simply a surprise and flight of panic-stricken, women, children, and
old men, in which everyone caught was butchered on the spot. Two
children were taken prisoners, a brother and sister--about 10 and 12
years of age, respectively--of whom more hereafter. The Kiowa lost five
men killed and a large number of women and children; none of the Osage
were killed, as no fight was made. When the massacre was ended, the
enemy cut the heads from all the dead bodies, without scalping them, and
placed them in brass buckets, one head in each bucket, all over the camp
ground, after which they set fire to the tipis and left the place. When
the scattered Kiowa returned to look for their friends, they found the
camp destroyed, the decapitated bodies lying where they had fallen, and
the heads in the buckets as the Osage had left them. The buckets had
been obtained by the Kiowa from the Pawnee, who procured them on the
Missouri and traded them to the southern tribes. For allowing the camp
to be thus surprised the chief, A`dáte, was deposed, and was superseded
by Dohá, or Doháte, "Bluff," better known as Dohásän, who thenceforth
ruled the tribe until his death, thirty-three years later.
Among the victims of the massacre was a Kiowa chief who had been present
the previous winter at the attack on the American traders. His friends
buried with him a quantity of silver dollars which had formed his share
of the spoil on that occasion. An old woman, the last remaining person
who knew the place of sepulture, died a few years ago.
In this affair the Osage also captured the _taíme_ medicine, already
described, killing the wife of the _taíme_ keeper as she was trying to
unfasten it from the tipi pole to which it was tied; her husband, Ansó
te, escaped. In consequence of this loss, there was no sun dance for two
years, when, peace having been made between the two tribes, as will be
related farther on, the Kiowa visited the Osage camp, somewhere on the
Cimarron or the Salt fork of the Arkansas, and recovered it, afterward
giving a horse in return for it. Dohásän, who conducted the
negotiations, asked the Osage about it and offered a pinto pony and
several other ponies for it. The Osage said that they had it, and went
home and brought it, but in token of their friendship refused to accept
more than a single pony in return. On this occasion both _taíme_ images
were captured, together with the case in which they were kept.
Two points in connection with this massacre deserve attention. First,
the Osage war party was on foot; this, as the Kiowa state, was the
general custom of the Osage and Pawnee, more especially the latter, who
are sometimes called _Domáñk`íägo_, "Walkers," by the Kiowa, and was
occasionally followed by other tribes, including also the Kiowa.
Grinnell states that the Blackfeet always went to war on foot
(_Grinnell, Blackfeet, 2_). There was an obvious advantage in the
practice, as a foot party could more easily travel and approach a
hostile camp without attracting observation, relying on themselves to
procure horses to enable them to return mounted. T'ébodal, when a young
man, was twice a member of a large Kiowa war party which went out on
foot. The Kiowa say that the Pawnee in particular went afoot on war
expeditions, and more recently when they visited other tribes for the
purpose of a social dance, in the latter case always returning with
large numbers of ponies given them by their entertainers (see summer
1851 and winter 1871-72). Gregg says that small war parties of the
Pawnee were accustomed to rove on foot through every part of the plains,
even to the Mexican frontier, but generally returning mounted on
captured horses. When, on one occasion, his train was attacked upon the
upper Canadian, he says:
It was evidently a foot party, which we looked upon as another
proof of their being Pawnees, for these famous marauders are well
known to go forth upon their expeditious of plunder without horses,
although they seldom fail to return well mounted (_Gregg, 4_).
Dunbar says that Pawnee runners have been known repeatedly to travel
over 100 miles in twenty-four hours or less, going at a swinging trot,
without stopping on the way for sleep or food (_Clark, 11_).
