Such a young man of course became a favorite in society. His most marked

peculiarities were good sense and the faculty of seeing things as they

are without exaggeration. He was truthful, practical, straight-forward,

and conscientious, with an uncommon insight into men, and a power of

inspiring confidence. I do not read that he was brilliant in

conversation, although he had a keen relish for the charms of society,

or that he was in any sense learned or original. He had not the

qualities to shine as an orator, or a lawyer, or a literary man; neither

in any of the learned professions would he have sunk below mediocrity,

being industrious, clear-headed, sagacious, and able to avail himself

of the labors and merits of others. As his letters show, he became a

thoroughly well-informed man. In surveying, farming, stock-raising, and

military matters he read the best authorities, often sending to London

for them. He steadily fitted himself for his life as a country gentleman

of Virginia, and doubtless aspired to sit in the House of Burgesses. He

never claimed to be a genius, and was always modest and unassuming, with

all his self-respect and natural dignity.

In the middle of the eighteenth century the cultivation of tobacco, to

which the wealth and enterprise of Virginia were directed, was not as

lucrative as it had been, and among the planters, aristocratic as they

were in sentiments and habits, there were many who found it difficult to

make two ends meet, and some, however disdainful of manual labor, were

compelled to be as economical and saving as New England farmers. Their

sons found it necessary to enter the learned professions or become men

of business, since they could not all own plantations. Washington, whose

family was neither rich nor poor, prepared himself for the work of a

surveyor, for which he was admirably fitted, by his hardihood,

enterprise, and industry.

Lord Fairfax, who had become greatly interested in the youth and had

made him a frequent companion, giving him the inestimable advantage of

familiar intercourse with a thoroughbred gentleman of varied

accomplishments, in 1748 sent this sixteen-year-old lad to survey his

vast estates in the unexplored lands at the base of the Alleghany

Mountains. During this rough expedition young Washington was exposed to

the hostilities of unfriendly Indians and the fatigues and hardships of

the primeval wilderness; but his work was thoroughly and accurately

performed, and his courage, boldness, and fidelity attracted the notice

of men of influence and rank. Through the influence of his friend Lord

Fairfax he was appointed a public surveyor, and for three years he

steadfastly pursued this laborious profession.

A voyage to Barbadoes in 1751 cultivated his habits of clear

observation, and in 1752 his brother's death imposed on him the

responsibility of the estates and the daughter left to his care by his

brother Lawrence.

Young Washington had already, through the influence of his brother, been

appointed major and adjutant-general of one of the military districts of

Virginia. The depredations of the French and Indians on the border had

grown into dangerous aggression, and in 1753 Major Washington was sent

as a commissioner through the wilderness to the French headquarters in

Ohio, to remonstrate. His admirable conduct on this occasion resulted in

his appointment as lieutenant-colonel of the Virginia regiment of six

companies sent to the Ohio frontier; and in this campaign Washington

gained new laurels, surprising and defeating the French. His native and

acquired powers and his varied experience in Indian warfare now marked

him out as a suitable aide to the British General Braddock, who, early

in 1755, arrived with two regiments of English soldiers to operate

against the French and Indians. This was the beginning of the memorable

Seven Years' War.

Washington was now a young man of twenty-three, full of manly vigor and

the spirit of adventure, brave as a lion,--a natural fighter, but

prudent and far-seeing. He fortunately and almost alone escaped being

wounded in the disastrous campaign which the British general lost

through his own obstinacy and self-confidence, by taking no advice from

those used to Indian warfare. Braddock insisted upon fighting foes

concealed behind trees, as if he were in the open field. After the

English general's inglorious defeat and death, Washington continued in

active service as commander of the Virginia forces for two years, until

toil, exposure, and hardship produced an illness which compelled him to

withdraw for several months from active service. When at the close of

the war he returned to private life, Colonel Washington had won a name

as the most efficient commander in the whole conflict, displaying

marvellous resources in the constant perils to which he was exposed.

