Ibid., p. 153.

Footnote 299:

_John Mestrezat_, Protestant minister of Paris, was born at Geneva in

1592 and died in May 1657. His Sermons on the Epistle to the Hebrews

and other discourses, published after his death, are truly excellent.

This learned and eloquent divine frequently engaged in controversy

with the Romanists, and on one occasion managed the debate with such

spirit that Cardinal Richelieu, taking hold of his shoulder,

exclaimed: “This is the boldest minister in France.” (Bayle, Dict.,

art. _Mestrezat_.)

Footnote 300:

The statement of the Protestant faith, given in a preceding note, may

suffice to show that it differs, _toto cœlo_, from that of Rome, as

this is explained in the text. The leading fallacy of the Romish creed

on this subject is the monstrous dogma of transubstantiation; the

adoration of the host is merely a corollary. Calvinists and Lutherans

though differing in their views of the ordinance, always agreed in

acknowledging the _real_ presence of Christ in the eucharist, though

they consider the sense in which Romanists interpret that term to be

chargeable with blasphemy and absurdity.

Footnote 301:

Mascar., tr. 4, disp. 5, n. 284.

Footnote 302:

Ecclesiasticus (Apocrypha).

Footnote 303:

Freq. Com., 3 part, ch. 11.

Footnote 304:

Eccles. iv. 25 (Apocrypha).

Footnote 305:

_Jean du Verger de Hauranne, the Abbé de Saint Cyran_ was born at

Bayonne in 1581. He was the intimate friend of Jansenius and a man of

great piety and talents, but was seized as a heretic, and thrown by

Cardinal Richelieu into the dungeon of Vincennes. After five years’

imprisonment he was released, but died shortly after, October, 11,

1643. By his followers, M. de Saint Cyran was reverenced as a saint

and a martyr.

Footnote 306:

This Father Jarrige was a famous Jesuit, who became a Protestant, and

published, after his separation from Rome, a book, entitled “_Le

Jesuite sur l’Echaffaut_—The Jesuit on the Scaffold,” in which he

treats his old friends with no mercy.

Footnote 307:

_Misérables que vous êtes_—one of the bitterest expressions which

Pascal has applied to his opponents and one which they have deeply

felt, but the full force of which can hardly be rendered into English.

Footnote 308:

With regard to this famous assembly at Bourg-Fontaine, in which it was

alleged a conspiracy was formed by the Jansenists against the

Christian religion, the curious reader may consult the work of M.

Arnauld entitled _Morale Pratique des Jesuites_, vol. viii., where

there is a detailed account of the whole proceedings. (Nicole, iv.

283.)

Footnote 309:

_The Secret Chaplet of the most Holy Sacrament._—Such was the title of

a very harmless piece of mystic devotion of three or four pages, the

production of a nun of Port-Royal, called Sister Agnès de Saint Paul,

which appeared in 1628. It excited the jealousy of the Archbishop of

Sens—set the doctors of Paris and those of Louvain by the

ears—occasioned a war of pamphlets and was finally carried by appeal

to the Court of Rome, by which it was suppressed. (Nicole, iv. 302.)

Agnès de St. Paul was the younger sister of the Mère Angélique

Arnauld, and both of them were sisters of the celebrated M. Arnauld.

Footnote 310:

This refers to the celebrated miracles of “the Holy Thorn,” the first

of which, said to have lately taken place in Port-Royal, was then

creating much sensation. The facts are briefly these: A thorn, said to

have belonged to the crown of thorns worn by our Saviour, having been

presented, in March 1656, to the Monastery of Port-Royal, the nuns and

their young pupils were permitted, each in turn, to kiss the relic.