Secondly, it is to be noted that the Osage beheaded the Kiowa without
scalping them. This, the Kiowa say, was a general Osage practice; in
fact, according to the Kiowa, the Osage never scalped their enemies, but
cut off the heads and left them unscalped upon the field. They kept
tally of the number killed, however, and when an Osage warrior had
killed four he painted a blue half circle, curving downward, upon his
breast. So far as Kiowa knowledge goes, no other tribe of the plains
practiced the custom of beheading, but all of them scalped their
enemies. It seems certain, however, that the Dakota at an early period
had the same custom, as they are called "Beheaders" in several Indian
languages, while their name is indicated in the sign language by drawing
the hand across the throat to signify the same thing. Clark says:
In former times the Sioux Indians, if they had time, cut off the
heads of their slain enemies and took them to their first camp
after the fight, where the entire scalp was taken off. To make it
particularly fine, they kept on the ears with the rings and
ornaments. In case a woman had lost some of her kin by death, and
her heart was, as they say, _bad_, she was at times allowed to go
with the war party, remaining in the camp established near the
point of attack. The head of a slain foe would be given to her, and
after removing the scalp she would make her heart _good_ by
smashing the skull with a war club (_Clark, 12_).
Among other tribes, as well as the Osage, especially in the north, the
number of enemies slain or other brave deeds performed was sometimes
indicated by the style of body paint or dress adornment. Among the Kiowa
the number of transverse stripes upon a woman's legging indicates the
scalps or _coups_ won by some warrior kinsman.
WINTER 1833-34
_D'ä´-p'é'gyä-de Sai_, "Winter that the stars fell." This winter takes
its name from the memorable meteoric display which occurred shortly
before daylight on the morning of November 13, 1833. It was observed
throughout North America, and created great excitement among the plains
tribes, as well as among a large part of our own population; the event
is still used as a chronologic starting point by the old people of the
various tribes. It is pictorially represented on most of the Dakota
calendars discussed by Mallery in his valuable work on the Picture
Writing of the American Indians. Set-t'an was born in the preceding
summer, and the small figure of a child over the winter bar indicates
that this is his first winter or year; the stars above his head
represent the meteors.
[Illustration: FIG. 64--Winter 1833-34--The stars fell]
The Kiowa say it occurred in the winter season, when they were camped on
a small tributary of Elm fork of Red river, within the present Greer
county, Oklahoma. The whole camp was asleep, when they were wakened by a
sudden light; running out from the tipis, they found the night as bright
as day, with myriads of meteors darting about in the sky. The parents
aroused the children, saying, "Get up, get up, there is something awful
(_zédălbe_) going on!" They had never before known such an occurrence,
and regarded it as something ominous or dangerous, and sat watching it
with dread and apprehension until daylight. Such phenomena are always
looked upon as omens or warnings by the ignorant; in Mexico, according
to Gregg, it was believed to be a sign of divine displeasure at a
sacrilegious congress which had recently curtailed the privileges of the
church, while in Missouri it was regarded by some as a protest from
heaven against the persecution of the Mormons then gathered near
Independence (_Gregg, 5_).
[Illustration: FIG. 65--The star shower of 1833 (from the Dakota
calendars)]
SUMMER 1834
The figure is intended to commemorate the return of the girl captured by
the Osage in the massacre of the preceding summer. The tipi above the
female figure, with which it is connected by a line, indicates her name,
Gunpä´ñdamä, Medicine-tied-to-tipi-pole(-woman) (see the glossary,
_Gunpä´ñdamä_). She was restored to her friends by a detachment of the
First dragoons from Fort Gibson. Although this occurred in the summer,
the season is not indicated by the usual figure of the medicine lodge,
for the reason that, the _taíme_ being still in possession of the Osage,
there was no sun dance held that year. It is omitted also in the picture
for the preceding summer, the _taíme_ having been captured early in the
spring.
