I was first met by Lucilia, who received me with her usual heartiness.

Marcus was out on some remote part of the estate, overseeing his slaves.

In a few moments, by the assiduous Lucilia and her attendants, I was

brushed and washed and set down to a table--though it was so few hours

since I had left Rome--covered with bread, honey, butter and olives, a

cold capon with salads, and wine such as the cellars of Marcus alone can

furnish. As the only way in which to keep the good opinion of Lucilia

is to eat, I ate of all that was on the table, she assuring me that

everything was from their own grounds--the butter made by her own

hands--and that I might search Rome in vain for better. This I readily

admitted. Indeed no butter is like hers--so yellow and so hard--nor

bread so light, and so white. Even her honey is more delicious than what

I find elsewhere, the bees knowing by instinct who they are working for;

and the poultry is fatter and tenderer, the hens being careful never to

over-fatigue themselves, and the peacocks and the geese not to exhaust

themselves in screaming and cackling. All nature, alive and dead, takes

upon itself a trimmer and more perfect seeming within her influences.

I had sat thus gossipping with Lucilia, enjoying the balmy breezes of a

warm autumn day, as they drew through the great hall of the house, when,

preceded by the bounding Gallus, the master of the house entered in

field dress of broad sun-hat, open neck, close coat depending to the

knees, and boots that brought home with them the spoils of many a

well-ploughed field.

'Well, sir Christian,' he cried, 'I joy to see thee, although thus

recreant. But how is it that thou lookest as ever before? Are not these

vanities of silk, and gold, and fine clothes, renounced by those of the

new religion? Your appearance says nay, and, by Jupiter! wine has been

drunk already! Nay, nay, Lucilia, it was hardly a pagan act to tempt our

strict friend with that Falernian.'

'Falernian is it?'

'Yes, of the vintage of the fourth of Gallienus. Delicious, was it not?

But by and by thou shalt taste something better than that--as much

better as that is than anything of the same name thou didst ever raise

to thy lips at the table of Aurelian. Piso! never was a face more

welcome! Not a soul has looked in upon us for days and days. Not,

Lucilia, since the Kalends, when young Flaccus, with a boat-load of

roysterers, dropt down the river. But why comes not Julia too? She could

not leave the games and theatres, hah?'

'Marcus,' said Lucilia, 'you forget it was the princess who first

seduced Lucius. But for that eastern voyage for the Persian Calpurnius,

Piso would have been still, I dare say, what his parents made him. Let

us not yet however stir this topic; but first of all, Lucius, give us

the city news. How went the dedication? we have heard strange tales.'

'How went it by report?' I asked.

'O, it would be long telling,' said Lucilia. 'Only, for one thing, we

heard that there was a massacre of the Christians, in which some said

hundreds, and some, thousands fell. For a moment, I assure you, we

trembled for you. It was quickly contradicted, but the confirmation

afforded by your actual presence, of your welfare, is not unwelcome. You

must lay a part of the heartiness of our reception, especially the old

Falernian, to the account of our relieved fears. But let us hear.'

I then went over the last days in Rome, adding what I had been able to

gather from Milo, when it was such that I could trust to it. When I had

satisfied their curiosity, and had moreover described to Lucilia the

dresses of Livia on so great an occasion, and the fashions which were

raging, Marcus proposed that I should accompany him over his farm, and

observe his additions and improvements, and the condition of his slaves.

I accepted the proposal with pleasure, and we soon set forth on our

ramble, accompanied by Gallus, now riding his stick and now gambolling

about the lawns and fields with his dog.

I like this retreat of Curtius better almost than any other of the

suburban villas of our citizens. There is an air of calm senatorial

dignity about it which modern edifices want. It looks as if it had seen

more than one generation of patrician inhabitants. There is little unity

or order--as those words are commonly understood--observable in the

structure of the house, but it presents to the eye an irregular

assemblage of forms, the work of different ages, and built according to

the taste and skill of distant and changing times. Some portions are

new, some old and covered with lichens, mosses, and creeping plants.

