The warriors-being absent, the Kiowa made no attempt at a stand; it was

simply a surprise and flight of panic-stricken, women, children, and

old men, in which everyone caught was butchered on the spot. Two

children were taken prisoners, a brother and sister--about 10 and 12

years of age, respectively--of whom more hereafter. The Kiowa lost five

men killed and a large number of women and children; none of the Osage

were killed, as no fight was made. When the massacre was ended, the

enemy cut the heads from all the dead bodies, without scalping them, and

placed them in brass buckets, one head in each bucket, all over the camp

ground, after which they set fire to the tipis and left the place. When

the scattered Kiowa returned to look for their friends, they found the

camp destroyed, the decapitated bodies lying where they had fallen, and

the heads in the buckets as the Osage had left them. The buckets had

been obtained by the Kiowa from the Pawnee, who procured them on the

Missouri and traded them to the southern tribes. For allowing the camp

to be thus surprised the chief, A`dáte, was deposed, and was superseded

by Dohá, or Doháte, "Bluff," better known as Dohásän, who thenceforth

ruled the tribe until his death, thirty-three years later.

Among the victims of the massacre was a Kiowa chief who had been present

the previous winter at the attack on the American traders. His friends

buried with him a quantity of silver dollars which had formed his share

of the spoil on that occasion. An old woman, the last remaining person

who knew the place of sepulture, died a few years ago.

In this affair the Osage also captured the _taíme_ medicine, already

described, killing the wife of the _taíme_ keeper as she was trying to

unfasten it from the tipi pole to which it was tied; her husband, Ansó

te, escaped. In consequence of this loss, there was no sun dance for two

years, when, peace having been made between the two tribes, as will be

related farther on, the Kiowa visited the Osage camp, somewhere on the

Cimarron or the Salt fork of the Arkansas, and recovered it, afterward

giving a horse in return for it. Dohásän, who conducted the

negotiations, asked the Osage about it and offered a pinto pony and

several other ponies for it. The Osage said that they had it, and went

home and brought it, but in token of their friendship refused to accept

more than a single pony in return. On this occasion both _taíme_ images

were captured, together with the case in which they were kept.

Two points in connection with this massacre deserve attention. First,

the Osage war party was on foot; this, as the Kiowa state, was the

general custom of the Osage and Pawnee, more especially the latter, who

are sometimes called _Domáñk`íägo_, "Walkers," by the Kiowa, and was

occasionally followed by other tribes, including also the Kiowa.

Grinnell states that the Blackfeet always went to war on foot

(_Grinnell, Blackfeet, 2_). There was an obvious advantage in the

practice, as a foot party could more easily travel and approach a

hostile camp without attracting observation, relying on themselves to

procure horses to enable them to return mounted. T'ébodal, when a young

man, was twice a member of a large Kiowa war party which went out on

foot. The Kiowa say that the Pawnee in particular went afoot on war

expeditions, and more recently when they visited other tribes for the

purpose of a social dance, in the latter case always returning with

large numbers of ponies given them by their entertainers (see summer

1851 and winter 1871-72). Gregg says that small war parties of the

Pawnee were accustomed to rove on foot through every part of the plains,

even to the Mexican frontier, but generally returning mounted on

captured horses. When, on one occasion, his train was attacked upon the

upper Canadian, he says:

It was evidently a foot party, which we looked upon as another

proof of their being Pawnees, for these famous marauders are well

known to go forth upon their expeditious of plunder without horses,

although they seldom fail to return well mounted (_Gregg, 4_).

Dunbar says that Pawnee runners have been known repeatedly to travel

over 100 miles in twenty-four hours or less, going at a swinging trot,

without stopping on the way for sleep or food (_Clark, 11_).

