in

the industrial belt of country that lies between the Forth and Clyde

estuaries, and which includes Edinburgh and Glasgow and the towns round

which are centred the iron and coal industries. We have driven our

manhood and womanhood out of the sunshine {56} and the clean air and

the silent spaces into the foetid, sunless closes of monstrous cities.

There the clanging of machinery leaves no place where the soul can be

still. And upon us has fallen the woe declared against those who

devastate the quiet places, adding field to field, until there is no

room for the poor.

I

The greatest tragedy of our day is that the English race which has

conquered the fourth of the world's area has lost its own land. In the

course of a hundred years the spoliation of well-nigh the whole nation

has been consummated. The villages and rural parishes of England which

once teemed with life are left to decay. The life and the wealth which

reared the parish churches of England--those monuments of vanished

piety and of forgotten arts--and which produced with skilled handicraft

the 'ornaments and church furniture, bells and candlesticks, crosses

and organs, and tapestry and banners,' have ebbed away, leaving behind

them only a {57} memory. The world can nowhere show a desolation such

as has overtaken rural England. Elsewhere, be it France or Germany,

Serbia or Bulgaria, the cottages are scattered over close-tilled land,

and the labour of man is rewarded by the earth yielding its increase.

But England presents the spectacle of decayed cottages, of vast spaces

'laid down to grass,' of stately houses with the silence of tree-shaded

parks round about them, and of a land which yields no longer food but

sport. 'As things go now,' writes an observer, 'we shall have empty

fields, except for a few shepherds and herdsmen in all the green of

England.' In his book, _The Condition of England_, Mr. C. F. G.

Masterman has presented a picture of rural decay which is steeped in

tears. 'A peasantry, unique in Europe in its complete divorce from the

land, lacking ownership of cottage or tiniest plot of ground, finds no

longer any attraction in the cheerless toil of the agricultural

labourer upon scant weekly wages'--thus Mr. Masterman. If {58} the

life-blood of a nation be derived from the clean countryside, then

'England is bleeding at the arteries, and it is her reddest blood which

is flowing away.'

It is to the Moloch of an industrial civilisation that this sacrifice

of life has been made. The desolation was wrought because men, in

their haste to become rich, were blind to the true values of labour.

They forgot that the primary work of man is to produce food, and that

upon the production of food the whole structure of the commonwealth

depends. Cities endure because, far beyond their ken, the land yields

wheat and fruit and supports wandering herds. All other work is

parasitic; that work alone is essential. But a perverted civilisation

sacrificed the primary to the parasitic, and poured its rewards into

the lap of the workers who added nothing to the world's true riches.

The road to success and honour lay only through the city. Formerly the

gentleman was he who tilled the ground; in our day the man who ploughs

and reaps {59} is deemed a boor. Clean hands and clean linen are now

the badges of a gentleman. The sense of the dignity of making the soil

yield its riches has vanished from among us. Everything is ordered

that the stream of life from the fields and the open sky into the

barracks of sooty, squalid cities may swell into an ever-increasing

river. We had only one ideal and that was cheap food. Other nations

carefully conserved the workers of the soil and protected them from a

competition that might deprive them of the reward of their labour.

During the last fifty years, while our population has rapidly

increased, our agricultural population has been diminished by a million

workers. A hundred years ago we had 9,000,000 acres producing wheat,

to-day we have only 1,800,000 wheat-growing acres. We have indeed

sacrificed our true life. In the whole of the British Empire, covering

a quarter of the globe, the total white population living on the land

is only 13,000,000, whilst that of Germany alone, working the land and

{60} living by it, has risen to 20,000,000. We had one watchword which

stirred our blood--the cheap loaf! The meaning of the watchword was

hid from us. For the cheap loaf meant cheap labour, and cheap labour

meant ever-increasing riches to the exploiters of toiling masses in the

lamp-lit cities. But the 'cheap loaf' meant for the country places

which yielded it, that the husbandman could not live by his labour.

