his valuable work on the sign language: "Tradition locates the Kiowas
near and to the southwest of the Black Hills, Dakota, and without doubt
they had previous to that time lived near the Missouri river. The
Apaches with whom they are now associated were at this time with them."
In another place he states that an old Apache told him, about 1881, that
he was then about seventy years of age and had been born near Missouri
river, northeast of the Black Hills (_Clark, 10_). Keim chooses to call
them Lipan, in which he is mistaken, the Lipan being still another
Athapascan tribe living farther south, and states that "these people are
improperly known as Apaches and so called in the official documents of
the government. They say of themselves that they are not Apaches, that
the Apaches live away to the west." He says that they have a tradition
of having formerly lived in the Bad-lands of Dakota, whence they drifted
to the south, but adds somewhat naively that there is no other authority
for this than their own story (_Keim, 4_).
As the Apache are practically a part of the Kiowa in everything but
language, they need no extended separate notice. Curiously enough their
authentic history begins nearly seventy years earlier than that of the
dominant tribe with which they are associated. They are first mentioned
by the French explorer La Salle, in an undated letter of 1681 or 1682,
under the name of Gattacka. Writing from a post in what is now Illinois,
he says that the Pana (Pawnee) live more than 200 leagues to the west,
on one of the tributaries of the Mississippi, and are "neighbors and
allies of the Gattacka and Manrhoet, who are south of their villages,
and who sell to them horses, which they probably steal from the
Spaniards of New Mexico." In another fragmentary letter of 1682, written
from the same place, he proposes to make an overland journey by means of
horses, "which may easily be had, as there are many with the savages
called Pana, Pancassa, Manrhout, Gataea, Panimaha, and Pasos, who lie
somewhat remote, it is true, but yet communication with them is very
easy by means of the river of the Missourites, which flows into the
river Colbert" (_Margry, 1_). In modern terms Pana, Pancassa (or
Paneassa), Gataea (for Gataca), Panimaha, Missourites, and Colbert are
respectively Pawnee, Ponca (?), Kiowa Apache, Pawnee-Maha or ----,
Missouri, and Mississippi. Paso is problematic, and Manrhoet or
Maurhout, which in both letters is mentioned in connection with the
Kiowa Apache, may possibly be some obsolete name for the Kiowa
themselves.
[Illustration: FIG. 59--Tsáyăditl-ti or White-man, present head-chief of
the Kiowa Apache]
[Illustration: FIG. 60--Dävéko, "The-same-one," a Kiowa Apache subchief
and medicine-man]
From these references it is plain that the Kiowa Apache--and presumably
also the Kiowa--ranged even at this early period in the same general
region where they were known more than a hundred years later, namely,
between the Platte and the frontiers of New Mexico, and that they
already had herds of horses taken from the Spanish settlements. It
appears also that they were then in friendship with the Pawnee. From
the fact that they traded horses to the other tribes, and that La Salle
proposed to supply himself from them or their neighbors, it is not
impossible that they sometimes visited the French fort on Peoria lake.
On a map in Harris' Collection of Voyages and Travels, published in
1705, we find the "Gataka" marked--probably on the authority of early
French documents--on the west side of the Missouri, above the Quapaw
(see the Kiowa Apache synonymy, page 245). In 1719 La Harpe found them
("Quataquois") living in connection with the Tawákoni and other
affiliated tribes in a village which has been identified by Philip
Walker, Esquire, of Washington, as situated on the south bank of the
Cimarron, near its junction with the Arkansas, in what is now the Creek
nation of Indian Territory (_Margry, 2_).
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIV
PHOTOS BY HILLERS, 1894
GOÑKOÑ OR APACHE JOHN, A KIOWA APACHE SUBCHIEF]
FIRST OFFICIAL AMERICAN NOTICE
The official history of the Apache begins nearly a hundred years later.
In 1805 the explorers Lewis and Clark describe the "Ca´takâ," whom they
apparently did not meet, as living between the heads of the two forks of
Cheyenne river, in the Black Hills region of northeastern Wyoming, and
numbering twenty-five tipis, seventy-five warriors, and three hundred
souls. This appears to be a singularly close estimate. The Kiowa lived
near them, on the North Platte, and both tribes had the same alliances
and general customs. They were rich in horses, which they sold to the
Arikara and Mandan, but had no trader among them, and the mouth of
Cheyenne river was suggested as a suitable place for the establishment
of a trading post for them both (_Lewis and Clark, 6_).