One of the latter, Margaret Perier, the niece of Pascal, a girl of

about ten or eleven years of age, had been long troubled with a

disease in the eye (_fistula lachrymalis_), which had baffled the

skill of all the physicians of Paris. On approaching the holy thorn,

she applied it to the diseased organ, and shortly thereafter

exclaimed, to the surprise and delight of all the sisters, that her

eye was completely cured. A certificate, signed by some of the most

celebrated physicians, attested the cure as, in their opinion a

miraculous one. The friends of Port-Royal, and none more than Pascal,

were overjoyed at this interposition, which, being followed by other

extraordinary cures, they regarded as a voice from heaven in favor of

that institution. The Jesuits alone rejected it with ridicule, and

published a piece, entitled “_Rabat-joie_, &c.—A Damper: or,

Observations on what has lately happened at Port-Royal as to the

affair of the Holy Thorn.” This was answered in November 1656, in a

tract supposed to have been written by M. de Pont Château, who was

called “the Clerk of the Holy Thorn,” assisted by Pascal. (Recueil de

Pieces, &c. de Port-Royal, pp. 283–448.) It has been well observed,

“that many laborious and voluminous discussions might have been saved,

if the simple and very reasonable rule had been adopted of waiving

investigation into the credibility of any narrative of supernatural or

pretended supernatural events said to have taken place _upon

consecrated ground, or under sacred roofs_.” (Natural Hist. of

Enthusiasm, p. 236.) “It is well known,” says Mosheim, “that the

Jansenists and Augustinians have long pretended to confirm their

doctrine by miracles; and they even acknowledge that these miracles

have saved them when their affairs have been reduced to a desperate

situation.” (Mosh. Eccl. Hist., cent. xvii., sect. 2.)

Footnote 311:

Isa. xxviii. 15.

Footnote 312:

Isa. xxx. 12–14.

Footnote 313:

Ezek. xiii. 23. Pascal does not, either here or elsewhere, when

quoting from Scripture, adhere very closely to the original, nor even

to the Vulgate version.

Footnote 314:

This was the name given to St. Francis de Sales, bishop and prince of

Geneva, previously to his canonization, which took place in 1665.

Footnote 315:

Serm. 24 in Cantic.

Footnote 316:

These two postscripts have been often admired—the former for the

author’s elegant excuse for the length of his letter; the latter for

the adroitness with which he turns his apology for an undesigned

mistake into a stroke at the disingenuousness of his opponents.

LETTER XVII.[317]

TO THE REVEREND FATHER ANNAT, JESUIT.[318]

THE AUTHOR OF THE LETTERS VINDICATED FROM THE CHARGE OF HERESY—AN

HERETICAL PHANTOM—POPES AND GENERAL COUNCILS NOT INFALLIBLE IN

QUESTIONS OF FACT.

_January 23, 1657._

REVEREND FATHER,—Your former behavior had induced me to believe that you

were anxious for a truce in our hostilities; and I was quite disposed to

agree that it should be so. Of late, however, you have poured forth such

a volley of pamphlets, in such rapid succession, as to make it apparent

that peace rests on a very precarious footing when it depends on the

silence of Jesuits. I know not if this rupture will prove very

advantageous to you; but, for my part, I am far from regretting the

opportunity which it affords me of rebutting that stale charge of heresy

with which your writings abound.

It is full time, indeed, that I should, once for all, put a stop to the

liberty you have taken to treat me as a heretic—a piece of gratuitous

impertinence which seems to increase by indulgence, and which is

exhibited in your last book in a style of such intolerable assurance,

that were I not to answer the charge as it deserves, I might lay myself

open to the suspicion of being actually guilty. So long as the insult

was confined to your associates I despised it, as I did a thousand

others with which they interlarded their productions. To these my

fifteenth letter was a sufficient reply. But you now repeat the charge

with a different air: you make it the main point of your vindication. It

is, in fact, almost the only thing in the shape of argument that you

employ. You say that, “as a complete answer to my fifteen letters, it is

enough to say fifteen times that I am a heretic; and having been

pronounced such, I deserve no credit.” In short, you make no question of

my apostasy, but assume it as a settled point, on which you may build

with all confidence. You are serious then, father, it would seem, in

deeming me a heretic. I shall be equally serious in replying to the

charge.