Floods of oratory were poured forth; under the guise of philanthropy

the ideal of cheap food was held up in palpitating periods by

capitalists who reaped their sure reward in labour correspondingly

cheap, and the fields of England were steadily laid down to 'twitch and

thistle.' A generation wrought this desolation, unconscious of the

desolation that it wrought. The agricultural labourer became at last

obsessed by the watchword which wrought his ruin. Even Mr. Masterman

records with sympathy, if not with satisfaction, the attitude of the

farm labourer to the new 'fiscal reform.' {61} 'Oh dear!' is his

comment, 'we want no taxes on food.' We destroyed him, but we did it

so skilfully, and with so splendidly assumed an air of philanthropy,

that the worker on the land did not even recognise the instrument

wherewith we destroyed him. He has been the victim of political

factions--of politicians who have sacrificed the State to party. The

Conservatives not unnaturally made the monopoly in land a tenet of

their faith, and resisted every claim on the part of the poor to call

any portion of England, however small, their own; the Liberals made the

policy of Free Trade an inviolable doctrine, and though that policy

mainly enriched the capitalist, they assumed in its support the

semblance of enthusiasm for humanity, if not of the passion of

religion. But between the two, as between the upper and nether

millstone, the rural population of England has been ground to powder.

Not for the first time in history the desolation of a kingdom has been

wrought by time-serving politicians.

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And with the devastation which our national policy thus wrought in the

countryside there passed away, slowly but steadily, the ancient

landowners. These men had in their veins the life-blood of England;

they built up the Empire and sent forth their sons to be the

'frontiersmen of all the world.' Innumerable ties bound them to the

people. Squire and peasant were at one in love of the land, and each

knew that his welfare was bound up with that of the other. But the

lands had to be sold, and the new-rich came from the cities and

replaced the aristocracy of the countryside. They had no ties binding

them to the sons of the soil. They knew not the traditions to which

the landlord and tenant were loyal. They only sought to transplant a

bit of the city into the heart of the country. It was then that the

country folk awoke to the insecurity of their lives. At a word they

were sent forth homeless wanderers. The hint of a right to be

vindicated brought down unemployment and eviction on the head of {63}

England's freedmen. The cottager in the country could no longer call

his soul his own. In the city he could at least call his thoughts his

own, and he could give them utterance in stumbling words without

incurring the risk of being made homeless. No wonder the rural

labourer escaped for his life. The nation, as usual, awoke too late to

the realisation of its ebbing life. It began to make provision for the

people of England acquiring a moiety of the land of England. But it is

easy to turn a smiling land into a wilderness; to convert the

wilderness back into a garden is the baffling problem. 'To-day,'

writes Mr. Masterman, 'land is being slowly and laboriously offered to

the people, a generation after the people who once hungered for that

offer have flung themselves into the cities or beyond the sea.' Any

parvenu can sweep the population of a parish forth into Poplar and

Lambeth; it may well pass the wit of man to bring their children back

from Poplar and Lambeth to the land.

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II

To-day four-fifths of the population of England is crowded in cities,

and there they are left 'to soak and blacken soul and sense in city

slime.' In Scotland the same forces have been at work with the same

result. Parishes of soil as fertile as is in the world are to be found

in the occupation of half a dozen farmers, some of whom hold two or

more farms. Land which might hold hundreds of families, if the land

were available for the people as in France, is empty save for a handful

of farmers and their servants. Though great markets are at the door

waiting the produce of intensive cultivation, the small holder is

crowded out. Denmark pours into our cities the produce which the

monopoly in land prevents being supplied at home. Holland feeds us in

time of peace and our enemies in time of war. That the Danes and the

Dutch may have stores wherewith to feed our foes, the fields of England

are laid waste. {65} The only life now left in the country is the ebb

and flow of the overflow from the cities. Germany and Austria have

withstood a two years' blockade, because the land is there kept under

cultivation and yields the necessaries of life. Our enemies have not

been blind to a nation's true riches. Did we lose the command of the

sea for a few weeks, there would be no escape from destruction. For we

have sacrificed our bread supply to the production of Brummagem wares.

But there has been in Scotland an additional element of tragedy in the

rural situation which has not been manifested in England, at least on

so large a scale. Whole parishes have in the Highlands during the last

century been laid waste by wholesale ruthless evictions. Behind the

processes which have made the glens and mountain slopes desolate of

men, and which have massed a million of human beings into a city of

restricted area such as Glasgow, piling them, family on the top of

family, in noisome tenements, there lies {66} perhaps the greatest

tragedy of the nineteenth century. And that tragedy is all the more

poignant in that it has been wrought in silence, none paying it any

heed. Glens filled with men have been transformed into desert places

filled with sheep or deer, and that at the will of one man, while

statesmen paid no heed and the world took no cognisance.[1] For were

not these things done beyond the Grampians? And what happened there

was of no consequence.

