CHAPTER II

THE ROOTS OF THE EVIL

If a disease is to be combated the first thing to be done is to

diagnose it. It is only when the destructive powers of an enemy are

realised that the full power of a nation is mobilised; and the moral

forces of a nation will only be mobilised for its own salvation when it

realises the full sweep of the forces of degeneration which are united

for its ethical destruction. Hitherto the attitude of society towards

the evils which threaten its very existence has been one of assumed

ignorance. Ostrich-like it buried its head in conventions and was

determined not to see. The result has been that the evils grew in an

atmosphere of artificial darkness and ignorance, until to-day the

fountains of the national life are at one and {25} the same time going

through a process of desiccation and of pollution. The elements in

society which have in them a promise of strength are limiting their own

existence; the elements which have in them the least promise of

vitality are passing on the stream of life diseased alike by

inheritance and by infection. It is a disagreeable and distasteful

duty to contemplate the foul diseases which prey on the body-politic,

but we must face the duty. We must remove the blinkers which have too

long hid from us the sweep of those forces which will inevitably work

destruction unless the nation be roused to its peril.

I

It is a startling fact that in the very days when the flower of the

manhood of the race is perishing by the hundred thousand on land and

sea, a campaign is being conducted in London with the express purpose

of preventing the wastage of life being replaced by the advent of life.

It is almost incredible that such a {26} thing could be, but those who

carry on the propaganda are not even conscious that they are doing

wrong. In this very unconsciousness of evil we see the depths to which

the nation is falling. In his evidence submitted to the National

Birthrate Commission, the secretary of the Malthusian League, with a

frankness which showed that he was thoroughly convinced of the

righteousness of the policy he propounded, gave detailed information

regarding the propaganda now being carried on by his society:

In the early days of the movement strenuous and, at first, successful

attempts were made to interest the poorer classes directly. But the

opposition which quickly arose rendered the continuance of this policy

impracticable, and it was only at the commencement of 1913 that it was

deemed possible to start an open-air campaign in one of the poorest

districts of South London. The response was so gratifying and the

demand for practical advice so persistent, that the League {27}

determined at an early date thereafter to issue gratuitously a leaflet

describing the most hygienic methods of limiting families, subject to a

declaration by applicants that they were over twenty-one years of age,

married or about to be married, that they were convinced of the

justification of family limitation, and that they held themselves

responsible for keeping the leaflet out of the hands of unmarried

people under twenty-one years of age.... The applications received

show unmistakably that the poor and the debilitated are most anxious to

adopt family limitation, and are deeply grateful for the necessary

information....'[1]

The Commission naturally asked for a copy of this leaflet.

'I have some of these practical leaflets here,' answered the witness,

'but I have one thing to say about them. That sort of thing has to be

done with precautions. It has only been recently issued, and only

those can take it who will sign a {28} declaration that they are either

married or about to be married, and that they consider the artificial

limitation of families justifiable. If any of the members here come

within that category--that is prejudging the case--they can have it,

otherwise I am afraid I cannot give it.'

This is the only touch of comedy in the greatest tragedy of our day.

The Commission of grave and reverend seigneurs were not to be trusted

with a leaflet which was circulating gratuitously in East London. It

is manifest that no declaration signed to the contrary will prevent

these leaflets passing from hand to hand, or the information they

convey from man to man and woman to woman. There is no limit to the

evil wrought by even one such leaflet. Down the streets, by word of

mouth, the secret goes. And wherever it goes, death begins to reign.

And the nation disregards the undermining of its existence. It is not

enough that bomb and shell and gas should be laying its manhood low in

swathes; it suffers a campaign {29} in its streets and alleys that

wages war on the life that is struggling to be born. If the hands that

sway the destiny of the race were not paralysed such a propaganda would

not be suffered for a day.