Among his exploits was the capture of Port Duquesne, now Pittsburgh, in

1758, which terminated the French domination of the Ohio, and opened up

Western Pennsylvania to enterprising immigrants. For his rare services

this young man of twenty-six received the thanks of the House of

Burgesses, of which he had been elected a member at the close of the

war. When he entered that body to take his place, the welcome extended

to him was so overwhelming that he stood silent and abashed. But the

venerable Speaker of the House exclaimed, "Sit down, Mr. Washington;

your modesty equals your valor, and that surpasses the power of any

language I possess."

Meanwhile, Mount Vernon, a domain which extended ten miles along the

Potomac River, fell into Washington's possession by the death of his

brother Lawrence's daughter, which made him one of the richest planters

in Virginia. And his fortunes were still further advanced by his

marriage in 1759 with the richest woman in the region, Martha, the widow

of Daniel Parke Custis. This lady esteemed his character as much as

Kadijah revered Mohammed, to say nothing of her admiration for his manly

beauty and military renown. His style of life as the lord of Mount

Vernon was almost baronial. He had a chariot and four, with black

postilions in livery, for the use of his wife, while he himself always

appeared on horseback, the finest rider in Virginia. His house was

filled with aristocratic visitors. He had his stud of the highest breed,

his fox hounds, and all the luxuries of a prosperous country gentleman.

His kitchens, his smoke-houses, his stables, his stewards, his

tobacco-sheds, his fields of wheat and corn, his hundred cows, his vast

poultry-yards, his barges, all indicated great wealth, and that generous

hospitality which is now a tradition. His time was passed in overseeing

his large estate, and in out-of-door sports, following the hounds or

fishing, exchanging visits with prominent Virginia families, amusing

himself with card-playing, dancing, and the social frivolities of the

day. But he neglected no serious affairs; his farm, his stock, the sale

of his produce, were all admirably conducted and on a plane of widely

recognized honor and integrity. He took great interest in the State at

large, explored on foot the Dismal Swamp and projected its draining,

made several expeditions up the Potomac and over the mountains, laying

out routes for new roads to the Ohio country, gained much influence in

the House of Burgesses, and was among the foremost in discussing

privately and publicly the relations of the Colonies with the

Mother Country.

Thus nine years were passed, in luxury, in friendship, and in the

pleasures of a happy, useful life. What a contrast this life was to

that of Samuel Adams in Boston at the same time,--a man too poor to keep

a single servant, or to appear in a decent suit of clothes, yet all the

while the leader of the Massachusetts bar and legislature and the most

brilliant orator in the land!

When the Stamp Act was passed by the infatuated Parliament of Great

Britain, Washington was probably the richest man in the country, but as

patriotic as Patrick Henry. He deprecated a resort to arms, and desired

a reconciliation with England, but was ready to abandon his luxurious

life, and buckle on his sword in defence of American liberties. As a

member of the first general Congress, although no orator, his voice was

heard in favor of freedom at any loss or hazard. He was chairman of the

Committee on Military Affairs, and did much to organize the defensive

operations set on foot. When the battle of Lexington was fought, and it

became clear that only the sword could settle the difficulties,

Washington, at the nomination of John Adams in the Second Congress, was

unanimously chosen commander-in-chief of the American armies. With frank

acknowledgment of a doubt whether his abilities and experience were

equal to the great trust, and yet without reluctance, he accepted the

high and responsible command, pledging the exertion of all his powers,

under Providence, to lead the country through its trials and

difficulties. He declined all pay for his services, asking only that

Congress would discharge his expenses, of which he would "keep an exact

account." And this he did, to the penny.