Here is a portico of the days of Trajan, and there a tower that seems as

if it were of the times of the republic. Yet is there a certain harmony

and congruity running through the whole, for the material used is

everywhere the same--a certain fawn-colored stone drawn from the

quarries in the neighborhood; and each successive owner and architect

has evidently paid some regard to preceding erections in the design and

proportions of the part he has added. In this unity of character, as

well as in the separate beauty or greatness of distinct parts, is it

made evident that persons of accomplishment and rank have alone

possessed it. Of its earlier history all that Curtius has with certainty

ascertained is, that it was once the seat of the great Hortensius,

before he had, in the growth of his fame and his riches, displayed his

luxurious tastes in the wonders of Tusculum, Bauli, or Laurentum. It was

the first indication given by him of that love of elegant and lavish

wastefulness, that gave him at last as wide a celebrity as his genius.

The part which he built is well known, and although of moderate

dimensions, yet displays the rudiments of that taste that afterward was

satisfied only with more than imperial magnificence. Marcus has

satisfied himself as to the very room which he occupied as his study and

library, and where he prepared himself for the morning courts; and in

the same apartment--hoping as he says to catch something from the genius

of the place--does he apply himself to the same professional labors. His

name and repute are now second to none in Rome. Yet, young as he is, he

begins to weary of the bar, and woo the more quiet pursuits of letters

and philosophy. Nay, at the present moment, agriculture claims all his

leisure, and steals time that can ill be spared from his clients. Varro

and Cato have more of his devotion than statutes and precedents.

In the disposition of the grounds, Marcus has shown that he inherits

something of the tastefulness of his remote predecessor; and in the

harvest that covers his extensive acres, gives equal evidence that he

has studied, not without profit, the labors of those who have written

upon husbandry and its connected arts. Varro especially is at his

tongue's end.

We soon came to the quarter of the slaves--a village almost of the

humble tenements occupied by this miserable class. None but the women,

children, sick and aged, were now at home--the young and able-bodied

being abroad at work. No new disturbances have broken out, he tells me;

the former severity, followed by a well-timed lenity, having subdued or

conciliated all. Curtius, although fond of power and of all its

ensigns, yet conceals not his hatred of this institution, which has so

long obtained in the Roman state, as in all states. He can devise no way

of escape from it; but he sees in it the most active and general cause

of the corruption of morals which is spread everywhere where it

prevails. He cannot suppress his contempt of the delusion or hypocrisy

of our ancestors in terming themselves republicans.

'What a monstrous solecism was it,' he broke out with energy, 'in the

times preceding the empire, to call that a free country which was built

upon the degradation and slavery of half of its population. Rome never

was a republic. It was simply a faction of land and slave holders, who

blinded and befooled the ignorant populace, by parading before them some

of the forms of liberty, but kept the power in their own hands. They

were a community of petty kings, which was better in their mind than

only one king, as in the time of the Tarquins. It was a republic of

kingdoms and of kings, if you will. Now and then, indeed, the people

bustled about and shook their chains, as in the times of the institution

of the tribune's office, and those of the Gracchi. But they gained

nothing. The patricians were still the kings who ruled them. And among

no people can there be liberty where slavery exists--liberty, I mean,

properly so called. He who holds slaves cannot, in the nature of things,

be a republican; but, in the nature of things, he is on the other hand a

despot. I am one. And a nation of such individuals is an association of

despots for despotic purposes, and nothing else nor better. Liberty in

their mouths is a profanation of the sacred name. It signifies nothing

but their liberty to reign. I confess, it is to those who happen to be

the kings a very agreeable state of things. I enjoy my power and state

mightily. But I am not blind to the fact--my own experience teaches

it--that it is a state of things corrupt and rotten to the

heart--destructive everywhere of the highest form of the human

character. It nurses and brings out the animal, represses and embrutes

the god that is within us. It makes of man a being of violence, force,

passion, and the narrowest selfishness; while reason and humanity, which

should distinguish him, are degraded and oppressed. Such men are not the

stuff that republics are made of. A republic may endure for a time in

spite of them, owing to fortunate circumstances of another kind; but

wherever they obtain a preponderance in the state, liberty will expire,

or exist only in the insulting forms in which she waved her bloody

sceptre during most of our early history. Slavery and despotism are

natural allies.'