The secretary of the Malthusian League made it clear in his evidence

that he had a grievance against the educated and leisured classes in

this country. It was not the intention of the League that its teaching

should result in the impoverishment of what is good in humanity. The

teaching of eugenics aims at the improvement of the soul of the race by

developing the force of heredity and by improving environment. The

effect of the Neo-Malthusian propaganda has been hitherto to discourage

worthy parentage, and to limit the birth of children among the class

who would transmit a worthy heredity and could supply a good

environment. Thus the result has been the very reverse of that aimed

at by eugenics. But the Malthusian League is not repentant.

'Notwithstanding the fact that, in spite {30} of its efforts, the

limitation of families has up to the present been on dysgenic lines,

the Malthusian League cannot profess regret that the limitation has

occurred'--thus its secretary. It did not intend that result, but it

does not regret it. It desired to direct its teaching to the poor and

enable them to restrict their children, but the well-to-do classes

prevented them. 'All we could do was continually to direct all our

movement to convincing the educated classes of the necessity of so

extending it; but they allowed it to stop at themselves and did not let

it go any further....[2] I think it would have been far better had

they realised that the restriction should have been conveyed to the

quarters where it was most needed.' The position seems to be this: The

upper classes who already had established a monopoly of the good things

of this world, when the teaching of race-limitation came their way,

added this also to their monopoly. Having assimilated it, they kept it

to {31} themselves. This was the last fine fruit of their selfishness!

But, now, the opposition has weakened in a world of greater

enlightenment, and the Malthusian League is determined to resist that

selfishness which would keep the good things of this world as the

preserve of certain classes. Therefore it starts its new campaign in

South London. 'We know that the want of restriction among the poorest

grade is enormously due to ignorance,' says its secretary. 'It is

clear, therefore, that if such knowledge is available to them it will

conduce to more restriction in those quarters than at present.' Having

achieved what it did not intend--having silenced the voices of children

in Park Lane and Belgravia--the Malthusian League is now determined to

achieve what it intended--silence the voices of children in Lambeth and

Poplar!

II

When the arguments on which the Malthusian League base their propaganda

{32} are considered, they are at once revealed to be the fruit of false

reasoning and of ignorance. Neo-Malthusianism is based on the

principle that poverty, disease, and premature death can only be

eliminated by restricting the increase of the population. As disease

and premature death are largely due to poverty, the problem is how to

eliminate poverty. It is, however, manifest to any one who considers

the sources of the world's food supply that these sources could provide

food for a population many times greater than that at present

inhabiting this planet. The vast territories of the British Empire are

at present only occupied along their fringes. The most fertile

regions--the vast spaces of Africa watered by noble rivers--cry out for

the spade and the plough. Canada is doubling its wheat supply every

few years. Counties at home, lying derelict, are waiting for intensive

cultivation. The remedy for poverty is a right distribution of the

world's food, and a right direction of the energies of men towards the

production {33} of food. When life is directed to its primary object,

the production of food, then the greater the wealth of life the greater

will be the food supply. The true wealth of a nation is therefore its

life.

But the Neo-Malthusians are incapable of regarding life with anything

but a jaundiced eye. If anywhere life should be desired it should

surely be in Australia, where a population only equal to that of

Scotland inhabit a continent. But even there the Neo-Malthusians will

have nothing but restriction. The birthrate in Australia has descended

to 10 per thousand, but the Neo-Malthusians regard that with

satisfaction. 'What I am absolutely certain of is that no country can,

from year to year, increase the amount which it produces by enough to

hold all the people that can be born, and Australia apparently has just

got to the point; its birthrate has just descended to 10 per thousand,

but there has been a correlation between the birthrate and

deathrate.... I do admit that, at the present moment, it {34} has just

got to the point of balance.' The hollowness of an argument such as

that is apparent when it is remembered that the wheat crop of Canada in

1915 was more than 50 per cent. higher than that of 1911. Canada in

five years increased its food supply by half; it is impossible in five

years for the birthrate to increase the population by half. Canada has

done even more, for since 1901 it has increased its wheat supply by 125

per cent., and its population is only two per square mile. Yet in the

vast empty territories of Australia and Canada the Neo-Malthusian would

spread his propaganda!