TREATIES
In 1837, in connection with the Kiowa and Tawákoni, they made their
first treaty with the government, as has already been described at
length in treating of the Kiowa. They are called Kataka in the treaty,
this being apparently the last official use of that name, and
thenceforth they have been known as Apache. Their subsequent history is
that of the Kiowa. In 1853 they are mentioned as a warlike band ranging
the waters of Canadian river, in the same great plains occupied by the
Comanche, with whom they often joined in raiding expeditions (_Report,
67_).
By the treaty of the Little Arkansas, in 1865, they were officially
detached from the Kiowa and attached to the Cheyenne and Arapaho. This
was done at the request of the Apache themselves, in consequence of the
unfriendly attitude of the Kiowa toward the whites. But the arrangement
had no practical force, and by the treaty of Medicine Lodge, in 1867,
they were formally reunited to the Kiowa. This latter treaty was signed
by six chiefs on behalf of the Apache, Gúañtekána, "Poor-bear," being
then their principal chief (see the treaty, _ante_). A part of the
Apache continued to live with the Cheyenne and Arapaho until after the
readjustment at the close of the outbreak of 1874-75. In keeping with
the general conduct of the tribe, they remained peaceable and friendly
throughout the trouble (_Report, 68_).
DELEGATION TO WASHINGTON, 1872--FRIENDLY DISPOSITION
They participated with the Kiowa and others in the joint delegation
which visited Washington in October, 1872, being represented on that
occasion by Pacer the principal chief, Daho, and Gray-eagle. In his
official report Captain Alvord, chairman of the commission which had
charge of the delegation, says of the Apache:
The Apache who are in the Indian Territory number about five
hundred, are recognized by the supplemental treaty of 1867 as
confederated with the Kiowa and Comanche, and have generally been
controlled by and acted with the Kiowa. More or less of them have
constantly participated in the marauding of the others, but as a
tribe or band it is believed that they are better disposed than
their associates, and that the professions of friendship which are
made by their three principal chiefs, now in Washington, are in
good faith, and may be received accordingly. I think that if they
can be removed from the evil influences of the Kiowa and Comanche,
they will do well (_Report, 69_).
PROGRESS TOWARD CIVILIZATION--DEATH OF PACER, 1875
On the return of the delegation the Apache in good faith commenced to
learn the ways of civilization and to earn their own living. Their agent
reports:
The Apache were very attentive, working themselves with the hoe.
Apache John, a chief, is especially deserving of mention. He worked
hard, had all the weeds hoed out, and in addition, to his corn has
a fine crop of watermelons, some of which he brought me as a
present. It was a very nice sight to see one who a few months ago
was regarded as a wild and dangerous man drive up in his wagon (I
had given him one) and unload from it a number of fine melons of
his own cultivation and raising (_Report, 70_).
The next year, 1874, started out with even more encouraging prospects.
The Apache chiefs worked in their own fields as an example to their
people, and at the request of Pacer a school was established among them
by A. J. Standing, who, like Battey and Haworth, was a Quaker. All went
well until summer, when the Cheyenne, Comanche, and a part of the Kiowa
took up arms in defense of their hunting grounds, as already narrated,
more or less involving the other tribes, and putting a complete stop to
the work of civilization. By direction of the agent the Apache, at the
beginning of the trouble, repaired to the friendly camp at Fort Sill,
where during all the disturbance they maintained their loyalty and kept
the peace, and afterward used their good offices to bring about the
surrender of the hostiles, as they had done previously in 1869 (_Report,
71_).
Pacer, head chief of the Apache, died in the summer of 1875. He was a
man of considerable ability and is frequently mentioned in the official
reports of the period, as well as by Battey. He had been the consistent
advocate of friendly relations with the whites, and on his death was
given a civilized burial, at the request of his people, as had been done
in the case of Kicking-bird, the Kiowa chief, who died shortly before
(_Report, 72_).
RECENT HISTORY AND PRESENT CONDITION
The Apache participate with the Kiowa and Comanche in the benefits of
the leases of grass lands. They suffered terribly in the epidemic of
1892, losing more than one-fourth of their number. They joined in the
protest against the late unratified agreement and were represented in
the joint delegation of 1894 by Goñkoñ, "Stays-in-tipi," or Apache John.