'I rejoice,' I said, 'to find a change in you, at least in the theory

which you adopt.'

'I certainly am changed,' he replied; 'and such as the change may be, is

it owing, sir Christian, to thy calm and yet fiery epistles from

Palmyra. Small thanks do I owe thee for making me uncomfortable in a

position from which I cannot escape. Once proud of my slaves and my

power, I am already ashamed of both; but while my principles have

altered, my habits and character, which slavery has created and nursed

remain beyond any power of man, so far as I can see, to change them.

What they are, you well know. So that here, in my middle age, I suffer

a retribution, that should have been reserved till I had been dismissed

from the dread tribunal of Rhadamanthus.'

'I see not, Curtius, why you should not escape from the position you are

in, if you sincerely desire it, which I suppose you do not.'

'That, to be honest--which at least I am--is I believe the case.'

'I do not doubt it, as it is with all who are situated like yourself.

Most, however, defend the principle as well as cling to the form of

slavery.'

'Nay, that I cannot do. That I never did, since my beard was grown. I

fancy myself to have from the gods a good heart. He is essentially of a

corrupt heart who will stand for slavery in its principle. He is without

anything generous in his nature. Cold selfishness marks and makes him.

But supposing I as sincerely desired to escape--as I sincerely do

not--what, O most wise mentor, should be the manner?'

'First and at once, to treat them no longer as slaves, but as men.'

'That I am just beginning to do. What else?'

'If you are sincere, as I say, and moreover, if you possess the exalted

and generous traits which we patricians ever claim for ourselves, show

it them by giving their freedom one by one to those who are now slaves,

even though it result in the loss of one half of your fortune. That will

be a patrician act. What was begun in crime by others, cannot be

perpetuated without equal crime in us. The enfranchised will soon mingle

with the people, and, as we see every day, become one with it. This

process is going on at this moment in all my estates. Before my will is

executed, I shall hope to have disposed in this manner of every slave in

my possession.'

'One can hardly look to emulate such virtues as this new-found Christian

philosophy seems to have engendered within thy noble bosom, Piso; but

the subject must be weighed. There is nothing so agreeable in prospect

as to do right; but, like some distant stretches of land and hill, water

and wood, the beauty is all gone as it draws near. It is then absolutely

a source of pain and disgust. I will write a treatise upon the great

theme.'

'If you write, Curtius, I shall despair of any action, all your

philanthropy will evaporate in a cloud of words.'

'But that will be the way, I think, to restore my equanimity. I believe

I shall feel quite easy after a little declamation. Here, Lucius, regale

thyself upon these grapes. These are from the isles of the Grecian

Archipelago, and for sweetness are not equalled by any of our own.

Gallus, Gallus, go not so near to the edge of the pond; it is deep, as I

have warned you. I have lampreys there, Piso, bigger than any that

Hortensius ever wept for. Gallus, you dog! away, I say.'

But Gallus heeded not the command of his father. He already was

beginning to have a little will of his own. He continued playing upon

the margin of the water, throwing in sticks for his dog to bring to him

again. Perceiving his danger to be great, I went to him and forcibly

drew him away, he and his dog setting up a frightful music of screams

and yelping. Marcus was both entertained and amazed at the feat.

'Piso,' he jocosely cried out, 'there is a good deal of the old

republican in you. You even treat free men as slaves. That boy--a man in

will--never had before such restraint upon his liberty.'

'Liberty with restraint,' I answered, 'operating upon all, and equally

upon all, is the true account of a state of freedom. Gallus unrestrained

is a slave--a slave of passion and the sport of chance. He is not truly

free until he is bound.'

With such talk we amused ourselves as we wandered over the estate,

through its more wild and more cultivated parts. Dinner was presently

announced, and we hastened to the house.