Doubtless, no man in the Colonies was better fitted for this exalted

post. His wealth, his military experience, his social position, his

political influence, and his stainless character, exciting veneration

without envy, marked out Washington as the leader of the American

forces. On the whole, he was the foremost man in all the land for the

work to be done. In his youth he had been dashing, adventurous, and

courageous almost to rashness; but when the vast responsibilities of

general-in-chief in a life-and-death struggle weighed upon his mind his

character seemed to be modified, and he became cautious, reticent,

prudent, distant, and exceedingly dignified. He allowed no familiarity

from the most beloved of his friends and the most faithful of his

generals. He stood out apart from men, cold and reserved in manner,

though capable of the warmest affections. He seemed conscious of his

mission and its obligations, resolved to act from the severest sense of

duty, fearless of praise or blame, though not indifferent to either. He

had no jealousy of his subordinates. He selected, so far as he was

allowed by Congress, the best men for their particular duties, and with

almost unerring instinct. So far as he had confidants, they were

Greene, the ablest of his generals, and Hamilton, the wisest of his

counsellors,--ostensibly his aide-de-camp, but in reality his private

secretary, the officer to whom all great men in high position are

obliged to confide their political secrets.

Washington was "the embodiment of both virtue and power" in the eyes of

his countrymen, who gave him their confidence, and never took it back in

the darkest days of their calamities. On the whole, in spite of calumny

and envy, no benefactor was ever more fully trusted,--supremely

fortunate even amid gloom and public duties. This confidence he strove

to merit, as his highest reward.

Such was Washington when, at the age of forty-three, he arrived at

Cambridge in Massachusetts, to take command of the American army, a few

days after the battle of Bunker Hill, on the 17th June, 1775.

Although the English had been final victors at Bunker Hill, the American

militia, behind their intrenchments, under Prescott, had repulsed twice

their number of the best soldiers of Europe, and retired at last only

for want of ammunition. Washington was far from being discouraged by the

defeat. His question and comment show his feeling: "Did the militia

fight? Then the liberties of the country are safe." It was his first aim

to expel the enemy from Boston, where they were practically surrounded

by the hastily collected militia of New England, full of enthusiasm and

confidence in the triumph of their cause. But these forces had been

injudiciously placed; they were not properly intrenched; they were

imperfectly supplied with arms, ammunition, military stores, uniforms,

and everything necessary for an army. There was no commissary

department, nor was any department provided with adequate resources. The

soldiers were inexperienced, raw sons of farmers and mechanics, led by

officers who knew but little of scientific warfare, and numbered less

than fifteen thousand effective men. They were undisciplined and full of

sectional jealousies, electing, for the most part, their own officers,

who were too dependent upon their favor to enforce discipline.

Washington's first task, therefore, was to bring order out of confusion;

to change the disposition of the forces; to have their positions

adequately fortified; to effect military discipline, and subordination

of men to their officers; to cultivate a large and general patriotism,

which should override all distinctions between the Colonies. This work

went on rapidly; but the lack of supplies became distressing. At the

close of July the men had but nine rounds of ammunition each, and more

was nowhere to be procured. It was necessary to send messengers into

almost every town to beg for powder, and there were few mills in the

country to manufacture it.

As the winter approached a new trouble appeared. The brief enlistment

terms of many of the men were expiring, and, wearied and discouraged,

without proper food or clothing, these men withdrew from the army, and

the regiments rapidly decreased in numbers. Recruiting and re-enlisting

in the face of such conditions became almost impossible; yet

Washington's steady persistence, his letters to Congress, his masterly

hold on the siege of the British in Boston, his appeals for men and

ammunition, were actually successful. His army was kept up by new and

renewed material. Privateers, sent out by him upon the sea, secured

valuable supplies. Henry Knox, a Boston bookseller, whom he had made

colonel of artillery and despatched to New York and Ticonderoga,

returned to the camps with heavy cannon and ammunition.