It is almost incredible that, during the last century, glens and

countrysides in Scotland were stripped bare of human beings by

wholesale eviction. The thought of these poor thatched houses burning

{67} and the people driven away to find refuge where they could--in the

slums of Glasgow or across the seas--is to our minds so intolerable

that many will deny such crimes were ever perpetrated. Yet they were

perpetrated. The hearthstones on which the peat fires unceasingly

burned, which for generations had never grown cold, were left to the

rain and the snow. Some parishes were laid wholly waste. In one such

parish which I know, out of which sixty-one officers bearing their

King's commission went forth to fight in the Napoleonic wars, there has

gone forth hardly one officer to-day. Where hundreds were found of old

in the day of need, a mere handful of ghillies or shepherds is found

to-day who can take up arms. For that parish which gave Scotland the

greatest family of preachers and leaders in religious and social

movements was laid ruthlessly waste, and the parish minister, who held

all the honours which his Church and country could bestow on him, was

left in his manse solitary {68} amid the wilderness which greed

created, to die of a broken heart. That most beautiful of islands--the

Isle of Skye--sent forth 21 generals, 48 colonels, 600 commissioned

officers, 10,000 soldiers to fight in the great wars for human freedom

against the Corsican; to-day the Isle of Skye can scarcely muster 1000

in the greatest crisis of human history. One parish in the western

sea-board which sent 200 men to fight for freedom in the Napoleonic

wars to-day could only muster six; for the parish fell into the hands

of a man who wanted a deer forest for the passing of his leisure hours.

These figures are but representative of what has happened all over the

British Isles. An old man, who was carried as a child in the corner of

a plaid out of his native glen when the cataclysm of eviction burst on

the unbelieving crofters and cottars, while cottage after cottage was

given to the flames, when asked what he remembered about it, answered:

'I can see yet the smoke rising to heaven; and I can hear {69} the

sound of weeping down the glen.' In my boyhood's days I heard an old

man speaking of the townships of his youth being laid waste, and he

said: 'I remember it as one remembers things seen in a dream.' There

are many books in which those who may desire can inform themselves of

the depths to which it is possible for greed and tyrannous power to

bring men who have no ideal but the gratification of their desires.

The cruelties and the wrongs perpetrated in the Scottish Highlands on a

loyal and law-abiding people can only be paralleled by the atrocities

of the slave traders in Africa. They would be unbelievable were it not

that the State suffered the same processes in a gradual and less

dramatic form to accomplish the same ends in England. The only

difference was that the Scottish evictor concentrated in one day of

sword and fire the desolating work which in England and in Lowland

Scotland was diffused over many years. Whether the result be that of a

day or of {70} a hundred years, the folly and the guilt are the same.

The same fate as overtook rural England and Scotland has in even more

fateful degree overtaken Ireland. The vast majority of the Irish are

now outwith their native isle. In the Ireland of to-day only the

derelicts are left. Throughout the length and breadth of the three

kingdoms, the country places in which strong men were reared have been

made desolate that cities in which men decay might extend and enlarge

their slums.

III

In this devastation of the country places the abnormal process of

eviction played but a small part compared with the normal processes

which worked steadily for the emptying of the country and for the

growth of the city. A blinded legislature sacrificed everything to the

growth of an industrial civilisation. What the ruling classes wanted

was the increased prosperity of Glasgow and Birmingham; it mattered

nothing though the {71} country-folk perished. They had, however, some

consideration for the countrysides. They caused schools to be built

everywhere at the expense of landlords and tenants. But in these

schools they caused nothing to be taught but the dates of battles and

the names of rivers. In them there was nothing taught of the wonder of

growing life, of the miracle of earth pouring food into the lap of men,

of the glory and beauty of the greening earth, or of the dignity of

breaking up the fallow ground. I say, nothing of worth was taught in

these schools--nothing, except what roused an unhealthy craving for the

life that could be lived with unsoiled hands! And for the support of

these schools one lady who owned a large estate in the west had to sell

her jewels that she might pay the school rate, and tenants parted with

their stock for the same end. For the State had decreed that the

country places should pay for the support of those processes which were

to work their own desolation. Landlords were {72} made bankrupt and

tenants ruined that bloated cities might grow more and more.

Every development of the great national machinery designed for the

intellectual illumination of the people has wrought more and more

desolation in the country places. The last of these has been the

worst. In Scotland the parish school since the days of Knox was the

centre of intellectual activity, and the parish schoolmasters were able

to send their scholars straight to the University. But the pundits at

last decreed that this must cease. Secondary education was banished

from the parish schools. The teachers who formerly had scope for, and

joy in, the higher spheres of teaching were consigned one and all to

the withered fields of elementary education. All the secondary

teaching was concentrated in the towns where central schools were

established, to which promising children who desired such training were

collected.