Lucilia awaited us in a small six-sided cabinet, fitted up purposely for

a dining-room for six or eight persons. It was wholly cased with a rich

marble of a pale yellow hue, beautifully panelled, having three windows

opening upon a long portico with a southern aspect, set out with exotics

in fancifully arranged groups. The marble panels of the room were so

contrived that, at a touch, they slipped aside and disclosed in rich

array, here the choicest wines, there sauces and spices of a thousand

sorts, and there again the rarest confections brought from China and the

East. Apicius himself could have fancied nothing more perfect--for the

least dissatisfaction with the flavor of a dish, or the kind of wine,

could be removed by merely reaching out the hand and drawing, from an

inexhaustible treasure-house, both wines and condiments, such as scarce

Rome itself could equal. This was an apartment contrived and built by

Hortensius himself.

The dinner was worthy the room and its builder, the marbles, the

prospect, the guest, the host, and the hostess. The aforementioned

Apicius would have never once thought of the panelled cupboards. No dish

would have admitted of addition or alteration.

When the feasting was over, and with it the lighter conversation, and

more disjointed and various, which usually accompanies it, Marcus arose,

and withdrawing one of the sliding panels, with much gravity and state,

drew forth a glass pitcher of exquisite form filled with wine, saying,

as he did so,

'All, Piso, that you have as yet tasted is but as water of the Tiber to

this. This is more than nectar. The gods have never been so happy as to

have seen the like. I am their envy. It is Falernian, that once saw the

wine vaults of Heliogabalus! Not a drop of Chian has ever touched it. It

is pure, unadulterate. Taste, and be translated.'

I acknowledged, as I well might, its unequalled flavor.

'This nectarean draught,' he continued, 'I even consider to possess

purifying and exalting qualities. He who drinks it is for the time of a

higher nature. It is better for the temper than a chapter of Seneca or

Epictetus. It brings upon the soul a certain divine calm, favorable

beyond any other state to the growth of the virtues. Could it become of

universal use, mankind were soon a race of gods. Even Christianity were

then made unnecessary--admitting it to be that unrivalled moral engine

which you Christians affirm it to be. It is favorable also to

dispassionate discussion, Piso, a little of which I would now invite.

Know you not, I have scarce seen you since your assumption of your new

name and faith? What bad demon possessed you, in evil hour, to throw

Rome and your friends into such a ferment?'

'Had you become, Lucius,' said Lucilia, 'a declaiming advocate of

Epicurus, or a street-lecturer upon Plato, or turned priest of Apollo's

new temple, it would have all been quite tolerable, though amazing--but

Christian!'--

'Yes, Lucius, it is too bad,' added Marcus. 'If you were in want of

moral strength, you would have done better to have begged some of my

Falernian. You should not have been denied.'

'Or,' said Lucilia,'some of my Smyrna cordial.'

'At least,' continued Marcus, 'you might have come to me for some of my

wisdom, which I keep ready, at a moment's warning, in quantities to suit

all applicants.'

'Or to me,' said Lucilia, 'for some of my every day good-sense, which,

you know, I possess in such abundance, though I have not sat at the feet

of philosophers.'

'But seriously, Lucius,' began Marcus in altered mood, 'this is a most

extraordinary movement of yours. I should like to be able to interpret

it. If you must needs have what you call religion, of which I, for my

part, can see no earthly occasion, here were plenty of forms in which to

receive it, more ancient and more respectable than this of the

Christians.'

'I am almost unwilling to converse on this topic with you, Marcus,' I

rejoined, 'for there is nothing in your nature, or rather in your

educated nature, to which to appeal with the least hope of any

profitable result, either to me, or you. The gods have, as you say,

given you a good heart--I may add too, a most noble head; but, yourself

and education together, have made you so thoroughly a man of the world,

that the interests of any other part of your nature, save those of the

intellect and the senses, are to you precisely as if they did not

exist.'

'Right, Lucius; therein do I claim honor and distinction. The

intangible, the invisible, the vague, the shadowy, I leave to women and

priests--concerning myself only with the substantial realities of life.