What is manifest is that if teaching such as that of the

Neo-Malthusians be the ideal adopted by the people of this Empire and

the Dominions beyond the sea, then the Empire is doomed. Australia has

laid it down as an unalterable policy that the continent shall be a

white-man country. How can that policy hold in Australia with a

birthrate of 10 and in New Zealand with a birthrate of 9 {35} per

thousand? The abounding birthrate of Japan and China demands an

outlet. If the men of British race succumb to race-weariness and

adhere to the policy of racial suicide, they must give place to those

that are not yet weary of life. It will be impossible for any race in

the future to hold territories which they cannot occupy, and lands

which they cannot replenish or cultivate. And, yet, in the region of

empty spaces, the Neo-Malthusian regards racial limitation with

satisfaction. 'When the birthrate stood at that level [19 to 20 per

thousand] in Ontario, was that a desirable level for Ontario ... being

a young country with plenty of room for expansion?' was one of the

questions addressed to the secretary of the Malthusian League. 'I am

quite decided Ontario should at present have only that birthrate,' was

the answer. Surely human folly has seldom transcended this.

But the Neo-Malthusian has another argument to support his delusions.

It is {36} that the lowering of the birthrate leads to the lowering of

the deathrate, and thus that there is no decrease in the population.

It was on this ground that the secretary of the Malthusian League

justified the restriction of births even in Ontario. 'When Ontario did

increase its birthrate, its deathrate increased; it gained no increase

of population thereby, so I am absolutely definite in that case.' But

the Superintendent of Statistics, Dr. Stevenson, promptly pricked that

bubble. The alleged increase of the deathrate in Ontario was due to a

miscalculation. The increase in 1911 of the population was

underestimated. The population in Ontario increased in 1911 to

2,523,000; the birthrate went up from 21.10 to 24.7, and the deathrate

came down 14.0 to 12.6. So far from the increased birthrate in Ontario

producing an increased deathrate, it brought with it a diminished

deathrate. At the touch of reality the edifice of the Neo-Malthusian

crumbles into sand. He is not deficient in patriotism; for he says so.

{37} 'We probably should get more colonising and more efficient

colonisers if we had a smaller birthrate,' declared the secretary of

the Malthusian League. Empty cradles are going to populate the Empire!

There is surely no limit to the faculty of human self-deception.

III

Though the arguments of the Neo-Malthusians be fallacious, and the

basis of their teaching illusionary, yet they have gained the

allegiance of a vast portion of the population of the Empire. A

birthrate lowered by half in some cities, and by a third over the whole

of the nation, testifies to the withering blight which has passed over

the race. In a little while Britain will be as France--its population

stationary. We have yet a little way to go ere we have reduced the

birthrate to the level of Australia, 10 per thousand; but we are on the

way to it. When that day draws near there will be no more emigrants

available for the territories that we hold; {38} and the door of

Australia must open to the yellow races. A race that chooses death can

no longer shape or mould the issues of life.

The statistics which abound in the Report are as the ringing of a

passing bell. But far more alarming than the mere statement that the

race is now sacrificing a third of its children is the fact that this

limitation has not yet come to its full development. The stage which

is now attained is that a vast majority of the educated classes

sacrifice the race to their self-indulgence. The figures given in a

booklet entitled _The Small Family System_ show that 'in the Fabian

Society in about 90 per cent. of the more recent marriages they have

voluntarily restricted.' The super-intelligent of the Socialists have

set their faces towards the drying up of life's sources. The evidence

amply proves that everywhere 'the size of the family tends to vary

inversely as the social status of the parents.' The figures provided

by the Registrar-General for {39} England and Wales showing the births

classified according to the occupation of the father, are as follows:

Births per 1000

married males aged

under 55 years,

Social Class including retired.