In dress, customs, and general characteristics they resemble the Kiowa,
but are much more agreeable and reliable in disposition. They join with
them in the sun dance and the peyote rite, and have no distinct tribal
ceremony of their own, although they have a "horse medicine" of
considerable repute. In 1896 they numbered two hundred and eight, under
the head chieftainship of White-man, and resided chiefly on Apache creek
and in the vicinity of the Kichai hills.
POPULATION
Below is given the population of the Apache at different periods, all
but the first estimate (_Lewis and Clark, 6_) being taken from the
annual Indian reports. They have probably never numbered much over three
hundred and fifty:
1805--Ca´takâ, 25 tipis, 75 warriors, 300 souls.
1850--50 lodges (=325 souls?).
1854--40 lodges (Fitzpatrick); 320 (Whitfield, Report of 1855).
1865--500 (Report), 40 lodges, with 4 or 5 to a lodge (Leavenworth, in
Report on Condition of Indian Tribes, 37, 1867).
1867--800 (?), 70 tipis, 420 souls (estimate in report of Medicine Lodge
treaty--Indian Miscel.).
1868--Same.
1869--300 (Report of 1870).
1870--Same.
1871--378.
1872--380^a; 517^b.
1873--774 (?).
1874--602 (?).
1875--344.
1876--325.
1877--343.
1878--344.
1879--315.
1880--334.
1881--337.
1882--340.
1883--337.
1884--308.
1885--319.
1886--332.
1887--Same.
1888--348.
1889--349; "a very careful census."
1890--326.
1891--325.
1892--241 (decrease from epidemic).
1893--224.
1894--Same, taken from preceding.
1895--226.
1896--208.
THE ANNUAL CALENDARS, 1833--1892
WINTER 1832-33
[Illustration: FIG. 61--Sét-t'án or Little-bear]
_Â'dal-hâ´ñgya Ähágyä-de Sai_, "Winter that they captured the money." The
first event recorded occurred about New Near, in the winter of 1832-33,
being an encounter with a small party of Americans, resulting in the
death of Gúi-kóñgya, "Black-wolf," and the capture of a large quantity
of silver coin. The winter is indicated according to the regular system
by a black bar below the principal figure, which is that of a man with
the picture of a black wolf over his head and joined to it by a line.
The breechcloth shows the figure to be that of a man, the black wolf
connected by a line expresses his name, while the red spot with blood
gushing from it between the shoulders shows that he was shot through the
body. Beside it is a very good picture of a silver dollar to indicate
the money captured. This last does not appear on the Dohásän calendar,
although the capture gives name to the winter.
[Illustration: Fig. 62--Winter 1832-33--Money captured]
According to the Kiowa story, a war party led by Tóñp'ódal-kyä`tó,
"Lame-old-man," met a small train in charge of a few Americans close to
South Canadian river (_Gúădal P'a_, "Red river"), a short distance below
the entrance of a southern creek, which they call _T'ä´ñpeä´ P'a_,
"Skunkberry-bush river," about opposite the present town of Lathrop, in
the panhandle of Texas. They call Americans _Hâñpóko_, "Trappers," for
the reason that the first Americans known to the tribe were trappers.
Texans are considered as of a different nation, and are distinguished as
_Tehä´neko_ from the Spanish _Tejano_. In this instance the Americans
were traveling eastward, and as the place was remote from any regular
trail the Indians were at a loss to know why the whites were there. The
Kiowa attacked the train, killed several of the party, and captured the
money, with the loss to themselves of but one man, Gúi-kóñgya. They
found a few coins upon the ground, but this being the first money they
had ever seen, they did not know its proper use, and so beat the coins
into disks to be fastened to straps worn attached to the scalp lock, and
hanging down behind (hence the name for money, _â´dal-hâñ´gya_,
literally "hair metal"). After leaving the place they met some Comanche,
who already knew the use of money, and on hearing the story told them
the value of the silver pieces, upon which the Kiowa returned and
searched until they succeeded in finding a large quantity. From this it
appears that whatever trade the Kiowa had previously carried on with the
Spanish settlements had been by barter in kind, as was usual along the
Indian frontier in the early days. This was some time before the
beginning of regular intercourse with Americans.
Gregg, the author of a most valuable account of the early Santa Fé
trade, passed over the same ground a few years later and gives full
details of the affair with its tragic sequel. His description of the
location agrees with the Indian statement, and his account explains
also how the whites happened to be traveling in such an unfrequented
place. The Kiowa statement was obtained without any reference to Gregg.