Secondly, it is to be noted that the Osage beheaded the Kiowa without

scalping them. This, the Kiowa say, was a general Osage practice; in

fact, according to the Kiowa, the Osage never scalped their enemies, but

cut off the heads and left them unscalped upon the field. They kept

tally of the number killed, however, and when an Osage warrior had

killed four he painted a blue half circle, curving downward, upon his

breast. So far as Kiowa knowledge goes, no other tribe of the plains

practiced the custom of beheading, but all of them scalped their

enemies. It seems certain, however, that the Dakota at an early period

had the same custom, as they are called "Beheaders" in several Indian

languages, while their name is indicated in the sign language by drawing

the hand across the throat to signify the same thing. Clark says:

In former times the Sioux Indians, if they had time, cut off the

heads of their slain enemies and took them to their first camp

after the fight, where the entire scalp was taken off. To make it

particularly fine, they kept on the ears with the rings and

ornaments. In case a woman had lost some of her kin by death, and

her heart was, as they say, _bad_, she was at times allowed to go

with the war party, remaining in the camp established near the

point of attack. The head of a slain foe would be given to her, and

after removing the scalp she would make her heart _good_ by

smashing the skull with a war club (_Clark, 12_).

Among other tribes, as well as the Osage, especially in the north, the

number of enemies slain or other brave deeds performed was sometimes

indicated by the style of body paint or dress adornment. Among the Kiowa

the number of transverse stripes upon a woman's legging indicates the

scalps or _coups_ won by some warrior kinsman.

WINTER 1833-34

_D'ä´-p'é'gyä-de Sai_, "Winter that the stars fell." This winter takes

its name from the memorable meteoric display which occurred shortly

before daylight on the morning of November 13, 1833. It was observed

throughout North America, and created great excitement among the plains

tribes, as well as among a large part of our own population; the event

is still used as a chronologic starting point by the old people of the

various tribes. It is pictorially represented on most of the Dakota

calendars discussed by Mallery in his valuable work on the Picture

Writing of the American Indians. Set-t'an was born in the preceding

summer, and the small figure of a child over the winter bar indicates

that this is his first winter or year; the stars above his head

represent the meteors.

[Illustration: FIG. 64--Winter 1833-34--The stars fell]

The Kiowa say it occurred in the winter season, when they were camped on

a small tributary of Elm fork of Red river, within the present Greer

county, Oklahoma. The whole camp was asleep, when they were wakened by a

sudden light; running out from the tipis, they found the night as bright

as day, with myriads of meteors darting about in the sky. The parents

aroused the children, saying, "Get up, get up, there is something awful

(_zédălbe_) going on!" They had never before known such an occurrence,

and regarded it as something ominous or dangerous, and sat watching it

with dread and apprehension until daylight. Such phenomena are always

looked upon as omens or warnings by the ignorant; in Mexico, according

to Gregg, it was believed to be a sign of divine displeasure at a

sacrilegious congress which had recently curtailed the privileges of the

church, while in Missouri it was regarded by some as a protest from

heaven against the persecution of the Mormons then gathered near

Independence (_Gregg, 5_).

[Illustration: FIG. 65--The star shower of 1833 (from the Dakota

calendars)]

SUMMER 1834

The figure is intended to commemorate the return of the girl captured by

the Osage in the massacre of the preceding summer. The tipi above the

female figure, with which it is connected by a line, indicates her name,

Gunpä´ñdamä, Medicine-tied-to-tipi-pole(-woman) (see the glossary,

_Gunpä´ñdamä_). She was restored to her friends by a detachment of the

First dragoons from Fort Gibson. Although this occurred in the summer,

the season is not indicated by the usual figure of the medicine lodge,

for the reason that, the _taíme_ being still in possession of the Osage,

there was no sun dance held that year. It is omitted also in the picture

for the preceding summer, the _taíme_ having been captured early in the

spring.