1. Upper and middle class . . . . . 119

2. Intermediate . . . . . . . . . . 132

3. Skilled workmen . . . . . . . . 153

4. Intermediate class . . . . . . . 158

5. Unskilled workmen . . . . . . . 213

The race is now being carried on mainly by the poorest classes of the

population. But, when the Neo-Malthusians have carried out to the full

that campaign on which they have now entered; when the faith in life

which the poor have not yet lost, shall at last be undermined; when it

will be true of Poplar as of Belgravia, and of the Canongate as of the

West End, that having a family is no longer a British ideal--what then

is to become of the race and the Empire? What we must realise is that

this process of racial destruction will steadily go on working down the

social {40} scale until the race is doomed--unless the conscience of

the race be roused and the forces of degeneration routed. Nobody has

studied the whole problem with more thoroughness than Dr. J. W.

Ballantyne of Edinburgh. 'If this voluntary restriction has begun in

one group of society,' says Dr. Ballantyne, 'it has not expended itself

yet upon the other groups ... it is working its way, one might almost

say, as a leaven, it has not yet reached the larger groups of people,

and therefore I expect the fall in the birthrate to go on.' In the

present miasma which has fallen on the race, when women have become

'less scrupulous,' and doctors advise with greater and greater

frequency the restriction of birth, Dr. Ballantyne can only summon us

to 'bring up the reserves and strengthen the recruits.' Life has

ceased to be desired; its continuance is no longer 'convenient.' It is

inevitable that, unless a change comes in the spirit of our day, the

process of decay will go steadily on.

{41}

IV

It is a repulsive picture this which grows before our eyes; but there

are blacker shades still--so black that one can only indicate them and

pass on. So far we have only considered the restricted birthrate as

the result of the teaching of Neo-Malthusianism; but there is a further

restriction which even the Neo-Malthusian condemns--the destruction of

the unborn life.

The best way to indicate this, the blackest of all the signs of moral

decay, is to quote here and there from the Report.

_Witness_--The LORD BISHOP OF SOUTHWARK.

_Question_--It is your general experience, my lord, that there is among

the working-classes, so far as you can judge, a larger amount of

abortion than the use of anti-conceptions?

_Answer_.--That is what I should say.

_Dr. Scharlieb_.--They say that there are five abortions to every one

live birth.

{42}

The Lord Bishop of Southwark did not hesitate to declare that the

destruction of unborn life in South London 'betrays instincts which are

worse than the savage.'

_Witness_--Sir THOMAS OLIVER, M.D., LL.D., B.Sc., of

Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

_Witness_.--The waste of infant life was enormous owing to the

expectant mother miscarrying.... For twopence a woman might purchase

sufficient ... to cause her to miscarry, while she at the same time

might imperil her own life....

_Witness_--Dr. AMAND ROUTH, M.D.

_Witness_.--My main contention was in regard to the enormous antenatal

mortality.... The number of abortions is about four times as great as

the still-birth.... Assuming that the still-births are 3 per cent.,

and the abortions 12 per cent., the two together are 15 per cent.

Of the mass of evidence regarding this terrible aspect of the national

life, these quotations must suffice. The public conscience has, in

this last generation, become so deadened on the part of masses of the

{43} people that life is no longer sacred. 'It is always a great

comfort to me,' says Dr. Amand Routh, 'that it is criminal as well as

wrong--that one can show that the law considers it to be murder.' To

escape from inconvenience, to secure freedom from responsibility, to

attain untrammelled devotion to pleasure--the weapon of murder is

freely used. One of the witnesses, Mrs. Burgwin, told the Commission

an experience. 'When I went to Moscow,' says Mrs. Burgwin, 'I went to

see the great Foundling Hospital ... and I felt very ashamed when I

came away, because I said to a Russian doctor there, "You know this is

very serious; you have got a couple of thousand illegitimate children,

and by bringing them into a place like this you are only encouraging

illegitimacy!" And he said to me, "Well, Mrs. Burgwin, is not that

better than what you do in England? There, even your married people

murder the children."'