The right wing of the American army was stationed at Roxbury, under

General Artemas Ward, and the left wing, under Major-General Charles Lee

and Brigadier-Generals Greene and Sullivan, at Prospect Hill. The

headquarters of Washington were in the centre, at Cambridge, with

Generals Putnam and Heath. Lee was not allied with the great Virginia

family of that name. He was an Englishman by birth, somewhat of a

military adventurer. Conceited, vain, and disobedient, he afterwards

came near wrecking the cause which he had ambitiously embraced. Ward was

a native of Massachusetts, a worthy man, but not distinguished for

military capacity. Putnam was a gallant hero, taken from the plough, but

more fitted to head small expeditions than for patient labor in siege

operations, or for commanding a great body of troops.

Meanwhile the British troops, some fifteen thousand veterans, had

remained inactive in Boston, under Sir William Howe, who had succeeded

Gage, unwilling or unable to disperse the militia who surrounded them,

or to prevent the fortification of point after point about the city by

the Americans. It became difficult to get provisions. The land side was

cut off by the American forces, and the supply-ships from the sea were

often wrecked or captured by Washington's privateers. At length the

British began to think of evacuating Boston and going to a more

important point, since they had ships and the control of the harbor. No

progress had been made thus far in the conquest of New England, for it

was thought unwise to penetrate into the interior with the forces at

command, against the army of Washington with a devoted population to

furnish him provisions. Howe could undoubtedly have held the New England

capital, but it was not a great strategic point. What was it to occupy

a city at the extreme end of the continent, when the British government

expected to hear that the whole country was overrun? At last Washington

felt strong enough to use his eight months' preparations for a sudden

blow. He seized the heights commanding the city and his intention became

evident. The active movements of the Americans towards an attack

precipitated Howe's half-formed plan for evacuating the city, and in a

single day he and his army sailed away, on March 17, 1776.

Washington made no effort to prevent the embarkation of the British

troops, since it freed New England, not again to be the theatre of

military operations during the war. It was something to deliver the most

populous part of the country from English domination and drive a

superior army out of Massachusetts. The wonder is that the disciplined

troops under the British generals, with guns and ammunition and ships,

should not have dispersed in a few weeks the foes they affected to

despise. But Washington had fought the long battle of patience and

sagacity until he was ready to strike. Then by one bold, sudden move he

held the enemy at his mercy. Howe was out-generalled, and the American

remained master of the field. Washington had accomplished his errand in

New England. He received the thanks of the Congress, and with his

little army proceeded to New York, where matters urgently demanded

attention.

To my mind the most encouraging part of the Revolutionary struggle,

until the surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga, was that period of eight

months when the British were cooped up in Boston, surrounded by the

Americans, who had plenty of provisions even if they were deficient in

military stores; when the Yankees were stimulated to enthusiasm by every

influence which could be brought to bear upon them by their families, at

no great distance from the seat of war, and when no great calamity had

as yet overtaken them.

But here everything like success for two years disappeared, and a gloomy

cloud hung over the land, portentous of disasters and dismay. Evils

thickened, entirely unexpected, which brought out what was greatest in

the character and genius of Washington; for he now was the mainstay of

hope. The first patriotic gush of enthusiasm had passed away. War, under

the most favorable circumstances, is no play; but under great

difficulties, has a dismal and rugged look before which delusions

rapidly disappear. England was preparing new and much larger forces. She

was vexed, but not discouraged, having unlimited resources for

war,--money, credit, and military experience. She proceeded to hire the

services of seventeen thousand Hessian and other German troops. All

Europe looked upon the contest as hopeless on the part of a scattered

population, without credit, or money, or military stores, or a settled

army, or experienced generals, or a central power. Washington saw on

every hand dissensions, jealousies, abortive attempts to raise men, a

Congress without power and without prestige, State legislatures

inefficient and timid, desertions without number and without redress,

men returning to their farms either disgusted or feeling that there was

no longer a pressing need of their services.

There were, moreover, jealousies among his generals, and suppressed

hostility to him, as an aristocrat, a slaveholder, and an Episcopalian.