It was somewhere in this vicinity that a small party of Americans
experienced a terrible calamity in the winter of 1832-3 on their
way home, and as the incident had the tendency to call into play
the most prominent features of the Indian character, I will digress
so far here as to relate the facts.
The party consisted of twelve men, chiefly citizens of Missouri.
Their baggage and about ten thousand dollars in specie was packed
upon mules. They took the route of the Canadian river, fearing to
venture on the northern prairies at that season of the year. Having
left Santa Fé in December, they had proceeded without accident thus
far, when a large body of Comanches and Kiowas were seen advancing
towards them. Being well acquainted with the treacherous and
pusillanimous disposition of these races, the traders prepared at
once for defence; but the savages, having made a halt at some
distance, began to approach, one by one or in small parties, making
a great show of friendship all the while, until most of them had
collected on the spot. Finding themselves surrounded in every
direction, the travelers now began to move on in hopes of getting
rid of the intruders, but the latter were equally ready for the
start, and mounting their horses kept jogging on in the same
direction. The first act of hostility perpetrated by the Indians
proved fatal to one of the American traders named Pratt, who was
shot dead while attempting to secure two mules which had become
separated from the rest. Upon this the companions of the slain man
immediately dismounted and commenced a fire upon the Indians, which
was warmly returned, whereby another man of the name of Mitchell
was killed. By this time the traders had taken off their packs and
piled them around for protection, and now falling to work with
their hands they very soon scratched out a trench deep enough to
protect them from the shot of the enemy. The latter made several
desperate charges, but they seemed too careful of their own
personal safety, notwithstanding the enormous superiority of their
numbers, to venture too near the rifles of the Americans. In a few
hours all the animals of the traders were either killed or wounded,
but no personal damage was done to the remaining ten men, with the
exception of a wound in the thigh received by one, which was not at
the time considered dangerous.
During the siege the Americans were in great danger of perishing
from thirst, as the Indians had complete command of all the water
within reach. Starvation was not so much to be dreaded, because in
case of necessity they could live on the flesh of their slain
animals, some of which lay stretched close around them. After being
pent up for thirty-six hours in this horrible hole, during which
time they had seldom, ventured to raise their heads above the
surface without being shot at, they resolved to make a bold sortie
in the night, as any death was preferable to the death which
awaited them there. As there was not an animal left that was at all
in a condition, to travel, the proprietors of the money gave
permission to all to take and appropriate to themselves whatever
amount each man could safely undertake to carry. In this way a few
hundred dollars were started with, of which, however, but little
ever reached the United States. The remainder was buried deep in
the sand, in hopes that it might escape the cupidity of the
savages, but to very little purpose, for they were afterward seen
by some Mexican traders making a great display of specie, which was
without doubt taken from this unfortunate cache.
With every prospect of being discovered, overtaken, and butchered,
but resolved to sell their lives as dearly as possible, they at
last emerged from their hiding place and moved on silently and
slowly until they found themselves beyond the purlieus of the
Indian camps. Often did they look back in the direction where from
three to five hundred savages were supposed to watch their
movements, but much to their astonishment no one appeared to be in
pursuit. The Indians, believing, no doubt, that the property of the
traders would come into their hands, and having no amateur
predilection for taking scalps at the risk of losing their own,
appeared willing enough to let the spoliated adventurers depart
without further molestation.
The destitute travelers having run themselves short of provisions,
and being no longer able to kill game for want of materials to load
their rifles with, they were very soon reduced to the necessity of
sustaining life upon the roots and the tender bark of trees. After
traveling for several days in this desperate condition, with
lacerated feet and utter prostration of mind and body, they began
to disagree among themselves about the route to be pursued, and
eventually separated into two distinct parties. Five of these
unhappy men steered a westward (_sic_) course, and after a
succession of sufferings and privations which almost surpassed
belief, they reached the settlements of the Creek Indians, near the
Arkansas river, where they were treated with great kindness and
hospitality. The other five wandered about in the greatest state of
distress and bewilderment, and only two finally succeeded in
getting out of the mazes of the wilderness. Among those who were
abandoned to their fate and left to perish thus miserably, was a Mr
Schenck, the same individual who had been shot in the thigh, a
gentleman of talent and excellent family connections, who was a
brother, as I am informed, of the Honorable Mr Schenck, at present
a member of congress from Ohio (_Gregg, 2_).