You are well aware, sir, that heresy is a charge of so grave a

character, that it is an act of high presumption to advance, without

being prepared to substantiate it. I now demand your proofs. When was I

seen at Charenton? When did I fail in my presence at mass, or in my

Christian duty to my parish church? What act of union with heretics, or

of schism with the Church, can you lay to my charge? What council have I

contradicted? What papal constitution have I violated? You _must_

answer, father, else——You know what I mean.[319] And what _do_ you

answer? I beseech all to observe it: First of all, you assume “that the

author of the letters is a Port-Royalist;” then you tell us “that

Port-Royal is declared to be heretical;” and, therefore, you conclude,

“the author of the letters must be a heretic.” It is not on me, then,

father, that the weight of this indictment falls, but on Port-Royal; and

I am only involved in the crime because you suppose me to belong to that

establishment; so that it will be no difficult matter for me to

exculpate myself from the charge. I have no more to say than that I am

not a member of that community; and to refer you to my letters, in which

I have declared that “I am a private individual;” and again in so many

words, that “I am not of Port-Royal,” as I said in my sixteenth letter,

which preceded your publication.

You must fall on some other way, then, to prove me a heretic, otherwise

the whole world will be convinced that it is beyond your power to make

good your accusation. Prove from my writings that I do not receive the

constitution.[320] My letters are not very voluminous—there are but

sixteen of them—and I defy you or anybody else to detect in them the

slightest foundation for such a charge. I shall, however, with your

permission, produce something out of them to prove the reverse. When,

for example, I say in the fourteenth that, “by killing our brethren in

mortal sin, according to your maxims, we are damning those for whom

Jesus Christ died,” do I not plainly acknowledge that Jesus Christ died

for those who may be damned, and, consequently, declare it to be false

“that he died only for the predestinated,” which is the error condemned

in the fifth proposition? Certain it is, father, that I have not said a

word in behalf of these impious propositions, which I detest with all my

heart.[321] And even though Port-Royal should hold them, I protest

against your drawing any conclusion from this against me, as, thank God,

I have no sort of connection with any community except the Catholic,

Apostolic and Roman Church, in the bosom of which I desire to live and

die, in communion with the pope, the head of the Church, and beyond the

pale of which I am persuaded there is no salvation.

How are you to get at a person who talks in this way, father? On what

quarter will you assail me, since neither my words nor my writings

afford the slightest handle to your accusations, and the obscurity in

which my person is enveloped forms my protection against your

threatenings? You feel yourselves smitten by an invisible hand—a hand,

however, which makes your delinquencies visible to all; and in vain do

you try to strike at me in the dark, through the sides of those with

whom you suppose me to be associated. I fear you not, either on my own

account or on that of any other, being bound by no tie either to a

community or to any individual whatsoever.[322] All the influence which

your Society possesses can be of no avail in my case. From this world I

have nothing to hope, nothing to dread, nothing to desire. Through the

goodness of God, I have no need of any man’s money or any man’s

patronage. Thus, father, I elude all your attempts to catch hold of me.

You may touch Port-Royal if you choose, but you shall not touch me. You

may turn people out of the Sorbonne, but that will not turn me out of my

domicile. You may hatch plots against priests and doctors, but not

against me, for I am neither the one nor the other. And thus, father,

you never perhaps had to do, in the whole course of your experience,

with a person so completely beyond your reach, and therefore so

admirably qualified for dealing with your errors—one perfectly free—one

without engagement, entanglement, relationship, or business of any

kind—one, too, who is pretty well versed in your maxims, and determined,

as God shall give him light, to discuss them, without permitting any

earthly consideration to arrest or slacken his endeavors.

Since, then, you can do nothing against me, what good purpose can it

serve to publish so many calumnies, as you and your brethren are doing,

against a class of persons who are in no way implicated in our disputes?

You shall not escape under these subterfuges: you shall be made to feel

the force of the truth in spite of them. How does the case stand? I tell

you that you are ruining Christian morality by divorcing it from the

love of God, and dispensing with its obligation; and you talk about “the

death of Father Mester”—a person whom I never saw in my life. I tell you

that your authors permit a man to kill another for the sake of an apple,

when it would be dishonorable to lose it; and you reply by informing me

that somebody “has broken into the poor’s box at St. Merri!” Again, what

can you possibly mean by mixing me up perpetually with the book “On the

Holy Virginity,” written by some father of the Oratory, whom I never

saw, any more than his book?[323] It is rather extraordinary, father,

that you should thus regard all that are opposed to you as if they were

one person. Your hatred would grasp them all at once, and would hold

them as a body of reprobates, every one of whom is responsible for all

the rest.