[Illustration: FIG. 66--Summer 1833-34--Return of Gunpä´ñdamä]
As the return of this girl was the object of the first American
expedition up Red river, and the beginning of our official and trading
relations with the Comanche, Kiowa, Wichita, and affiliated tribes, it
merits somewhat extended notice. The expedition and subsequent council
are noted in the report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1834
(page 240), and are described at length in the journal of Lieutenant
Wheelock (_Greer, 1_), and in the letters of the artist Catlin, who
accompanied the party and painted the first pictures ever made of any of
these tribes. The resulting treaties of 1835 and 1837 are noted in the
Commissioner's reports for these years (_Report, 74_). The first Indian
story of the occurrence is here given:
After the massacre at _K`ódaltä K`op_, already described, the Osage
returned to their own country, where there was a soldier camp (i. e.,
Fort Gibson), bringing with them the Kiowa girl Gunpä´ñdamä
(Medicine-tied-to-tipi-pole) and her brother, taken at the time of the
massacre. The woman captured at the same time had escaped and made her
way back to her people. At Fort Gibson the soldiers told the Osage that
as they and other Kiowa were all alike Indians they should be friends.
They then bought the two captive children from the Osage and proposed
that some of the Osage should return with them (the soldiers) to the
Kiowa country, there to give back the children to their friends and
invite the Kiowa to come down to the fort and make a permanent treaty of
peace and friendship between the two tribes. The Osage agreed, and
accordingly a large party of soldiers, accompanied by a number of Osage,
with the girl Gunpä´ñdamä, set out for the Kiowa country. The little boy
had been killed by a sheep before starting. With them went also the
famous trader, Colonel Auguste Chouteau, called "Soto" by the Kiowa, the
first American trader known to the Kiowa, Wichita, and associated
tribes. Up to this time the Kiowa had been at war with the Osage and had
no knowledge of our government, and these dragoons were the first United
States troops they had ever seen. The soldiers first met the Comanche,
who told them that the Kiowa were near the Wichita village at the
farther end of the mountains. When the troops arrived at the village,
the Kiowa were afraid and kept at a distance until they saw the girl,
which convinced them that the soldiers were their friends. The girl was
given back to her people, and at the request of the soldiers a number of
Kiowa, including the head chief, Doháte, returned with them and the
Osage to the camp at Fort Gibson. They do not remember whether any of
the Apache went. There the soldiers entertained the Kiowa with food,
coffee, and sugar, and gave them blankets and other presents. A treaty
of peace was made between the Kiowa and soldiers (i. e., Americans), and
the Osage and other Kiowa were invited to trade with Chouteau, who
promised to bring goods to their country. Since that time the two tribes
have been friends. Hitherto the Kiowa had never had any traders in their
country, but after this peace a regular trade was established. The first
trader, whom they call Tóme or Tóme-te (Thomas?) came soon afterward and
built a trading post on the west side of Cache creek, about 3 miles
below the present Fort Sill; but he did not stay long.
Dohá, Doháte, or Dohásän (Bluff or Little-bluff), the head of the tribe
at the time of this expedition, had superseded A`dáte, who had been
deposed as a punishment for having allowed his people to be surprised
and massacred by the Osage. In his youth Dóha had been, known, as
Äanóñte. He was the fourth head chief of the tribe from the time of the
treaty with the Comanche, the order of succession being Políăkya
(Harelip), alias Kágiätsé (Thick-blanket); Tsóñbohón (Feather-cap),
A`dáte, and Dohásän. He continued to be recognized as head chief until
his death in 1866. The name is hereditary in the family, which is one of
the most prominent in the tribe, and has been borne by this
chief--distinguished as Old Dohásän--by his nephew, who died at an
advanced age at Anadarko in the winter of 1893-94, and by his son. The
older men state that the father of the great Dohásän was also called
Dohá, and that his son, after assuming the same name, was known as
Dohásän, (Little-bluff) for distinction. He is spoken of as Doháte as
frequently as Dohásän.
According to one informant, at the time of the Osage massacre Chouteau
had a trading post about a day's journey east of the present Fort Sill,
and the Kiowa went to him and told him of their misfortune, whereupon he
went to Fort Gibson and induced the soldiers to rescue the captives from
the Osage and return them to their friends. This is perhaps a confusion
of events. The trading post referred to was at Chouteau spring, on the
east side of Chouteau creek which flows into the South Canadian from the
east, about 5 miles northeast of the present town of Purcell, Indian
Territory. It does not appear, however, to have been established until
after, and as a result of, this expedition.