Great Jupiter! what would become of mankind were we all women, and

priests? How could the courts go on--senates sit, and deliberate--armies

conquer? I think the world would stand still. However, I object not to a

popular faith, such as that which now obtains throughout, the Roman

world. If mankind, as history seems to prove, must and will have

something of the kind, this perhaps is as good as anything else; and,

seeing it has once become established and fixed in the way it has, I

think it ought no more to be disturbed than men's faith in their

political institutions. Our concern should be, merely to regulate it,

that it grow not too large, and so overlay and crush the state. Fanatics

and bigots must be hewn away. There must be an occasional infusion of

doubt and indifference into the mass, to keep it from fermenting. You

cannot be offended, Lucius, at the way in which I speak of your

new-adopted faith. I think no better of any other. Epicureans, Stoics,

Platonists, Jews, Christians, they are all alike to me. I hold them all

at arms length. I have listened to them all; and more idle, indigested

fancies never did I hear--no, not from the new-fledged advocate playing

the rhetorician at his first appearance.'

'I do not wonder, Curtius, that you have turned away dissatisfied with

the philosophers. I do not wonder that you reject the popular

superstitions. But I do wonder, that you will prejudge any question, or

infer the intrinsic incredibility of whatever may take the form of

religion, from the intrinsic incredibility of what the world has

heretofore possessed. It surely is not a philosophical method.'

'Not in other things, I grant,' replied Marcus; 'but concerning this

question of popular superstition, or religion, the only philosophical

thing is, to discard the whole subject, as one deserving severe

investigation. The follies which the populace have, in all nations, and

in all time, adopted, let them be retained, and even defended and

supported by the State. They perform a not unimportant office in

regulating the conduct, and manners of men--in preserving a certain

order in the world. But beyond this, it seems to me, the subject is

unworthy the regard of a reflecting person. One world and one life is

enough to manage at a time. If there be others, and if there be a God

who governs them, it will be time enough to know these things when they

are made plain to the senses, as these trees and hills now are, and your

well-shaped form. This peering into futurity, in the expectation to

arrive at certainty, seems to me much as if one should hope to make out

the forms of cities, palaces, and groves, by gazing into the empty air,

or on the clouds. Besides, of what use?'

'Of what use indeed?' added Lucilia. 'I want no director or monitor,

concerning any duty or act, which it falls to me to perform, other than

I find within me. I have no need of a divine messenger, to stand ever at

my side, to tell me what I must do, and what I must forbear. I have

within me instincts and impulses, which I find amply sufficient. The

care and duty of every day is very much alike, and a little experience

and observation, added to the inward instinct, makes me quite superior

to most difficulties and evils as they arise. The gods, or whatever

power gave us our nature, have not left us dependent for these things,

either on what is called religion or philosophy.'

'What you say,' I rejoined, 'is partly true. The gods have not left us

dependent exclusively, upon either religion, or philosophy. There is a

natural religion of the heart and the conscience, which is born with us,

grows up with us, and never forsakes us. But then, after all, how

defective and incomplete a principle it is. It has chiefly to do, only

with our daily conduct; it cannot answer our doubts, or satisfy our most

real wants. It differs too with the constitution of the individual. In

some, it is a principle of much greater value and efficacy, than in

others. Your instincts are clear, and powerful, and direct you aright.

But, in another, they are obscure, and weak, and leave the mind in the

greatest perplexity. It is by no means all that they want. Then, are not

the prevalent superstitions most injurious in their influences upon the

common mind? Can you doubt, whether more of good or evil, is derived to

the soul, from the ideas it entertains of the character, and providence

of the gods? Can you be insensible to the horrible enormities, and

nameless vices, which make a part, even of what is called religion? And

is there no need--if men will have religion in some form--that they

should receive it in a better one? Can you not conceive of such views of

God and his worship, of duty, virtue, and immortality being presented,

that they shall strike the mind as reasonable in themselves, and of

beneficial instead of hurtful power, upon being adopted? Can you not

imagine your own mind, and the minds of people generally, to be so

devoted to a high and sublime conception of the Divinity, and of

futurity, as to be absolutely incapable of an act, that should displease

him, or forfeit the hope of immortality?'

'Hardly,' said Marcus and Lucilia.

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