There is a vast difference between Jesuits and all their opponents.

There can be no doubt that you compose one body, united under one head;

and your regulations, as I have shown, prohibit you from printing

anything without the approbation of your superiors, who are responsible

for all the errors of individual writers, and who “cannot excuse

themselves by saying that they did not observe the errors in any

publication, for they ought to have observed them.” So say your

ordinances, and so say the letters of your generals, Aquaviva,

Vitelleschi, &c. We have good reason, therefore, for charging upon you

the errors of your associates, when we find they are sanctioned by your

superiors and the divines of your Society. With me, however, father, the

case stands otherwise. I have not subscribed the book of the Holy

Virginity. All the alms-boxes in Paris may be broken into, and yet I am

not the less a good Catholic for all that. In short, I beg to inform

you, in the plainest terms, that nobody is responsible for my letters

but myself, and that I am responsible for nothing but my letters.

Here, father, I might fairly enough have brought our dispute to an

issue, without saying a word about those other persons whom you

stigmatize as heretics, in order to comprehend me under that

condemnation. But as I have been the occasion of their ill treatment, I

consider myself bound in some sort to improve the occasion, and I shall

take advantage of it in three particulars. One advantage, not

inconsiderable in its way, is that it will enable me to vindicate the

innocence of so many calumniated individuals. Another, not inappropriate

to my subject, will be to disclose, at the same time, the artifices of

your policy in this accusation. But the advantage which I prize most of

all this, that it affords me an opportunity of apprizing the world of

the falsehood of that scandalous report which you have been so busily

disseminating, namely, “that the Church is divided by a new heresy.” And

as you are deceiving multitudes into the belief that the points on which

you are raising such a storm are essential to the faith, I consider it

of the last importance to quash these unfounded impressions, and

distinctly to explain here what these points are, so as to show that, in

point of fact, there are no heretics in the Church.

I presume, then, that were the question to be asked, Wherein consists

the heresy of those called Jansenists? the immediate reply would be,

“These people hold that the commandments of God are impracticable to

men—that grace is irresistible—that we have not free will to do either

good or evil—that Jesus Christ did not die for all men, but only for the

elect; in short, they maintain the five propositions condemned by the

pope.” Do you not give it out to all that this is the ground on which

you persecute your opponents? Have you not said as much in your books,

in your conversations, in your catechisms? A specimen of this you gave

at the late Christmas festival at St. Louis. One of your little

shepherdesses was questioned thus:—

“For whom did Jesus Christ come into the world, my dear?”

“For all men, father.”

“Indeed, my child; so you are not one of those new heretics who say that

he came only for the elect?”

Thus children are led to believe you, and many others beside children;

for you entertain people with the same stuff in your sermons, as Father

Crasset did at Orleans, before he was laid under an interdict. And I

frankly own that, at one time, I believed you myself. You had given me

precisely the same idea of these good people; so that when you pressed

them on these propositions, I narrowly watched their answer, determined

never to see them more, if they did not renounce them as palpable

impieties.

This, however, they have done in the most unequivocal way. M. de

Sainte-Beuve,[324] king’s professor in the Sorbonne, censured these

propositions in his published writings long before the pope; and other

Augustinian doctors, in various publications, and, among others, in a

work “On Victorious Grace,”[325] reject the same articles as both

heretical and strange doctrines. In the preface to that work they say

that these propositions are “heretical and Lutheran, forged and

fabricated at pleasure, and are neither to be found in Jansenius, nor in

his defenders.” They complain of being charged with such sentiments, and

address you in the words of St. Prosper, the first disciple of St.

Augustine their master, to whom the semi-Pelagians of France had

ascribed similar opinions, with the view of bringing him into disgrace:

“There are persons who denounce us, so blinded by passion that they have

adopted means for doing so which ruin their own reputation. They have,

for this purpose, fabricated propositions of the most impious and

blasphemous character, which they industriously circulate, to make

people believe that we maintain them in the wicked sense which they are

pleased to attach to them. But our reply will show at once our

innocence, and the malignity of these persons who have ascribed to us a

set of impious tenets, of which they are themselves the sole inventors.”