The result has been disastrous. The light of higher education in each

rural {73} parish has been quenched. The secondary education has been

concentrated in towns, and only a few parents could face the additional

burden of providing lodgings for their children. The pundits made no

provision for the proper accommodation for boys and girls at the most

critical period of their lives. No hostels were built for them. In

insanitary villages they were left to whatever provision decayed houses

could provide for them. In these schools religious and moral training

was banned. After school hours boys and girls, removed from the

salutary influences of their homes, were left to the social joys of the

street corners. The main industry of many of these towns was that of

the hotel and public-house. The result has been that a large

proportion of boys and girls who in the shelter of their homes would

have grown into a worthy and useful citizenship have been utterly

ruined. The system was devised that the few might be pushed up the

ladder into the region of the higher {74} knowledge, leaving all record

of God and moral duty behind with their elementary textbooks; and no

provision whatever was made to safeguard them, in the course of the

giddy ascent, from toppling over and falling into the mud. And the

great system, instead of elevating, crashed them into the mire. And

this devastating process still goes on. The rising generation in the

country places in Scotland are made unfit for country life by a false

education, and, through its neglect of their higher needs, many of them

are ruined. A nation that spends five millions a day on war would not

in its education system provide for the social and moral needs of its

sons and daughters. It sacrificed everything to the brain. And the

result has been desolation in many a family in Scotland in lonely glens

and by the sea. Our education machinery has, in truth, been

Prussianised, and in the process the soul has been grievously wounded.

The class that provided the ministers of religion in wide stretches of

Scotland, provides {75} them no more. A generation of boys left to the

moral influences of the street corners, undisciplined and disregarded,

can provide the nation with clerks and not with leaders in the sphere

of the soul.

IV

There is no sign that the nation is waking to the misery wrought by the

bureaucrats. All the cry is for a further march along the same road.

The Government have in these last days appointed two Commissions on

Education, the one to 'inquire into the position occupied by natural

science,' and the other 'into the position occupied by the study of

modern languages,' in the educational system, and they are to consider

the matter, the one in relation to the 'interests of the trades,

industries, and professions' dependent on science, and the other in

relation to the 'interests of commerce and public service.' In this

there is no hint that what the nation mostly needs is the development

of character, the re-enforcement of soul. We are to investigate with

{76} our eye on commerce; the material gain is still our goal. The

Germanised minds have won their first victory. The future path of our

development is to be the path of the Teuton, and we are to tread it

like him, sacrificing our souls to Mammon. For the sake of commerce we

must go on pushing our boys faster up the ladder, heedless of debris of

moral wreckage at its foot!

A still more depressing symptom is the policy already adumbrated by the

Government to mitigate the devastation wrought in the country places.

Our armies now number millions, but the Government introduces a bill to

settle a few hundred soldiers on the land! Millions of acres lie

waste, but the Government proposes to deal with a few thousand acres

here and there. The needs of the future require an exodus from the

Egypt of the slums and from the slavery of that industrialism which

adds nothing to the world's true riches, and the re-establishment of

the people in their true heritage, the land. But the Government {77}

proposes to reinstate a handful. There is no sign that the politician

has as yet realised that agriculture is the noblest of industries, a

nation's true wealth. And there is no realisation of the only method

by which this can be done. It is the magic of ownership that alone

will restore to the people the joy in the land. The rent system is

doomed to failure. In the words 'my own' there is a glamour which

turns even sand into gold. When to the masses that have been despoiled

there is again restored the privilege of designating a little portion

of the land of their fathers, their own, then, and only then, will the

country places once more waken to life, and the desolation of

generations be at last removed. A nation for which millions have been

found ready to die must surely provide for the living such social

conditions as will enable them to live joyous and clean lives. In

kingdoms teeming with riches, no heart must be starved of beauty, no

life starved of bread, and no soul starved of God.

[1] A hundred years ago there were 5 deer forests in Scotland, now

there are 200. Since 1891 the acreage in Scotland under deer and

devoted to sport increased from over 2 1/2 millions of acres to over 3 1/2

millions of acres. This process of increasing the area devoted to

sport has gone on even since the war began. This land, to the extent

of two millions of acres, can be reclaimed for human use. Scotland has

talked of afforestation for a generation--and done nothing! During the

last twenty-five years, while the politicians pursued their game, the

people of Scotland lost an additional million of acres so far as food

production is concerned!

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Stand Up, Ye Dead · 第 3 / 8 章