{44}

V

There is another cause of the falling birthrate which I will only

indicate. However necessary it may be to look facts in the face, there

are facts so ugly that they do not bear even contemplation. One great

cause of the fall in the birthrate is the social disease. One or two

quotations must suffice.

'I hold,' says Dr. Ballantyne, 'that in a given family, if syphilis

enters it, it is the most deadly thing for the future of that family.'

'Have you any idea about the proportion of antenatal deaths which are

due to syphilis?' 'Of course, one's idea is,' answered Dr. Amand

Routh, 'that it is an enormous proportion--perhaps one-fourth....'

'Dr. Willey was of opinion that probably 32.8 per cent. of the total

still-births were due to syphilis.'

'I would hold the view that it is a considerable proportion,' says Dr.

Ballantyne, {45} 'founding upon Fournier's evidence in France, where he

speaks broadly of families being swept out of existence before birth by

syphilis.'

'We have been recently told that there are 500,000 fresh cases of

syphilis yearly in this country and three times that number of cases of

gonorrhea.'

It is the opinion of Sir William Osler that of all the killing diseases

syphilis comes third or fourth.[3] 'While we have been unable,' says

the Commission on the subject, 'to arrive at any positive figures, the

evidence we have received leads us to the conclusion that the number of

persons who have been infected with syphilis, acquired or congenital,

cannot fall below 10 per cent. of the whole population in the large

cities, and the percentage affected with gonorrhea must greatly exceed

this proportion.' Regarding all that, one can only re-echo the words

of Sir Thomas Barlow: 'I think it is terrible.'[4]

{46}

It is only when the after-effects of these diseases are considered that

the full measure of the peril which they create is realised. They not

only lead to an enormous loss of child life, but they also undermine

the health of those on whom they have fastened their fangs,

transmitting the misery even to the third generation. The evidence

shows that more than half the cases of blindness among children are the

result of these diseases in the parents. Out of 1100 children in the

London County Council Blind Schools at least 55.6 per cent. were

clearly attributable to this cause. In adult life this evil is

responsible for diseases which often manifest themselves after many

years, such as general paralysis, affections of the brain and spinal

cord, and epilepsy. It is because the people have been left in

ignorance as to the terrible consequences not only to themselves but to

their children, that the welfare and happiness of life are thus

sacrificed to sin.

'It is one of the few diseases which {47} are hereditary,' writes Sir

Malcolm Morris, 'and in the hereditary form its effects are even more

disastrous than in the acquired variety.... Many of its innocent

victims die in the first few months of life from meningitis,

hydrocephalus, convulsions, and other affections; if they survive they

are liable to recrudescences of the disease up to the twentieth year or

even later. Growth is checked, vitality depressed, intelligence

stunted; hideous deformities may be produced, sight and hearing may be

destroyed, and the central nervous system may be involved, with results

similar to those which supervene in adults. What a story of mutilation

and massacre of the innocents!'[5]

When these results are considered, there comes a feeling of amazement

that a nation should suffer such plagues to afflict its vitality

without putting forth every effort to stamp them out. The nation which

has become thus afflicted by its own vices must have sunk to a depth

which {48} may well fill the observer with consternation. And the

remedies which are proposed will only deliver the people from the

consequences of their acts--they will not cure the disease itself. The

only salvation lies in the ideal of the pure heart once more shining

forth before the eyes of man. The law of God decrees that sin be

punished; and deliverance for humanity from punishment can only come by

conformity to the law of God. But this is not how we now regard it.

We have set ourselves to combat the social disease not because vice is

hateful but that in the future vice may become safe. When we shall

have attained our end the shadows shall have gathered in deeper

blackness. The few remaining stars shall be blotted out.

VI

Such, in bold outline, are the forces which threaten the continuance

and the well-being of the race. On the altar of degeneration England

and Wales offered {49} up in the year 1914 over 600,000 children.[6]

Who can compute the laughter and joyousness, the happiness and the

riches thus consumed at the shrine of our self-indulgence? And every

sign points to this vast sacrifice of life increasing with the years.