Truly, father, when I found that they had spoken in this way before the

appearance of the papal constitution—when I saw that they afterwards

received that decree with all possible respect, that they offered to

subscribe it, and that M. Arnauld had declared all this in his second

letter, in stronger terms than I can report him, I should have

considered it a sin to doubt their soundness in the faith. And, in fact,

those who were formerly disposed to refuse absolution to M. Arnauld’s

friends, have since declared, that after his explicit disclaimer of the

errors imputed to him, there was no reason left for cutting off either

him or them from the communion of the Church. Your associates, however,

have acted very differently; and it was this that made me begin to

suspect that you were actuated by prejudice.

You threatened first to compel them to sign that constitution, so long

as you thought they would resist it; but no sooner did you see them

quite ready of their own accord to submit to it, than we heard no more

about this. Still, however, though one might suppose this ought to have

satisfied you, you persisted in calling them heretics, “because,” said

you, “their heart belies their hand; they are Catholics outwardly, but

inwardly they are heretics.”[326]

This, father, struck me as very strange reasoning; for where is the

person of whom as much may not be said at any time? And what endless

trouble and confusion would ensue, were it allowed to go on! “If,” says

Pope St. Gregory, “we refuse to believe a confession of faith made in

conformity to the sentiments of the Church, we cast a doubt over the

faith of all Catholics whatsoever.” I am afraid, father, to use the

words of the same pontiff, when speaking of a similar dispute in his

time, “that your object is to make these persons heretics in spite of

themselves; because to refuse to credit those who testify by their

confession that they are in the true faith, is not to purge heresy, but

to create it—_hoc non est hæresim purgare, sed facere_”. But what

confirmed me in my persuasion that there was indeed no heretic in the

Church, was finding that our so-called heretics had vindicated

themselves so successfully, that you were unable to accuse them of a

single error in the faith, and that you were reduced to the necessity of

assailing them on questions of _fact_ only, touching Jansenius, which

could not possibly be construed into heresy. You insist, it now appears,

on their being compelled to acknowledge “that these propositions are

contained in Jansenius, word for word, every one of them, in so many

terms,” or, as you express it, _Singulares, individuæ, totidem verbis

apud Jansenium contentæ_.

Thenceforth your dispute became, in my eyes, perfectly indifferent. So

long as I believed that you were debating the truth or falsehood of the

propositions, I was all attention, for that quarrel touched the faith;

but when I discovered that the bone of contention was whether they were

to be found, word for word, in Jansenius or not, as religion ceased to

be interested in the controversy, I ceased to be interested in it also.

Not but that there was some presumption that you were speaking the

truth; because to say that such and such expressions are to be found,

word for word, in an author, is a matter in which there can be no

mistake. I do not wonder, therefore, that so many people, both in France

and at Rome, should have been led to believe, on the authority of a

phrase so little liable to suspicion, that Jansenius has actually taught

these obnoxious tenets. And for the same reason, I was not a little

surprised to learn that this same point of fact, which you had

propounded as so certain and so important, was false; and that after

being challenged to quote the pages of Jansenius, in which you had found

these propositions “word for word,” you have not been able to point them

out to this day.

I am the more particular in giving this statement, because, in my

opinion, it discovers, in a very striking light, the spirit of your

Society in the whole of this affair; and because some people will be

astonished to find that, notwithstanding all the facts above mentioned,

you have not ceased to publish that they are heretics still. But you

have only altered the heresy to suit the time; for no sooner had they

freed themselves from one charge than your fathers, determined that they

should never want an accusation, substituted another in its place. Thus,

in 1653, their heresy lay in the _quality_ of the propositions; then

came the _word for word_ heresy; after that, we had the _heart_ heresy.

And now we hear nothing of any of these, and they must be heretics,

forsooth, unless they sign a declaration to the effect, “_that the sense

of the doctrine of Jansenius is contained in the sense of the five

propositions_.”

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