As soon as Boston was evacuated General Howe sailed for Halifax, to meet

his brother, Admiral Howe, with reinforcements for New York. Washington

divined his purpose and made all haste. When he reached New York, on the

13th of April, he found even greater difficulties to contend with than

had annoyed him in Boston: raw troops, undisciplined and undrilled, a

hostile Tory population, conspiracies to take his life, sectional

jealousies,--and always a divided Congress, and the want of experienced

generals. There was nothing of that inspiring enthusiasm which animated

the New England farmers after the battle of Bunker Hill.

Washington held New York, and the British fleet were masters of the Bay.

He might have withdrawn his forces in safety, but so important a place

could not be abandoned without a struggle. Therefore, although he had

but eight thousand effective men, he fortified as well as he could the

heights on Manhattan Island, to the north, and on Long Island, to the

south and east, and held his place.

Meantime Washington was laboring to strengthen his army, to suppress the

mischievous powers of the Tories, to procure the establishment by

Congress of a War Office and some permanent army organization, to quiet

jealousies among his troops, and to provide for their wants. In June,

Sir William Howe arrived in New York harbor and landed forces on Staten

Island, his brother the admiral being not far behind. News of disaster

from a bold but futile expedition to Canada in the North, and of the

coming from the South of Sir Henry Clinton, beaten off from Charleston,

made the clouds thicken, when on July 2 the Congress resolved that

"these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and

independent States," and on July 4 adopted the formal Declaration of

Independence,--an immense relief to the heart and mind of Washington,

and one which he joyfully proclaimed to his army.

Even then, however, and although his forces had been reinforced to

fifteen thousand serviceable troops and five thousand of raw militia,

there was reason to fear that the British, with their thirty-five

thousand men and strong naval force, would surround and capture the

whole American array. At last they did outflank the American forces on

Long Island, and, pouring in upon them a vastly superior force, defeated

them with great slaughter.

While the British waited at night for their ships to come up, Washington

with admirable quickness seized the single chance of escape, and under

cover of a fog withdrew his nine thousand men from Long Island and

landed them in New York once more.

This retreat of Washington, when he was to all appearances in the power

of the English generals, was masterly. In two short weeks thereafter the

British had sent ships and troops up both the Hudson and East rivers,

and New York was no longer tenable to Washington. He made his way up the

Harlem River, where he was joined by Putnam, who also had contrived to

escape with four thousand men, and strongly intrenched himself at

King's Bridge.

Washington waited a few days at Harlem Plains planning a descent on Long

Island, and resolved on making a desperate stand. Meanwhile Howe, in his

ships, passed the forts on the Hudson and landed at Throg's Neck, on

the Sound, with a view of attacking the American intrenchments in the

rear and cutting them off from New England. A brief delay on Howe's part

enabled Washington to withdraw to a still stronger position on the

hills; whereupon Howe retired to Dobbs' Ferry, unable to entrap with his

larger forces the wary Washington, but having now the complete command

of the lower Hudson,

There were, however, two strong fortresses on the Hudson which Congress

was anxious to retain at any cost, a few miles above New York,--Fort

Washington, on Manhattan Island, and Fort Lee, on the New Jersey side of

the river. These forts Howe resolved to capture. The commander-in-chief

was in favor of evacuating them, but Greene, who commanded at Fort

Washington, thought he was strong enough to defend it. He made a noble

defence, but was overwhelmed by vastly superior forces and was compelled

to surrender it, with more than two thousand men. And, as Lord

Cornwallis with six thousand men then crossed the Hudson, Washington

rapidly retreated into New Jersey with a dispirited army, that included

the little garrison of Fort Lee which had escaped in safety; and even

this small army was fast becoming smaller, from expiring enlistments and

other causes. General Lee, with a considerable division at North Castle,

N.J., was ordered to rejoin his commander, but, apparently from

ambition for independent command, disobeyed the order. From that moment

Washington distrusted Lee, who henceforth was his _bête noir_, who

foiled his plans and was jealous of his ascendency. Lee's obstinacy was

punished by his being overtaken and captured by the enemy.

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