The Kiowa had undoubtedly attacked the traders, believing them to be
their enemies the Texans, instead of Americans, as the place was outside
of what were then the limits of the United States, and over a hundred
miles from the trail usually traveled by the American traders to Santa
Fé. This is apparent from Gregg's experience in 1839 in nearly the same
place. While proceeding up the Canadian with an escort of dragoons they
fell in with a large party of Comanche, and after a doubtful preliminary
talk, in which the Comanche very pointedly refused to smoke the
proffered pipe, the officer began to speak of the advantages of peace
and friendship, and invited some of their headmen to visit the great
chief at Washington and make a treaty.
But they would not then converse on the subject. In fact, the
interpreter inquired, "Are we not at war? How, then, can we go to
see the _Capitan Grande_?" We knew they believed themselves at war
with Mexico and Texas, and probably had mistaken us for Texans....
Upon this we explained to them that the United States was a
distinct government and at peace with the Comanche. On this
explanation the chiefs said they were glad to see Americans in
their country and hoped more of them would come (_Gregg, 3_).
SUMMER 1833
_Ĭmk`ódaltä-dé Pai_, "Summer that they cut off their heads." This
picture commemorates one of the most vivid memories of the older men of
the tribe--a wholesale massacre by the Osage, who cut off the heads of
their victims and deposited them in buckets upon the scene of the
slaughter. Set-t'an, the author of the calendar, was born in this
summer. The picture of a severed head with bloody neck and a bloody
knife underneath is sufficiently suggestive. The absence of the usual
figure of the sun-dance lodge shows that no dance was held this summer,
owing to the fact that the Osage captured the _taime_ medicine at the
same time. The massacre occurred just west of a mountain called by the
Kiowa _K`ódaltä K`op_, "Beheading mountain," on the headwaters of Otter
creek, not 2 miles northwest from Saddle mountain and about 25 miles
northwest from Fort Sill.
It was in early spring and the Kiowa were camped at the mouth of
Rainy-mountain creek, a southern tributary of the Washita, within the
present limits of the reservation; nearly all the warriors had gone
against the Ute, so that few, excepting women, children, and old men,
were at home. One morning some young men going out to look for horses
discovered signs of Osage and immediately gave the alarm. According to
one story, they found a buffalo with an Osage arrow sticking in it;
according to T'ébodal and other old men, they came upon the Osage
themselves and exchanged shots, wounding an Osage, but with the loss of
one of their own men killed. On the alarm being given, the Kiowa at once
broke camp in a panic and fled in four parties in different
directions--one party toward the west, another toward the east, and two
other bands, among whom was T'ébodal, then a boy, went directly south
toward the Comanche. Three of these escaped, but the fourth, under
A`dáte, "Island-man," thinking the pursuit was over, stopped on a small
tributary of Otter creek, just west of the mountain.
[Illustration: FIG. 63--Summer 1833--They cut off their heads]
Early in the morning, almost before it was yet light, a young man (whose
grandson was present during T'ébodal's narration) went to look for his
ponies, when he saw the Osage creeping up on foot. He hastily ran back
with the news, but all the camp was still sleeping, except the wife
A`dáte, who was outside preparing to scrape a hide. Entering the tipi,
he roused the chief, who ran out shouting to his people, "_Tsó bätsó!
Tsó bätsó!_"--To the rocks! To the rocks! Thus rudely awakened, the
Kiowa sprang up and fled to the mountain, the mothers seizing their
children and the old men hurrying as best they could, with their
bloodthirsty enemies close behind. The chief himself was pursued and
slightly wounded, but got away; his wife, Sémätmä, "Apache-woman," was
taken, but soon afterward made her escape. One woman fled with a baby
girl on her back and dragging a larger girl by the hand; an Osage
pursuing caught the older girl and was drawing his knife across her
throat when the mother rushed to her aid and succeeded in beating him
off and rescued the child with only a slight gash upon her head. A boy
named Äyä, "Sitting-on-a-tree" (?), was saved by his father in about the
same way, and is still alive, an old man, to tell it. His father, it is
said, seized and held him in his teeth, putting him down while shooting
arrows to keep off the pursuers, and taking him up again to run. A party
of women was saved by a brave Pawnee living in the camp, who succeeded
in fighting off the pursuers long enough to enable the women to reach a
place of safety.