The expedition is described in detail by the artist Catlin, who
accompanied it and was present at the council on its return. As the
Comanche, Kiowa, and Wichita lived so remote from the frontiers, they
had not yet been brought into official connection with the United
States, and consequently had several times, as we have seen, come into
collision with small parties of Americans on the borders of their
country. The government had for some time been desirous of entering into
treaty relations with them, more especially as the plan of colonizing
the eastern tribes in the western country had been put into operation.
As the Osage, who were already in treaty relations with the government,
had several captives taken from the more western tribes, it was decided
to purchase these prisoners and send them home under military escort as
a token of the friendly intentions of the government, with an invitation
to the chiefs of those tribes to come to the military post and make a
treaty with the United States, the Osage, and the immigrant tribes.
Accordingly, the two Kiowa children and two Wichita children, captives,
were purchased from the Osage and brought to Fort Gibson; unfortunately,
the little Kiowa boy was killed near the post shortly after by a blow
from a ram. An expedition of the First dragoons was organized, under
command of General Leavenworth, to restore the children to their
parents and open communication with their tribes. The troops, numbering
about four hundred, left Fort Gibson toward the end of June, 1834,
taking with them the three children and accompanied by about thirty of
the Osage, Cherokee, Delaware, and Seneca tribes, together with the
artist Catlin, and, according to the Indian account, Chouteau and
perhaps another trader. Their interpreter was a Cherokee with a "very
imperfect" knowledge of Spanish, through which language he hoped to open
communication with Spanish-speaking Indians among the tribes visited;
his ignorance probably accounts for the atrocious names and etymologies
given by Catlin. The march in the heat of summer proved so severe that
by the time the command reached the junction of Washita and Red rivers
about one third of the number, including the commanding general, were
prostrated; the remainder, constantly dwindling, pushed on in charge of
Colonel Henry Dodge, keeping a general northwest course along the divide
between the two streams. They were considered to be within the Comanche
country after crossing the Washita.
[Illustration: FIG. 67--Meeting of the dragoons and the Comanche (after
Catlin)]
Having traveled about two weeks, they one day discovered a large party
of Comanche several miles ahead, sitting quietly on their horses
watching the movements of the advancing troops, and holding, their long
lances in their hands, the blades glistening in the sun. As the cavalry
advanced toward them the Indians retreated to another ridge. This was
repeated several times, until at last, says Catlin--
Colonel Dodge ordered the command to halt, while he rode forward
with a few of his staff and an ensign carrying a white flag. I
joined this advance, and the Indians stood their ground until we
had come within half a mile of them and could distinctly observe
all their numbers and movements. We then came to a halt, and the
white flag was sent a little in advance and waved as a signal for
them to approach, at which one of their party galloped out in
advance of the war party on a milk-white horse, carrying a piece of
white buffalo skin on the point of his long lance in reply to our
flag.... The distance between the two parties was perhaps half a
mile, and that a beautiful and gently sloping prairie, over which
he was for the space of a quarter of an hour reining and spurring
his maddened horse and gradually approaching us by tacking to the
right and left like a vessel beating against the wind. He at length
came prancing and leaping along till he met the flag of the
regiment, when he leaned his spear for a moment against it, looking
the bearer full in the face, when he wheeled his horse and dashed
up to Colonel Dodge with his extended hand, which was instantly
grasped and shaken. We all had him by the hand in a moment, and the
rest of the party seeing him received in this friendly manner,
instead of being sacrificed, as they undoubtedly expected, started
under full whip in a direct line toward us, and in a moment
gathered like a black cloud around us.... The warrior's quiver was
slung on the warrior's back, and his bow grasped in his left hand
ready for instant use if called for. His shield was on his arm; and
across his thigh, in a beautiful cover of buckskin, his gun was
slung, and in his right hand his lance of fourteen feet in length.
Thus armed and equipped was this dashing cavalier, and nearly in
the same manner all the rest of the party (_Catlin, 4_).