[Illustration: FIG. 66--Summer 1833-34--Return of Gunpä´ñdamä]

As the return of this girl was the object of the first American

expedition up Red river, and the beginning of our official and trading

relations with the Comanche, Kiowa, Wichita, and affiliated tribes, it

merits somewhat extended notice. The expedition and subsequent council

are noted in the report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1834

(page 240), and are described at length in the journal of Lieutenant

Wheelock (_Greer, 1_), and in the letters of the artist Catlin, who

accompanied the party and painted the first pictures ever made of any of

these tribes. The resulting treaties of 1835 and 1837 are noted in the

Commissioner's reports for these years (_Report, 74_). The first Indian

story of the occurrence is here given:

After the massacre at _K`ódaltä K`op_, already described, the Osage

returned to their own country, where there was a soldier camp (i. e.,

Fort Gibson), bringing with them the Kiowa girl Gunpä´ñdamä

(Medicine-tied-to-tipi-pole) and her brother, taken at the time of the

massacre. The woman captured at the same time had escaped and made her

way back to her people. At Fort Gibson the soldiers told the Osage that

as they and other Kiowa were all alike Indians they should be friends.

They then bought the two captive children from the Osage and proposed

that some of the Osage should return with them (the soldiers) to the

Kiowa country, there to give back the children to their friends and

invite the Kiowa to come down to the fort and make a permanent treaty of

peace and friendship between the two tribes. The Osage agreed, and

accordingly a large party of soldiers, accompanied by a number of Osage,

with the girl Gunpä´ñdamä, set out for the Kiowa country. The little boy

had been killed by a sheep before starting. With them went also the

famous trader, Colonel Auguste Chouteau, called "Soto" by the Kiowa, the

first American trader known to the Kiowa, Wichita, and associated

tribes. Up to this time the Kiowa had been at war with the Osage and had

no knowledge of our government, and these dragoons were the first United

States troops they had ever seen. The soldiers first met the Comanche,

who told them that the Kiowa were near the Wichita village at the

farther end of the mountains. When the troops arrived at the village,

the Kiowa were afraid and kept at a distance until they saw the girl,

which convinced them that the soldiers were their friends. The girl was

given back to her people, and at the request of the soldiers a number of

Kiowa, including the head chief, Doháte, returned with them and the

Osage to the camp at Fort Gibson. They do not remember whether any of

the Apache went. There the soldiers entertained the Kiowa with food,

coffee, and sugar, and gave them blankets and other presents. A treaty

of peace was made between the Kiowa and soldiers (i. e., Americans), and

the Osage and other Kiowa were invited to trade with Chouteau, who

promised to bring goods to their country. Since that time the two tribes

have been friends. Hitherto the Kiowa had never had any traders in their

country, but after this peace a regular trade was established. The first

trader, whom they call Tóme or Tóme-te (Thomas?) came soon afterward and

built a trading post on the west side of Cache creek, about 3 miles

below the present Fort Sill; but he did not stay long.

Dohá, Doháte, or Dohásän (Bluff or Little-bluff), the head of the tribe

at the time of this expedition, had superseded A`dáte, who had been

deposed as a punishment for having allowed his people to be surprised

and massacred by the Osage. In his youth Dóha had been, known, as

Äanóñte. He was the fourth head chief of the tribe from the time of the

treaty with the Comanche, the order of succession being Políăkya

(Harelip), alias Kágiätsé (Thick-blanket); Tsóñbohón (Feather-cap),

A`dáte, and Dohásän. He continued to be recognized as head chief until

his death in 1866. The name is hereditary in the family, which is one of

the most prominent in the tribe, and has been borne by this

chief--distinguished as Old Dohásän--by his nephew, who died at an

advanced age at Anadarko in the winter of 1893-94, and by his son. The

older men state that the father of the great Dohásän was also called

Dohá, and that his son, after assuming the same name, was known as

Dohásän, (Little-bluff) for distinction. He is spoken of as Doháte as

frequently as Dohásän.

According to one informant, at the time of the Osage massacre Chouteau

had a trading post about a day's journey east of the present Fort Sill,

and the Kiowa went to him and told him of their misfortune, whereupon he

went to Fort Gibson and induced the soldiers to rescue the captives from

the Osage and return them to their friends. This is perhaps a confusion

of events. The trading post referred to was at Chouteau spring, on the

east side of Chouteau creek which flows into the South Canadian from the

east, about 5 miles northeast of the present town of Purcell, Indian

Territory. It does not appear, however, to have been established until

after, and as a result of, this expedition.

The expedition is described in detail by the artist Catlin, who

accompanied it and was present at the council on its return. As the

Comanche, Kiowa, and Wichita lived so remote from the frontiers, they

had not yet been brought into official connection with the United

States, and consequently had several times, as we have seen, come into

collision with small parties of Americans on the borders of their

country. The government had for some time been desirous of entering into

treaty relations with them, more especially as the plan of colonizing

the eastern tribes in the western country had been put into operation.

As the Osage, who were already in treaty relations with the government,

had several captives taken from the more western tribes, it was decided

to purchase these prisoners and send them home under military escort as

a token of the friendly intentions of the government, with an invitation

to the chiefs of those tribes to come to the military post and make a

treaty with the United States, the Osage, and the immigrant tribes.

Accordingly, the two Kiowa children and two Wichita children, captives,

were purchased from the Osage and brought to Fort Gibson; unfortunately,

the little Kiowa boy was killed near the post shortly after by a blow

from a ram. An expedition of the First dragoons was organized, under

command of General Leavenworth, to restore the children to their

parents and open communication with their tribes. The troops, numbering

about four hundred, left Fort Gibson toward the end of June, 1834,

taking with them the three children and accompanied by about thirty of

the Osage, Cherokee, Delaware, and Seneca tribes, together with the

artist Catlin, and, according to the Indian account, Chouteau and

perhaps another trader. Their interpreter was a Cherokee with a "very

imperfect" knowledge of Spanish, through which language he hoped to open

communication with Spanish-speaking Indians among the tribes visited;

his ignorance probably accounts for the atrocious names and etymologies

given by Catlin. The march in the heat of summer proved so severe that

by the time the command reached the junction of Washita and Red rivers

about one third of the number, including the commanding general, were

prostrated; the remainder, constantly dwindling, pushed on in charge of

Colonel Henry Dodge, keeping a general northwest course along the divide

between the two streams. They were considered to be within the Comanche

country after crossing the Washita.

[Illustration: FIG. 67--Meeting of the dragoons and the Comanche (after

Catlin)]

Having traveled about two weeks, they one day discovered a large party

of Comanche several miles ahead, sitting quietly on their horses

watching the movements of the advancing troops, and holding, their long

lances in their hands, the blades glistening in the sun. As the cavalry

advanced toward them the Indians retreated to another ridge. This was

repeated several times, until at last, says Catlin--

Colonel Dodge ordered the command to halt, while he rode forward

with a few of his staff and an ensign carrying a white flag. I

joined this advance, and the Indians stood their ground until we

had come within half a mile of them and could distinctly observe

all their numbers and movements. We then came to a halt, and the

white flag was sent a little in advance and waved as a signal for

them to approach, at which one of their party galloped out in

advance of the war party on a milk-white horse, carrying a piece of

white buffalo skin on the point of his long lance in reply to our

flag.... The distance between the two parties was perhaps half a

mile, and that a beautiful and gently sloping prairie, over which

he was for the space of a quarter of an hour reining and spurring

his maddened horse and gradually approaching us by tacking to the

right and left like a vessel beating against the wind. He at length

came prancing and leaping along till he met the flag of the

regiment, when he leaned his spear for a moment against it, looking

the bearer full in the face, when he wheeled his horse and dashed

up to Colonel Dodge with his extended hand, which was instantly

grasped and shaken. We all had him by the hand in a moment, and the

rest of the party seeing him received in this friendly manner,

instead of being sacrificed, as they undoubtedly expected, started

under full whip in a direct line toward us, and in a moment

gathered like a black cloud around us.... The warrior's quiver was

slung on the warrior's back, and his bow grasped in his left hand

ready for instant use if called for. His shield was on his arm; and

across his thigh, in a beautiful cover of buckskin, his gun was

slung, and in his right hand his lance of fourteen feet in length.

Thus armed and equipped was this dashing cavalier, and nearly in

the same manner all the rest of the party (_Catlin, 4_).

When the purpose of the expedition had been explained to them, the

Comanche said that their great village was a few days farther ahead, and

abandoning their war expedition, they turned and escorted the troops to

their camp. According to statements made by old men of the tribe to

Horace P. Jones, post interpreter at Fort Sill, this Comanche village in

1834 was situated on Chandler creek, close to its junction with Cache

creek, about ten miles north of the present Fort Sill. The artist gives

a glowing account of the surrounding country and of their reception by

the Comanche.

Having led us to the top of a gently rising elevation on the

prairie, they pointed to their village at several miles distance,

in the midst of one of the most enchanting valleys that human eyes

ever looked upon. The general course of the valley is from

northwest to southeast, of several miles in width, with a

magnificent range of mountains rising in distance beyond, it being

without doubt a huge spur of the Rocky mountains, composed entirely

of a reddish granite or gneiss, corresponding with the other links

of this stupendous chain. In the midst of this lovely valley we

could just discern amongst the scattering shrubbery that lined the

banks of the water courses, the tops of the Comanche wigwams and

the smoke curling above them. The valley for a mile distant about

the village seemed speckled with horses and mules that were grazing

in it. The chiefs of the war party requested the regiment to halt

until they could ride in and inform their people who were coming.

We then dismounted for an hour or so, when we could see them,

busily running and catching their horses, and at length several

hundreds of their braves and warriors came out at full speed to

welcome us, and forming in a line in front of us, as we were again

mounted, presented a formidable and pleasing appearance. As they

wheeled their horses, they very rapidly formed in a line and

dressed like well-disciplined cavalry. The regiment was drawn up in

three columns, with a line formed in front, by Colonel Dodge and

his staff, in which rank my friend Chadwick and I were also

paraded, when we had a fine view of the whole manoeuvre, which

was picturesque and thrilling in the extreme.

In the center of our advance was stationed a white flag, and the

Indians answered to it with one which they sent forward and planted

by the side of it. The two lines were thus drawn up face to face

within 20 or 30 yards of each other, as inveterate foes that never

had met; and to the everlasting credit of the Comanches, whom the

world had always looked upon as murderous and hostile, they had all

come out in this manner, with their heads uncovered, and without a

weapon of any kind, to meet a war party bristling with arms and

trespassing to the middle of their country. They had every reason

to look upon us as their natural enemy, as they have been in the

habit of estimating all pale faces; and yet instead of arms or

defences, or even of frowns, they galloped out and looked us in our

faces, without an expression of fear or dismay, and evidently with

expressions of joy and impatient pleasure, to shake us by the hand,

on the bare assertion of Colonel Dodge, which had been made to the

chiefs, that we came to see them on a friendly visit.

After we had sat and gazed at each other in this way for some half

an hour or so, the head chief of the band came galloping up to

Colonel Dodge, and having shaken him by the hand, he passed on to

the other officers in turn and then rode alongside of the different

columns, shaking hands with every dragoon in the regiment; he was

followed in this by his principal chiefs and braves, which

altogether took up nearly an hour longer, when the Indians

retreated slowly toward their village, escorting us to the banks of

a fine, clear stream and a good spring of fresh water, half a mile

from their village, which they designated as a suitable place for

our encampment (_Catlin, 5_).

While there the artist painted the pictures of the chief men of the

tribe, together with camp scenes. The pictures form a part of the Catlin

gallery in the National Museum at Washington, District of Columbia. In

his usual incorrect style, he estimated the population of the tribe at

thirty thousand to forty thousand. It may possibly have been one-tenth

of that number.

After a few days the command, guided by some of the Comanche, started

for the Wichita village lying farther to the west. After four days'

march, keeping close along the base of the mountains, they reached the

village, which was situated on the northeast bank of the North fork of

Red river, about 4 miles below the junction of Elm fork, and within the

present limits of the reservation. It was close to the mouth of Devil

canyon, with the river in front and the mountains behind. It was an old

settlement site of the Wichita, having been occupied by them as far back

at least as about the year 1765 (_Lewis and Clark, 8_). Catlin thus

describes it:

Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians. (1898 N 17 / 1895-1896 (pages 129-444)) · 第 14 / 39 段