For we are emancipated; and we smile at any restraint emanating

from--God! Science has delivered us from that. We know it now--the

voice of law is only the echo of outworn superstitions. And science,

which has broken the chain of restraint, and which has provided the

means for gratifying desire without incurring responsibility, has

blessed us also with the high-explosive shell. This great

deliverer--science--has put into our hands the power of pruning life at

both ends. If the world is to find salvation through the absence of

life--then, salvation is at the gate. In other days it gave {50} our

fathers a shudder to read of the moral depravity of Home ere the

scourge of God fell on it. The old Romans can, alas! cause us to

shudder no longer. We have improved upon them. Science has helped us

greatly, and with its aid we can sound depths of depravity the Roman

never reached. The triumphs of science have in our hands become

instruments of an immorality which would have made even heathen Rome

shudder. And as yet we are only at the top of the declivity. The

momentum of our descent is gathering force with the years.

It may be asserted that this view is alarmist, and that, however bad

our state, we are better than Germany. No thought of an enemy from

without need, therefore, mar our satisfaction in our swift declension

into the morass of vice. That comparison may be granted: we are better

than Germany, though Germany has not yet sacrificed her children in

such hecatombs as we have done. But what we have to consider is not

the birthrate in {51} relation to that of Germany but in relation to

the extent of the earth surface which owns our sway. The end of the

war will find Germany confined within narrow borders with all her

colonies gone. The Germany of to-morrow will have no room for racial

expansion. But we own the fourth of the world's surface. That vast

territory calls to us for men. And if we individually choose our own

selfish ease, and sacrifice the generations to come, we shall have

failed in our imperial calling. We may win an empire on the

battlefield; we will inevitably lose it in the silent nursery.

Not in relation to this or that earthly factor has this question to be

considered. It is in relation to the Moral Order of the universe that

we must face it. The unseen Power that reigns is a Moral Power.

Somewhere in this universe, Righteousness is throned. Whatever race in

the past surrendered to evil and made degeneracy its god--upon that

race the judgment of the consuming sword fell. Though the {52}

judgment often tarried, it always fell. As one considers the moral

condition to which we have come, the worse condition to which we are

hastening, the destruction which befell those of old in whose footsteps

we are now treading, the dust accumulated on buried cities and vanished

races who made their pleasure their god, and the flaming of the sword

wherewith God removed in all ages the cankerous growth from the body of

humanity,--the question leaps forth: How can we escape the righteous

judgment of God? Will there be found a place of repentance for us who

have sacrificed the child of flesh and blood to the calf of gold[7] and

have surrendered ourselves to the sensuous delights of worshipping at

our chosen idol's shrine? Unless the nation finds the place of

repentance, it needs no prophet to foretell the end. For we have been

living for more than a generation a life 'such as God has never

suffered man to lead on earth long, which He has always {53} crushed

out by calamity or revolution.' And the startling fact is this--that

when the judgment of God befell, it was on men unconscious that they

were being judged. They came to the Great White Throne and never

discerned it; they reached the end and never knew it to be the end.

Thus they perished--Babylon and Rome alike. And we are as they. The

judgment-seat is visible in the heavens, but our eyes never turn to it;

amid the crash of the world's civilisation we hear no voice calling to

repentance.

[1] _The Declining Birthrate_, p. 90.

[2] P. 125.

[3] _Report of Royal Commission on V. D._, p. 23.

[4] _Ibid._, p. 55.

[5] _The Nineteenth Century and After_, April 1916.

[6] _The Declining Birthrate_, p. 248:--

Deaths in antenatal period . . . . . . . . . 138,249

Fewer births owing to reduced birthrate . . 467,837

-------

Total loss for 1914 . . . . . . . . . . . . 606,086

[7] See pp. 85-88.

{54}

Stand Up, Ye Dead · 第 2 / 8 章