When the purpose of the expedition had been explained to them, the
Comanche said that their great village was a few days farther ahead, and
abandoning their war expedition, they turned and escorted the troops to
their camp. According to statements made by old men of the tribe to
Horace P. Jones, post interpreter at Fort Sill, this Comanche village in
1834 was situated on Chandler creek, close to its junction with Cache
creek, about ten miles north of the present Fort Sill. The artist gives
a glowing account of the surrounding country and of their reception by
the Comanche.
Having led us to the top of a gently rising elevation on the
prairie, they pointed to their village at several miles distance,
in the midst of one of the most enchanting valleys that human eyes
ever looked upon. The general course of the valley is from
northwest to southeast, of several miles in width, with a
magnificent range of mountains rising in distance beyond, it being
without doubt a huge spur of the Rocky mountains, composed entirely
of a reddish granite or gneiss, corresponding with the other links
of this stupendous chain. In the midst of this lovely valley we
could just discern amongst the scattering shrubbery that lined the
banks of the water courses, the tops of the Comanche wigwams and
the smoke curling above them. The valley for a mile distant about
the village seemed speckled with horses and mules that were grazing
in it. The chiefs of the war party requested the regiment to halt
until they could ride in and inform their people who were coming.
We then dismounted for an hour or so, when we could see them,
busily running and catching their horses, and at length several
hundreds of their braves and warriors came out at full speed to
welcome us, and forming in a line in front of us, as we were again
mounted, presented a formidable and pleasing appearance. As they
wheeled their horses, they very rapidly formed in a line and
dressed like well-disciplined cavalry. The regiment was drawn up in
three columns, with a line formed in front, by Colonel Dodge and
his staff, in which rank my friend Chadwick and I were also
paraded, when we had a fine view of the whole manoeuvre, which
was picturesque and thrilling in the extreme.
In the center of our advance was stationed a white flag, and the
Indians answered to it with one which they sent forward and planted
by the side of it. The two lines were thus drawn up face to face
within 20 or 30 yards of each other, as inveterate foes that never
had met; and to the everlasting credit of the Comanches, whom the
world had always looked upon as murderous and hostile, they had all
come out in this manner, with their heads uncovered, and without a
weapon of any kind, to meet a war party bristling with arms and
trespassing to the middle of their country. They had every reason
to look upon us as their natural enemy, as they have been in the
habit of estimating all pale faces; and yet instead of arms or
defences, or even of frowns, they galloped out and looked us in our
faces, without an expression of fear or dismay, and evidently with
expressions of joy and impatient pleasure, to shake us by the hand,
on the bare assertion of Colonel Dodge, which had been made to the
chiefs, that we came to see them on a friendly visit.
After we had sat and gazed at each other in this way for some half
an hour or so, the head chief of the band came galloping up to
Colonel Dodge, and having shaken him by the hand, he passed on to
the other officers in turn and then rode alongside of the different
columns, shaking hands with every dragoon in the regiment; he was
followed in this by his principal chiefs and braves, which
altogether took up nearly an hour longer, when the Indians
retreated slowly toward their village, escorting us to the banks of
a fine, clear stream and a good spring of fresh water, half a mile
from their village, which they designated as a suitable place for
our encampment (_Catlin, 5_).
While there the artist painted the pictures of the chief men of the
tribe, together with camp scenes. The pictures form a part of the Catlin
gallery in the National Museum at Washington, District of Columbia. In
his usual incorrect style, he estimated the population of the tribe at
thirty thousand to forty thousand. It may possibly have been one-tenth
of that number.
After a few days the command, guided by some of the Comanche, started
for the Wichita village lying farther to the west. After four days'
march, keeping close along the base of the mountains, they reached the
village, which was situated on the northeast bank of the North fork of
Red river, about 4 miles below the junction of Elm fork, and within the
present limits of the reservation. It was close to the mouth of Devil
canyon, with the river in front and the mountains behind. It was an old
settlement site of the Wichita, having been occupied by them as far back
at least as about the year 1765 (_Lewis and Clark, 8_). Catlin thus
describes it: