[277] Du Puy, pp. 18-19, 86.--Stemler, Contingent zur Geschichte der

Templer, Leipzig, 1783, pp. 36-50.--Pissot, Procès et Condamnation des

Templiers, Paris, 1805, pp. 39-43.

Clement V., in his letters of November 21 to Edward of England, and

November 22 to Robert, Duke of Calabria, describes Philippe as having

acted under the orders of the Inquisition, and as presenting the

prisoners for judgment to the Church (Rymer III. 30; MSS. Chioccarello,

T. VIII.). The Holy Office was recognized at the time as being the

responsible instrumentality of the whole affair Chron. Fran. Pipini c.

49 _op_. Muratori S. R. I. IX. 749-50). The bull _Faciens misericordiam_

of August 12, 1308, gives the inquisitors throughout Europe instructions

to participate in the subsequent proceedings (Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 136).

In fact, the whole matter was strictly inquisitorial business, and it is

a noteworthy fact that where the Inquisition was in good working order,

as in France and Italy, there was no difficulty in obtaining the

requisite evidence. In Castile and Germany it failed; in England, as we

shall see, nothing could be done until the Inquisition was practically

established temporarily for the purpose.

[278] Dom Bouquet, XXI. 448.--Vaissette, IV. 139.--Chron. Anon.

(Bouquet, XXI. 137, 149).--Cont. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1307.--Joann. de

S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 649).--Procès des Templiers, I. 458; II. 373.

[279] Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 649-50).--Contin. Guill.

Nangiac. ann. 1307.--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 137).--Schottmüller,

op. cit. I. 131-33.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. V. c. 73.--Procès

des Templiers, II. 6, 375, 386, 394.--Du Puy, pp. 25-6, 88-91,

101-6.--Raynouard, pp. 39-40, 164, 235-8, 240-5.--Procès des Templiers,

I. 36, 69, 203, 301; II. 305-6.--Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIV.

(Muratori S. R. I. XI. 1230).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann.

1307.--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 149).

[280] Pissot, pp. 41-2.--Procès des Templiers, I. 89 sqq.--Mag. Bull.

Roman. IX. 129 sqq.--Raynouard, p. 50.--Grandes Chroniques V.

188-90.--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 137).--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1306.

[281] Wilcke, II. 424.--Procès des Templiers, II. 218.--The flimsiness

of the evidence which suffices to satisfy archaeologists of this kind is

seen in the laborious trifling of M. Mignard, who finds in a sculptured

stone coffer, discovered at Essarois in 1789, all the secrets of gnostic

Manichæism, and who thereupon leaps to the conclusion that the coffer

must have belonged to the Templars who had a preceptory within eight or

ten miles of the place, and that it served as a receptacle for the

Baphometic idol (Mignard, Monographie du coffret de M. le duc de Blacas,

Paris, 1852.--Suite, 1853).

It is impossible to listen without respect to Professor Hans Prutz,

whose labors in the archives of Valetta I have freely quoted above, and

one can only view with regret the efforts of such a man wasted in

piecing together contradictory statements of tortured witnesses to

evolve out of them a dualistic heresy--an amalgamation of Catharan

elements with Luciferan beliefs, to which even the unlucky Stedingers

contribute corroboration (Geheimlehre u. Geheimstatuten des

Tempelherren-Ordens, Berlin, 1879, pp. 62, 86, 100). It ought to be

sufficient to prevent such wasted labor for the future, to call

attention to the fact that if there had been ardor and conviction enough

in the Order to risk the organization and propagation of a new heresy,

there would, unquestionably, have been at least a few martyrs, such as

all other heretical sects furnished. Yet not a single Templar avowed the

faith attributed to them and persisted in it. All who confessed under

the stress of the prosecution eagerly abjured the errors attributed to

them and asked for absolution. A single case of obstinacy would have

been worth to Philippe and Clement all the other testimony, and would

have been made the pivotal point of the trials, but there was not one

such. All the Templars who were burned were martyrs of another sort--men

who had confessed under torture, had retracted their confessions, and

who preferred the stake to the disgrace of persisting in the admission

extorted from them. It does not seem to occur to the ingenious framers

of heretical beliefs for the Templars that they must construct a heresy

whose believers will not suffer death in its defence, but will endure to

be burned in scores rather than submit to the stigma of having it

ascribed to them. The mere statement of the case is enough to show the

fabulous character of all the theories so laboriously constructed,

especially that of M. Mignard, who proves that the Templars were

Cathari--heretics whose aspiration for martyrdom was peculiarly

notorious.

I have not been able to consult Loiseleur's "La Doctrine Secrète des

Templiers" (Orleans, 1872), but from Prutz's references to it I gather

that it is grounded on the same false basis and is open to the same easy

refutation. Wilcke's speculations are too perversely crude to be worth

attention.

[282] Writers unfamiliar with the judicial processes of the period are

misled by the customary formula, to the effect that the confirmation of

a confession is not obtained by force or fear of torture. See Raynald.

ann. 1307, No. 12, and Bini, Dei Tempieri in Toscana, p. 428. Wilcke

asserts positively (op. cit. II. 318) that de Molay never was tortured,

which may possibly be true (Amalr. Auger. Vit. Clem. V. _ap._ Muratori

III. ii. 461), but he saw his comrades around him subjected to torture,

and it was a mere question of strength of nerve whether he yielded

before or after the rack. Prutz even says that in England neither

torture nor terrorism was employed (Geheimlehre, p. 104), which we will

see below was not the case. Van Os (De Abol. Ord. Templ. pp. 107, 109)

is bolder, and argues that a confession confirmed after torture is as

convincing as if no torture had been used. He carefully suppresses the

fact, however, that retraction was held to be relapse and entailed death

by burning.

How the system worked is illustrated by the examination of the Preceptor

of Cyprus, Raimbaud de Caron, before the inquisitor Guillaume, Nov. 10,

1307. When first interrogated he would only admit that he had been told

in the presence of his uncle, the Bishop of Carpentras, that he would

have to renounce Christ to obtain admission. He was then removed and

subsequently brought back, when he remembered that at his reception he

had been forced to renounce Christ and spit on the cross, and had been

taught that the gratification of unnatural lust was permissible. Yet

this confession, so evidently the result of torture, winds up with the

customary formula that he swore it was not the result of force or fear

of prison or torture.--Procès. II. 374-5.

[283] Procès, II. 188, 407.

[284] Ibid. II. 451.

[285] Procès, I. 241, 412, 415, 602, 611; II. 7, 295, 298, 354, 359,

382, 394.--Règle, §7, p. 211.

[286] Procès, I. 213, 332; II. 388, 404.--Raynouard, p. 281.--In this

and the following notes I can only give a few references as examples. To

do so exhaustively would be to make an analytical index of the whole

voluminous mass of testimony.

[287] Procès, I. 206, 242, 302, 378, 386, etc.; II. 5, 27, etc.

[288] Procès, I. 254, 417; II. 24, 62, 72, 104.--Bini, Dei Tempieri in

Toscana, pp. 463, 470, 478.

[289] Procès, II. 42, 44, 59.

[290] Procès, I. 206-7, 294, 411, 426, 464, 533; II. 31, 128, 242, 366.

[291] Procès, I. 190, 207, 399, 502, 597; II. 193, 203, 212, 279, 300,

313, 315, 363, 364.--Du Puy, pp. 105-6.--Raynouard, pp. 246-8, 279-83,

293.--Bini, pp. 465, 474, 482, 487, 488.--Wilkins, Concilia, II.

358.--Schottmüller, op. cit. II. 29, 50, 68, 70, 127, 410,

411.--Vaissette, IV. 141.--Stemler, pp. 124-5.

It is in this multiform creature of the imagination that Dr. Wilcke (II.

131-2) sees alternately an image of John the Baptist and the triune

Makroposopus of the Cabala.

Among the few outside witnesses who appeared before the papal commission

in 1310-11, was Antonio Sicci of Vercelli, imperial and apostolic

notary, who forty years before had served the Templars in Syria in that

capacity, and had recently been employed in the case by the Inquisition

of Paris. Among his Eastern experiences he gravely related a story

current in Sidon that a lord of that city once loved desperately but

fruitlessly a noble maiden of Armenia; she died, and, like Periander of

Corinth, on the night of her burial he opened her tomb and gratified his

passion. A mysterious voice said, "Return in nine months and you will

find a head, your son!" In due time he came back and found a human head

in the tomb, when the voice said, "Guard this head, for all your

good-fortune will come from it!" At the time the witness heard this,

Matthieu le Sauvage of Picardy was Preceptor of Sidon, who had

established brotherhood with the Soldan of Babylon by each drinking the

other's blood. Then a certain Julian, who had succeeded to Sidon and to

the possession of the head, entered the Order and gave to it the town

and all his wealth. He was subsequently expelled and entered the

Hospitallers, whom he finally abandoned for the Premonstratensians

(Procès, I. 645-6). This somewhat irrelevant and disconnected story so

impressed the commissioners that they made Antonio reduce it to writing

himself, and lost no subsequent opportunity of inquiring about the head

of Sidon from all other witnesses who had been in Syria. Shortly

afterwards Jean Senandi, who had lived in Sidon for five years, informed

them that the Templars purchased the city, and that Julian, who had been

one of its lords, entered the Order but apostatized and died in poverty.

One of his ancestors was said to have loved a maiden and abused her

corpse, but he had heard nothing of the head (Ib. II. 140). Pierre de

Nobiliac had been for many years beyond seas, but had likewise never

heard of it (Ib. 215). At length their curiosity was gratified by Hugues

de Faure, who confirmed the fact that Sidon had been purchased by the

Grand Master, Thomas Berard (1257-1273), and added that after the fall

of Acre he had heard in Cyprus that the heiress of Maraclea, in Tripoli,

had been loved by a noble who had exhumed her body and violated it, and

cut off her head, a voice telling him to guard it well, for it would

destroy all who looked upon it. He wrapped it up and kept it in a

coffer, and in Cyprus, when he wished to destroy a town of the Greeks,

he would uncover it and accomplish his purpose. Desiring to destroy

Constantinople he sailed thither with it, but his old nurse, curious to

know what was in the coffer so carefully preserved, opened it, when a

sudden storm burst over the ship and sank it with all on board, except a

few sailors who escaped to tell the tale. Since then no fish have been

found in that part of the sea (Ib. 223-4). Guillaume Avril had been

seven years beyond seas without hearing of the head, but had been told

that in the whirlpool of Setalias a head sometimes appeared, and then

all the vessels there were lost (Ib. 238). All this rubbish was sent to

the Council of Vienne as part of the evidence against the Order.

[292] Procès, I. 233, 242, 250, 414, 423, 429, 533, 536, 546, etc.

[293] Procès, I. 233; II. 219, 232, 237, 264.--Raynouard, 274-5,

279-80.--Bini, pp. 463, 497.

At the feast of the Holy Cross in May and September, and on Good Friday,

the Templars all assembled, and, laying aside shoes and head-gear and

swords, adored the cross, with the hymn--

Ador te Crist et benesesc te Crist

Qui per la sancta tua crou nos resemist.--

(Procès, II. 474, 491, 503.)

[294] Procès, I. 233, 250, 536, 539, 541, 546, 606; II. 226, 232, 336,

360, 369.--Ravnouard, p. 275.

[295] Procès, I. 530, 533, 536, 539, 544, 549, 565, 572, 622; II. 24,

27, 29, 31, 120, 280, 362, 546, 579.--Schottmüller, II. 413.

[296] Procès, I. 386, 536, 539, 565, 572, 592.

[297] Procès. I. 413, 434, 444, 469, 504, 559, 562; II. 75, 99, 113,

123, 205.--Raynouard, p. 280.--Schottmüller, op. cit. II. 132, 410.

[298] Procès, I. 407, 418, 435, 462, 572, 588; II. 27, 38, 67, 174, 185,

214.

[299] Procès, I. 404; II. 260, 281, 284, 295, 299, 338, 354, 356, 363,

389, 390, 395, 407.--Bini, pp. 468, 488.

It is not easy to appreciate the reasoning of Michelet (Procès, II.

vii.-viii.), who argues that the uniformity of denial in a series of

depositions taken by the Bishop of Elne suggests concert of statement

agreed upon in advance, while the variations in those who admitted guilt

are an evidence of their veracity. If the Templars were innocent,

denials of the charges read to them seriatim would be necessarily

identical; if they were guilty, the confessions would be likewise

uniform. Thus the identity of the one group and the diversity of the

other both concur to disprove the accusations.

[300] Incontrovertible evidence that the Templar priests did not

mutilate the words of consecration in the mass is furnished in the

Cypriote proceedings by ecclesiastics who had long dwelt with them in

the East.--Processus Cypricus (Schottmüller, II. 379, 382, 383).

[301] Procès, I. 230-1, 264-74, 296-307, 331-67, 477-93, 602-19, 621-41;

II. 1-3, 56-85, 91-114, 122-52, 154-77, 184-91, 234-56, 263-7.

[302] Procès, I. 298, 305, 319, 336, 372, 401, 405, 427, 436, etc.

It is not easy to understand the prescription of Friday fasting as a

penance for a Templar, for the ascetic rules of the Order already

required the most rigid fasting. Meat was only allowed three days in the

week, and a second Lent was kept from the Sunday before Martinmas until

Christmas (Règle, §§ 15, 57).

[303] This would seem not unlikely if we are to believe the confession

of Jean d'Aumônes, a serving brother who stated that at his reception

his preceptor turned all the other brethren out of the chapel, and after

some difficulty forced him to spit at the cross, after which he said

"Go, fool, and confess." This Jean at once did, to a Franciscan who

imposed on him only the penance of three Friday fasts, saying that it

was intended as a test of constancy in case of capture by the Saracens

(Procès, I. 588-91).

Another serving brother, Pierre de Cherrut, related that after he had

been forced to renounce God his preceptor smiled disdainfully at him, as

though despising him (Ib. I. 531).

Equally suggestive is the story, told by the serving brother Eudes de

Bures, a youth of twenty at the time, that after his reception he was

taken into another room by two of the brethren and forced to renounce

Christ. On his refusing at first, one of them said that in his country

people renounced God a hundred times for a flea--perhaps an

exaggeration, but "Je renye Dieu" was one of the commonest of

expletives. When the preceptor heard him weeping he called to the

tormentors to let him alone, as they would set him crazy, and he

subsequently told Eudes that it was a joke (Ib. II. 100-2).

What is the real import of such incidents may be gathered from a story

related by a witness during the inquest held in Cyprus, May, 1310. He

had heard from a Genoese named Matteo Zaccaria, who had long been a

prisoner in Cairo, that when the news of the proceedings against the

Order reached the Soldan of Egypt he drew from his prisons about forty

Templars captured ten years before on the island of Tortosa, and offered

them wealth if they would renounce their religion. Surprised and angered

by their refusal, he remanded them to their dungeons and ordered them to

be deprived of food and drink, when they perished to a man rather than

apostatize.--Schottmüller, op. cit. II. 160.

[304] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. II. p. 95.--Du Puy, pp. 117-18, 124,

134.--Schottmüller, I. 94.--Rymer, Foed. III. 30.--MSS. Chioccarello T.

VIII.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 126, 131.--Zurita, Lib. v. c. 73.

Apparently there was a general expectation that the Hospitallers would

share the fate of the Templars, and a disposition was manifested at once

to pillage them, for Clement felt obliged, December 21, 1307, to issue a

bull confirming all their privileges and immunities, and to send

throughout Europe letters ordering them to be protected from all

encroachments (Regest. Clem. PP. V. T. III. pp. 14, 17-18, 20-1, 273; T.

IV. p. 418).

[305] Du Puy, pp. 12-13, 84-5, 89, 109, 111-12, 134.--D'Achery Spicileg.

II. 199.--Raynouard, p. 238, 306.

Jean de S. Victor gives the date of the declaration of the University as

the Saturday after Ascension (May 25, _ap_. Bouquet, XXI. 651), but Du

Puy describes the document as sealed with fourteen seals, and dated on

Lady Day (March 25).

[306] Archives Administratives de Reims, T. II. pp. 65, 66.--Chassaing

Spicilegium Brivatense, pp. 274-5.--Du Puy, pp. 38-9, 85, 113,

116.--Contin. Nangiac. ann. 1308.--Joann. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI.

650).--Raynouard, p. 42.

[307] Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. xxiv. (Muratori S. R. I. XI.

1229-30).--Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 650).--Raynouard, pp.

44-5, 245-52.--Du Puy, pp. 13-14.--Schottmüller, op. cit. II. 13

sqq.--Bull. _Faciens misericordiam_, 12 Aug. 1308 (Rymer, II. 101.--Mag.

Bull. Rom. IX. 136).

[308] Du Puy, pp. 15-17, 20, 39, 86, 107-8, 118-19, 121-22,

125.--Contin. Nangiac. ann. 1308.--Raynouard, pp. 46, 49.--Joann. de S.

Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 651).--D'Achery Spicileg. II. 200.

Guillaume de Plaisian, who had been Philippe's chief instrument in these

transactions, received special marks of Clement's favor by briefs dated

August 5 (Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 216, 227).

[309] Bull. _Faciens misericordiam_.--Raynald. ann. 1309, No. 3.--Du

Puy, pp. 64-5, 86-88, 127, 207-9.--Procès des Templiers I.

50-2.--Raynouard, p. 47.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 433-4.

Clement appointed six curators in France to look after the property for

the Holy See. By letters of January 5, 1309, he gave them an allowance

from the Templar property of forty sous _parisis_ of good money each for

every night which they might have to spend away from home, at the same

time cautioning them that they must not fraudulently leave their houses

without necessity (Regest. T. IV. p. 439). A brief of January 28, 1310,

transferring from the Bishop of Vaison to the canon, Gérard de Bussy,

the custody of certain Templar houses, shows that Clement succeeded in

obtaining possession of a portion (Ib. T. V. p. 56).

[310] Du Puy, pp. 33-4, 133.--Bull. _Faciens misericordiam_.--Procès, I.

34-5.

[311] Rymer, III. 101.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 134, 136.--Harduin. VII.

1283, 1289, 1321, 1353.--Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten,

Halle, 1886, pp. 71-2.--Raynald. ann. 1308, No. 8.--Contin. Guill.

Nangiac. ann. 1308.--Raynouard, p. 50.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III.

pp. 281 sqq., pp. 363 sqq., 386 sqq.; T. IV. pp. 3, 276 sqq., 479-82.

The Master of England and the Master of Germany were reserved for papal

judgment. The bull _Faciens misericordiam_, addressed to Germany,

contained no command to assemble provincial councils (Harduin. VII.

1353).

In spite of all that had occurred, this bull seems to have taken the

public by surprise outside of France. Walter of Hemingford calls it

"_bullam horribilem contra Templarios_" (Chron. Ed. 1849, II. 279).

[312] Du Puy, pp. 110, 125.--Raynouard, p. 130.--Regest. Clement. PP. V.

T. IV. pp. 453-55, 457-8.--Procès, I. 71-2, 128, 132, 135, 463, 511,

540, etc.

[313] Raynouard, pp. 52-3.--Procès, I. 40, 75, 230, 506-9, 511-14,

520-1, 527-8; II. 13, 18.

[314] Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI. 654).--Procès, I. 1-31.

[315] Procès, I. 28, 29, 41-5, 88.

[316] Procès, I. 47-53.

[317] Procès, I. 103-51.--It must be borne in mind that the allowance

was in the fearfully debased currency of Philippe le Bel. According to a

document of 1318 the livre Tournois still was to the sterling pound as 1

to 4-1/2 (Olim, III. 1279).

Other Templars subsequently offered to defend the Order, making five

hundred and seventy-three up to May 2.

[318] Procès, I. 165-72.

[319] Procès, I. 173, 201-4, 259-64.

[320] Fisquet, La France Pontificale, Sens, p. 68.--Procès, I. 274-5,

281.--Contin. Chron. G. de Fracheto (Bouquet, XXI. 33).--Chron. Anon.

(Bouquet, XXI. 140).--Amalr. Auger. Hist. Pontif. (Eccard II.

1810).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron.

(Bouquet, XXI. 719).--Joann. de S. Victor (Bouquet, XXI.

654-55).--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1310.--Grandes Chroniques, V.

187.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1310 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V.

158).--Bessin, Concil. Rotomagens. p. iii.--Raynouard, pp. 118-20.

It was not all bishops who were ready to accept the inquisitorial

doctrine that revocation of confession was equivalent to relapse. The

question was discussed in the Council of Narbonne and decided in the

negative.--Raynouard, p. 106.

The number of those who refused to confess was not insignificant. Some

papers respecting the expenses of detention of Templars at Senlis

describe sixty-five as not reconciled, who therefore cannot have

confessed.--Ib. p. 107.

[321] Procès, I. 275-83.

[322] Harduin. VII. 1334.--Procès, I. 286-7; II. 3-4,

269-73.--Raynouard, pp. 254-6.--A notarial attestation describes the

voluminous record as consisting of 219 folios with forty lines to the

page, equivalent to 17,520 lines.

How close a watch was kept on the witnesses is seen in the case of

three, Martin de Mont Richard, Jean Durand, and Jean de Ruans, who, on

March 22, asserted that they knew of no evil in the Order. Two days

later they are brought back to say that they had lied through folly.

When before their bishops they had confessed to renouncing and spitting,

and it was true. What persuasions were applied to them during the

interval no one can tell.--Procès, II. 88-96, 107-9.

[323] Rymer, Foedera, III. 18, 34-7, 43-6.

[324] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 316, 477.--Rymer, Foed. III.

168-9, 173, 179-80, 182, 195, 203-4, 244.

The pay assigned to the inquisitors was three florins each _per diem_,

to be assessed on the Templar property (Regest. ubi sup.).

[325] Wilkins, Concil. Mag. Brit. II. 329-92.--Rymer, III. 195, 202-3,

224-5, 227-32, 260, 274.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. pp. 455-7.

[326] Wilkins, II. 314, 373-83, 394-400.--Rymer, III. 295, 327, 334,

349, 472-3.--Procès des Templiers, II. 130.--D'Argentré I. I. 280.

That the allowance for the Templars was liberal is shown by that made

for the Bishop of Glasgow when confined, in 1312, in the Castle of

Porchester. His _per diem_ was 6_d._, that for his valet 3_d._, for his

chaplain five farthings, and the same for his servant (Rymer, III. 363).

The wages of the janitor of the Temple in London was 2_d._, by a charter

of Edward II. in 1314 (Wilcke, II. 498).

[327] Procès, II. 267.--Calmet, Hist. Gén. de Lorraine, II. 436.

[328] Gassari Annal. Augstburgens. ann. 1312 (Menken. Scriptt, I.

1473).--Torquati Series Pontif. Magdeburg. ann. 1307-8 (Menken. III.

390).--Raynald. ann. 1310, No. 40.--Chron. Episc. Merseburgens. c.

xxvii. § 3 (Ludewig IV. 408).--Bothonis Chron. ann. 1311 (Leibnitz III.

374).--Wilcke, II. 242, 246, 324-5.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. p.

271.--Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden und Regesten, Halle, 1886, p.

77.--Havemann, p. 333.

[329] Harduin. VII. 1353.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 3-4; T. V.

p. 272.--Du Puy, pp. 62-3, 130-1.--Schmidt, Päbstliche Urkunden, p.

77.--Raynald. ann. 1310, No. 40.--Raynouard, pp. 127, 270.--Jo. Latomi

Cat. Archiepp. Moguntt. (Menken. III. 526).--H. Mutii Chron. Lib. XXII.

ann. 1311.--Wilcke, II. 243, 246, 325, 339.--Schottmüller, I. 445-6.

Even Raynaldus (ann. 1307, No. 12) alludes to the incombustibility of

the Templars' crosses as an evidence in their favor.

[330] Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 131-2.--Archivio di Napoli, MSS. Chioccarello,

T. VIII.--Du Puy, pp. 63-4, 87, 222-6.--Raynouard, pp. 200,

279-84.--Schottmüller, II. 108 sqq.

[331] Schottmüller, II. 406-19.

[332] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. p. 301.--Bini, pp. 420-1, 424,

427-8.--Raynald. ann. 1309, No. 3.--Raynouard, pp. 273-77.--Chron.

Parmens. ann. 1309 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 880).--Du Puy, pp.

57-8.--Rubei Hist. Ravennat. Ed. 1589, pp. 517, 521, 522, 524, 525,

526.--Campi, Dell' Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza, P. III. p. 41.--Barbarano

dei Mironi Hist. Eccles. di Vicenza, II. 157-8.--Anton, Versuch einer

Geschichte der Tempelherrenordens, Leipzig, 1779, p. 139.

[333] Schottmüller, I. 457-69, 494; II. 147-400.--Du Puy, pp. 63,

106-7.--Raynouard, p. 285.

[334] Allart, Bulletin de la Société des Pyrénées Orientales, 1867, Tom.

XV. pp. 37-42, 67-9, 72, 76-8, 94-6.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib. V.

c. 72, Lib. VI. c. 61.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. pp. 435 sqq.--La

Fuente, Hist. Ecles. de España, II. 369-70.--Ptol. Lucens Hist. Eccles.

Lib. XXIV. (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 1228).--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1312

(Aguirre, VI. 233-4).

[335] Allart, op. cit. pp. 34, 42, 66, 69, 72-4, 79, 81-4, 86, 93-8,

105.--Procès, II. 424-515.--Vaissette, IV. 153.

I have met with no details as to the treatment of the Templars of

Navarre; but as Louis Hutin, son of Philippe le Bel, succeeded to that

kingdom in 1307, of course the French methods prevailed there, and the

papal Inquisitor, Jean de Bourgogne, had full opportunity to procure

testimony in what manner was most effective.

[336] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. III. pp. 289, 299.--Llorente, Ch. III.

Art. 2, No. 6, 7.--Mariana, Lib. XV. c. 10 (Ed. 1789, p. 390,

note).--Raynouard, pp. 128, 265-66.--Aguirre, VI. 230.--La Fuente, Hist.

Ecles. II. 368-70.

[337] Raynouard, pp. 204, 267.--Raynald. ann. 1317, No. 40.--Zurita,

Lib. VI. c. 26.--La Fuente, II. 872.

[338] Raynald. ann. 1311, No. 53.--Raynouard, pp. 166-7.--Schottmüller,

I. 395.

[339] Bini, p. 501.--Raynouard, pp. 233-5, 303.--Vaissette, IV. 140-1.

[340] Hefele, Conciliengeschichte I. 66.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv f.

Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 353.--The apologetic tone in which

it was felt necessary to speak of the acts of the council with regard to

the Templars is well illustrated by a Vatican MS. quoted by Raynaldus,

ann. 1311, No. 54.

Only fragments have reached us of the vast accumulation of documents

respecting the case of the Templars. In the migrations of Clement V.

doubtless some were lost (Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengesch.

1885, p. 7); others in the Schism, when Benedict XIII. carried a portion

of the archives to Peniscola (Schottmüller, I. 705), and others again in

the transport of the papers of the curia from Avignon to Rome. When, in

1810, Napoleon ordered the papal archives transferred to Paris, where

they remained until 1815, the first care of General Radet, the French

Inspector-general of Rome, was to secure those concerning the trials of

the Templars and of Galileo (Regest. Clement. PP. V., Romæ, 1885, T. I.

Proleg. p. ccxxix.). During their stay in Paris Raynouard utilized them

in the work so often quoted above, but even then only a few seem to have

been accessible, and of these a portion are now not to be found in the

Vatican MSS., although Schottmüller, the most recent investigator,

expresses a hope that the missing ones may yet be traced (op. cit. I.

713). The number of boxes sent to Paris amounted to 3239, and the papal

archivists complained that many documents were not restored. The French

authorities declared that the papal agents to whom they had been

delivered sold immense quantities to grocers (Reg. Clem. V. Proleg. pp.

ccxciii.-ccxcviii.).

[341] Bull. _Vox in excelso_ (Van Os, pp. 72-4).--Du Puy, pp.

177-8.--Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. xxiv. (Murutori S. R. I. XI.

1236).--Raynouard, p. 187.--Cf. Raynald. ann. 1311, No. 55.

If Schottmüller's assumption be correct as to the "Deminutio laboris

examinantium processus contra ordinem Templi in Anglia," printed by him

from a Vatican MS. (op cit. II. 78 sqq.)--that it was prepared to be

laid before the commission of the Council of Vienne, it shows the

unscrupulous manner in which the evidence was garbled for the purpose of

misleading those who were to sit in judgment. All the favorable

testimony is suppressed and the wildest gossip of women and monks is

seriously presented as though it were incontrovertible.

[342] Jo. Hocsemii Gest. Episcc. Leodiens. (Chapeaville, II.

345).--Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, p. 179.--Chron.

Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1307 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 154).--Bull. _Vox in

excelso_ (Van Os, pp. 75-77).--Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. (Bouquet, XXI.

721).--Wilcke, II. 307.--Gürtleri Hist. Templarior. Amstel. 1703, p.

365.--Vertot, Hist. des Chev. de Malthe, Ed. 1755, Tom II. p.

136.--Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1311-12.--Martin. Polon. Contin.

(Eccard. I. 1438).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.

When, in 1773, Clement XIV. desired to abolish the Order of Jesuits by

an arbitrary exercise of papal power, he did not fail to find a

precedent in the suppression of the Templars by Clement V.--as he says

in his bull of July 22, 1773, "Etiamsi concilium generale Viennense, cui

negotium examinandum commiserat, a formali et definitiva sententia

ferenda censuerit se abstinere."--Bullar. Roman. Contin. Prati, 1847, V.

620.

The wits of the day did not allow the affair to pass unimproved. Bernard

Gui cites as current at the time the Leonine verse, "Res est exempli

destructa superbia Templi." Hocsemius quotes for us a chronogram by P.

de Awans, possibly alluding to the treasure which Philippe gained--

"Excidium Templi nimia pinguedine rempli

Ad LILIVM duo C consocianda doce."

To minds of other temper there were not lacking portents to prove the

anger of Heaven, whether at the crimes of the Order or at its

destruction--eclipses of sun and moon, parahelia, paraselenæ, fires

darting from earth to heaven, thunder in clear sky. Near Padua a mare

dropped a foal with nine feet; flocks of birds of an unknown species

were seen in Lombardy; throughout the Paduan territory a rainy winter

was succeeded by a dry summer with hail-storms, so that the harvests

were a failure. No Etruscan haruspex or Roman augur could wish for

clearer omens: it reads like a page of Livy.--Albertini Mussati Hist.

August. Rubr. X. XI. (Muratori S. R. I. X. 377-9).-Cf. Ptol. Lucens.

Hist. Eccles. Lib. XXIV. (Ib. XI. 1233); Fr. Jordan. Chron. ann. 1314

(Muratori Antiq. XI. 789).

[343] Contin. Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1312.--Raynald. ann. 1312, No.

5.--Hocsemii Gest. Episcopp. Leod. (Chapeaville, II. 346).--Chron. Fr.

Pipini c. 49 (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 750).--Chron. Astens. c. 27 (Ib. XI.

194).--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1310 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V.

160).--Walsingham (D'Argentré I. I. 280).--Raynouard, pp. 197-8.--Bull.

_Ad providam_ (Rymer, III. 323.--Mag. Bull. Rom. IX. 149.--Harduin. VII.

1341-8).--Bull. _Nuper in generali_ (Rymer III. 326. Mag. Bull. Rom. IX.

150).--Zurita, Lib. V. c. 99.--Allart, op. cit. pp. 71-2.--Schmidt,

Päbstliche Urkunden, p. 81.

[344] Bern. Guidon. Flor. Chron. (Bouquet, XXI. 722).--Godefroy de

Paris, v. 6028-9.--Ferreti Vicentin. Hist. (Muratori S. R. I. IX.

1017).--Le Roulx, Documents, etc., p. 51.--Havemann, Geschichte des

Ausgangs, p. 290.--Fr. Pipini Chron. c. 49 (Muratori IX. 750).--Joann.

de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI. 658).--Vaissette, IV. 141.--Stemler,

Contingent zur Geschichte der Templer, pp. 20-1.--Raynouard, pp. 213-4,

233-5.--Wilcke, II. 236, 240.--Anton, Versuch, p. 142.

[345] Raynald. ann. 1313, No. 39.--Raynouard, pp. 205-10.--Contin.

Guill. Nangiac. ann. 1313.--Joaun. de S. Victor. (Bouquet, XXI.

658).--Chron. Anon. (Bouquet, XXI. 143).--Godefroy de Paris v.

6033-6129.--Villani Chron. VIII. 92.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1310

(Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 160).--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann.

1307.--Pauli Æmylii de Reb. Gest. Franc. Ed. 1569, p. 421.--Van Os, p.

111.

In his haste Philippe did not stop to inquire as to his rights over the

Isle des Juifs. It happened that the monks of St. Germain des Près

claimed _haute et basse justice_ there, and they promptly complained

that they were wronged by the execution, whereupon Philippe issued

letters declaring that it should work no prejudice to them (Olim, II.

599).

[346] Pauli Langii Chron. Citicens. ann. 1314 (Pistorii I.

1201).--Chron. Sampetrini Erfurtens. ann. 1315 (Menken III.

325).--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1306.--Ferreti Vicentin. Hist. (Muratori S.

R. I. IX. 1018).

Clement's reputation was such that this was not the only legend of the

kind about his death. While yet Archbishop of Bordeaux, he had a bitter

quarrel with Walter of Bruges, a holy Franciscan whom Nicholas III. had

forced to accept the episcopate of Poitiers. On his elevation to the

papacy he gratified his grudge by deposing Walter and ordering him to a

convent. Walter made no complaint, but on his death-bed he appealed to

the judgment of God, and died with a paper in his hand in which he cited

the papal oppressor before the divine tribunal on a certain day. His

grip on this could not be loosened, and he was buried with it. The next

year Clement chanced to pass through the place; he had the tomb opened,

found the body uncorrupted, and ordered the paper to be given to him. It

terrified him greatly, and at the time specified he was obliged to obey

the summons.--Wadding. ann. 1279, No. 13.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1307.

Guillaume de Nogaret, who was Philippe's principal instrument, was the

subject of a similar story. A Templar on his way to the stake saw him

and cited him to appear within eight days, and on the eighth day he

died.--Chron. Astena. c. 27 (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 194).

[347] Godefroi de Paris, v. 6131-45. Cf. 3876-81, 3951-2.--Procès des

Templiers, II. 195.

Some of the contemporaries outside of France who attribute the affair to

the greed of Philippe and Clement are--Matt. Neoburg. (Albert

Argentinens.) Chron. ann. 1346 (Urstisii II. 137).--Sächsische

Weltchronik, erste bairische Fortsetzung, ann. 1312 (Mon. Germ. II.

334).--Stalwegii Chron. ann. 1305 (Leibnit. III. 274).--Bothonis Chron.

ann. 1311 (Leibnit. III. 374).--Chron. Comitum Schawenburg (Meibom. 1.

499).--Jo. Hocsemii Gest. Episcc. Leodiens. (Chapeaville, II.

345-6).--Chron. Astens. c. 27 (Muratori S. R. I. XI. 192-4).--Istorie

Pistolesi (Ib. XI. 518).--Villani Chron. VIII. 92.

Authorities who assume the guilt of the Templars are--Ferreti Vicentini

Hist. (Muratori S. R. I. IX. 1017-18).--Chron. Parmens. ann. 1309 (Ib.

IX. 880).--Albertin. Mussat. Hist. August. Rubr. x. (Ib. X.

377).--Chron. Guillel. Scoti (Bouquet, XXI. 205).--Hermanni Corneri

Chron. ann. 1309 (Eccard. II. 971-2). The old German word Tempelhaus,

signifying house of prostitution, conveys the popular sense of the

license of the Order (Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307).

Henri Martin assumes that the traditions of the north of France are

adverse to the Templars, and that those of the south are favorable. He

instances a Breton ballad in which the "Red Monks," or Templars, are

represented as ferocious debauchees who carry off young women and then

destroy them with the fruits of guilty intercourse. On the other hand,

at Gavarnie (Bigorre), there are seven heads which are venerated as

those of martyred Templars, and the popular belief is that on the night

of the anniversary of the abolition of the Order a figure, armed

cap-a-pie and bearing the white mantle with a red cross, appears in the

cemetery and thrice cries out, "Who will defend the holy temple; who

will liberate the sepulchre of the Lord?" when the seven heads answer

thrice, "No one, no one! The Temple is destroyed!"--Histoire de France,

T. IV. pp. 496-7 (Éd. 1855).

[348] Raynald. ann. 1307, No. 12.--D'Argentré I. I. 281.--Campi, Dell'

Hist. Eccles. di Piacenza, P. III. p. 43, Piacenza, 1651.--Feyjoo,

Cartas I. xxviii.

[349] Ferreti Vicentini, loc. cit.--Raynald. ann. 1307, No.

12.--Havemann, p. 334.--Wilcke, II. 327, 329-30.--Raynouard, pp.

25-6.--Vaissette, IV. 141.--Du Puy, pp. 75, 78, 88, 125-31,

216-17.--Prutz, p. 16.--Olim, III. 580-2.

Even as late as 1337, in the accounts of the Sénéchaussée of Toulouse

there is a place reserved for collections from the Templar property,

although the returns in that year were nil.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X.

Pr. 785.

For the banking business of the Templars, see Schottmüller, I. 64.

[350] Contin. Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1312.--Villani Chron. VIII.

92.--Matt. Neoburg. (Albertin. Argentin.) Chron. ann. 1346 (Urstisii II.

137).--H. Mutii Chron. Lib. XXII. ann. 1311.--Chron. Fr. Pipini c. 49

(Muratori S. R. I. IX. 750).--Havemann, p. 338.--Vertot, II.

154.--Hocsemii Gest. Episcc. Leodiens. (Chapeaville, II. 346).--Trithem.

Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1307.--Naucleri Chron. ann. 1306.--Raynald. ann.

1312, No. 7; ann. 1313, No. 18.--Van Os, p. 81.--Wilcke, II. 340-1,

497.--Gassari Annal. Augstburg. ann. 1312 (Menken. I. 1473).--Schottmüller,

I. 496; II. 427-9.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. IV. p. 452.--Rymer, III.

133-4, 292-4, 321, 337, 404, 409-10, 451-2, 472-3.--Le Roulx, Documents,

etc., p. 50.

We happen to have a slight example of the plunder in an absolution

granted February 23, 1310, by Clement to Bernard de Bayulli, canon and

chancellor of the Abbey of Cornelia in Roussillon, for the

excommunication incurred by him for taking a horse, a mule, and sundry

effects, valued in all at sixty livres Tournois, from the preceptory of

Gardin, in the diocese of Lerida.--Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. p. 41.

[351] Raynald. ann. 1313, No. 37.--Allart, loc. cit. pp. 87, 89.

[352] Bofarull y Brocá, Hist. de Cataluña, III. 97.--Zurita, Lib. II. c.

60; Lib. III. c. 9; Lib. VI. c. 26.--Mariana, Ed. 1789, V. 290.--La

Fuente, Hist. Ecles. II. 370-1. Ilescas (Hist. Pontifical, Lib. VI. c.

2), in the second half of the sixteenth century, remarks that there had

been fourteen Masters of Montesa and never one married until the present

one, D. Cesar de Borja, who is married.

[353] Mariana, V. 290.--Garibay, Compendio Historial Lib. XIII. cap.

33.--Zurita, Lib. VI. c. 26.--Le Roulx, Documents, etc., p. 52.

[354] Regest. Clement. PP. V. T. V. p. 235 (Romæ, 1887).

[355] Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. VIII. 17.--D'Argentré I. II.

180-5.--Monstrelet, Chroniques, I. 39, 119.

[356] D'Argentré, I. II. 184-6.--Religieux de S. Denis, Histoire de

Charles VI. Liv. xxxiii. ch. 28.--Juvenal des Ursins, ann.

1413.--Gersoni Opp. Ed. 1494, I. 14 B, C.--Von der Hardt, T. III.

Prolegom. 10-13.--Monstrelet, I. 139.

[357] Von der Hardt, III. Proleg. 13; IV. 335-6, 440, 451, 718-22,

724-8, 1087-88, 1092, 1192, 1513, 1531-2.--D'Argentré, I. II.

187-92.--Gersoni Opp. III. 56 Q-S, 57 B.

[358] Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris ann. 1431.--Epist. de Boulavillar

(Pez, Thesaur. Anecd. VI. III. 237).--Procès de Jeanne d'Arc, p. 474.

(When not otherwise defined, my references to this and other documents

concerning Joan are to the collection in Buchon's _Choix de Chroniques

et Mémoires_, Paris, 1838.)

[359] Thomassin, Registre Delphinal (Buchon, p. 536, 540).--Görres, Vie

de Jeanne d'Arc, Trad. Boré, Paris, 1886, p. 108.--Chronique de la

Pucelle (Buchon, p. 454).

[360] Though the name Joan of Arc has been naturalized in English,

Jeanne's patronymic was Darc, not D'Arc.--Vallet de Viriville, Charles

du Lis, pp. xii.-xii.

[361] So close to the border was Joan's birthplace that a new

delimitation of the frontier, made in 1571, transferred to Lorraine the

group of houses including the Darc cottage, and left a neighboring group

in France.--Vallet de Viriville, ubi sup. pp. 24-5.

[362] Procès, pp. 469, 470, 471, 473, 475, 476, 477, 483, 485, 487,

499.--Chron. de la Pucelle, ann. 1429, pp. 428, 435-6, 443.--L'Averdy

(Académie des Inscriptions, Notices des MSS. III. 373).

[363] Procès, pp. 471, 485.--Chronique, p. 454.--L'Averdy (ubi sup. III.

301).

[364] Procès, pp. 471, 475, 478, 482, 485.--Chronique, pp. 428,

454.--Görres, pp. 37-9.--Thomassin, pp. 537, 538.--Christine de Pisan

(Buchon, p. 541).--Monstrelet, Liv. II. ch. 57.--Dynteri Chron. Duc.

Brabant. Lib. VI. ch. 234.

Much has been recorded in the chronicles about the miracles with which

she convinced Charles's doubts--how she recognized him at first sight,

although plainly clad amid a crowd of resplendent courtiers, and how she

revealed to him a secret known only to God and himself, of prayers and

requests made to God in his oratory at Loches (Chronique, pp. 429, 455;

Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. Ed. Godefroy, p. 19; Görres, pp.

105-9). Possibly some chance expression of hers may have caught his

wandering and uncertain thoughts and made an impression upon him, but

the legend of the Pucelle grew so rapidly that miracles were inevitably

introduced into it at every stage. Joan herself on her trial declared

that Charles and several of his councillors, including the Duc de

Bourbon, saw her guardian saints and heard their voices, and that the

king had notable revelations (Procès, p. 472). She also told her judges

that there had been a material sign, which under their skilful

cross-examination developed, from a secret revealed to him alone (p.

477), into the extraordinary story that St. Michael, accompanied by

Catharine and Margaret and numerous angels, came to her lodgings and

went with her to the royal palace, up the stairs and through the doors,

and gave to the Archbishop of Reims, who handed it to the king, a golden

crown, too rich for description, such as no goldsmith on earth could

make, telling him at the same time that with the aid of God and her

championship he would recover all France, but that unless he set her to

work his coronation would be delayed. This she averred had been seen and

heard by the Archbishop of Reims and many bishops, Charles de Bourbon,

the Duc d' Alençon, La Trémouille, and three hundred others, and thus

she had been relieved from the annoying examinations of the clerks. When

asked whether she would refer to the archbishop to vouch for the story,

she replied, "Let him come here and let me speak with him; he will not

dare to tell me the contrary of what I have told you"--which was a very

safe offer, seeing that the trial was in Rouen, and the archbishop was

the Chancellor of France (Procès, pp. 482-6, 495, 502). His testimony,

however, could it have been had, would not probably have been

advantageous to her, as he belonged to the party of La Trémouille, the

favorite, who was persistently hostile to her.

[365] Monstrelet, II. 57.--Procès, p. 478.--Thomassin, p.

538.--Chronique, pp. 430-33.

Joan's letters, when produced on her trial, were falsified--at least

according to her statement.--Le Brun de Charmettes, Histoire de Jeanne

d'Arc, III. 348.

[366] Monstrelet, II. 57-61.--Thomassin, p. 538.--Chronique. pp.

430-7.--Jean Chartier, pp. 22-4.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, ann.

1429.--Rymer, X. 408.

[367] Chronique, pp. 438-41.--Jean Chartier, pp. 26-7.--Chron. de P.

Cochon (Éd. Vallet de Viriville, p. 456).

[368] Epist. P. de Bonlavillar (Pez, Thes. Anecd. VI. III. 237).

[369] Chronique, pp. 442-5.--Jean Chartier, pp. 29-31.--Jacques le

Bouvier (Godefroy, p. 378).

[370] Procès, p. 479.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1429, 1431.

[371] Chronique, p. 446.--Monstrelet, II. 64.--Buchon, p. 524.--Procès,

p. 494.

[372] Buchon, pp. 539, 545.--Bernier, Monuments inédits de France,

Senlis, 1833, p. 18.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an

1429.--Chronique, pp. 446-7.--Mémoires de Saint-Remy, ch.

152.--Thomassin, p. 540.--Nider Formicar. v. viii.--Procès, p. 479.

Christine de Pisan says of her:

"Que peut-il d'autre estre dit plus

Ne des grands faits du temps passé:

Moysès en qui Dieu afflus

Mit graces et vertus assez;

Il tira sans estre lassez

Le peuple Israël hors d'Egypte;

Par miracle ainsi repassez

Nous as de mal, pucelle eslite."

Buchon, p. 542.

The question which troubled Armagnac was a last struggle of the Great

Schism. Benedict XIII., who had never submitted to the Council of

Constance, died in 1424, when his cardinals quarrelled and elected two

successors to his shadowy papacy--Clement VIII. and Benedict XIV. In

1429, the Council of Tortosa suppressed them both, but at the moment it

was a subject on which Armagnac might imagine that heavenly guidance was

desirable.

[373] Görres, pp. 241-2, 273.--Procès, p. 482.--Buchon, pp.

513-4.--Dynteri Chron. Duc. Brabant. Lib. VI. ch. 235.

In the register of taxes every year was written opposite the names of

Domremy and Greux, "_Neant, la Pucelle_." The grant of nobility to her

family had the very unusual clause that it passed by the female as well

as the male descendants, who were thus all exempt from taxation. As

matrimonial alliances extended among the rich bourgeoisie this exemption

spread so far that in 1614 the financial results caused its limitation

to the male lines for the future (Vallet de Viriville, Charles du Lis,

pp. 24, 88).

[374] Nider Formicar v. viii.--Rymer, X. 459, 472.--Gersoni Opp. Ed.

1488, liii. T-Z.--M. de l'Averdy gives an abstract of other learned

disputations on the subject of Joan (ubi sup. III. 212-17).

[375] Chronique, p. 447.--Buchon, p. 524.--Pez, Thesaur. Anecd. VI. III.

237.--Procès, p. 484.--L'Averdy, III. 338.

The popular explanation of Joan's career connected her good-fortune with

a sword marked with five crosses on the blade, which she had

miraculously discovered in the church of St. Catharine de Fierbois, and

which she thenceforth carried. On the march to Reims, finding her

commands disregarded as to the exclusion of prostitutes from the army,

she beat some loose women with the flat of the blade and broke it. No

smith could weld the fragments together; she was obliged to wear another

sword, and her unvarying success disappeared.--Jean Chartier. pp. 20,

29, 42.

[376] Chronique, pp. 446-50.--Jean Chartier, p. 33-36.--Görres, p.

215.--Monstrelet, II. 66-70.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an

1429.--Procès, pp. 486, 490.--Mémoires de Saint-Remy, ch. 152.--Buchon,

pp. 524, 539.

[377] Görres, pp. 292-5.--Jean Chartier, pp. 39-40.--Jean le Bouvier, p.

381.--Martini d'Auvergne, Vigiles de Charles VII.--Buchon, p.

544.--Procès, pp. 480, 488, 490.

[378] Procès, pp. 481, 482, 488.--Mémoires de Saint-Remy, ch.

158.--Monstrelet, II. 84-86.--Chronique, p. 456.--Jean Chartier, p. 42.

[379] Monstrelet, II. 86.--Jean Chartier, p. 25.--Journal d'un Bourgeois

de Paris, an 1435.--L'Averdy (ubi sup. III. 8).--Chronique et Procès,

pp. 462-4.

[380] Monstrelet, II. 86.--Chronique, p. 462.--Procès, pp. 478, 480-1,

486, 487, 488, 489.--Le Brun de Charmettes, Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc,

III. 182-3.

[381] Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1429.--Le Brun de Charmettes,

III. 201-7, 210-12, 215, 224-6.--Procès, pp. 465-7, 477.--L'Averdy, pp.

391, 475, 499.

At least one of the assessors, Thomas de Courcelles, was a man of the

highest character and of distinguished learning. Immediately after the

trial of Joan he played a distinguished part at the Council of Basle, in

opposing the claims of the papacy. Æneas Sylvius says of him, "Inter

sacrarum literarum doctores insignis, quo nemo plura ex decretis sacri

concilii dictavit, vir juxta doctrinam mirabilis et amabilis, sed

modesta quadam verecundia semper intnens terram" (Æn. Sylv. Comment. de

Gestis Concil. Basil. Lib. I. p. 7, Ed. 1571).--He died in 1469 as Dean

of Nôtre Dame (Le Brun, III. 235).

[382] Ripoll III. 8.--Procès, pp. 467-8, 470, 509.--Le Brun de

Charmettes, III. 188, 192, 219, 407-8.--L'Averdy, p. 391.

[383] Procès, pp. 468-9.

[384] Procès, pp. 468, 472, 473, 476, 486, 487, 489, 501.--L'Averdy, pp.

107, 395.

[385] Procès, p. 487.

[386] Procès, pp. 489, 491, 494, 495, 499, 500, 501.

When, in 1456, the memory of Joan was rehabilitated, and the sentence

condemning her was pronounced null and void, it was of course necessary

to show that she had not refused to submit to the Church. Evidence was

furnished to prove that Nicholas l'Oyseleur, in whom she continued to

have confidence, secretly advised her that she was lost if she submitted

herself to the Church; but that Jean de la Fontaine, another of the

assessors, visited her in prison with two Dominicans, Isambard de la

Pierre and Martin l'Advenu, and explained to her that at the Council of

Basle, then sitting, there were as many of her friends as of enemies,

and at the next hearing, on March 30, Frère Isambard de la Pierre openly

repeated the suggestion, in consequence of which she offered to submit

to it, and also demanded to be taken to the pope, all of which Cauchon

forbade to be inserted in the record, and but for the active

intervention of Jean le Maître, the inquisitor, all three would have

incurred grave peril of death (L'Averdy, pp. 476-7.--Le Brun de

Charmettes, IV. 8-13.--Buchon, pp. 518-19). The rehabilitation

proceedings are quite as suspect as those of the trial; every one then

was anxious to make a record for himself and to prove that Joan had been

foully dealt with. As late as the nineteenth interrogatory, on March 27,

1431, Jean de la Fontaine was one of those who voted in favor of the

most rigorous dealings with Joan (Procès, p. 495).

[387] Procès, pp. 496-8, 502.--L'Averdy, pp. 33, 50.--Le Brun de

Charmettes, IV. 62-3, 94-5.

[388] Procès, pp. 503-5.--L'Averdy, pp. 56-97.

[389] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 102-4, 106.--Procès, p. 506.

In considering the verdict of the University and the Inquisition it must

be borne in mind that visions of the Saviour, the Virgin, and the Saints

were almost every-day occurrences, and were recognized and respected by

the Church. The spiritual excitability of the Middle Ages brought the

supernatural world into close relations with the material. For a choice

collection of such stories see the Dialogues of Cæsarius of Heisterbach.

As a technical point of ecclesiastical law, moreover, Joan's visions had

already been examined and approved by the prelates and doctors at Chinon

and Poitiers, including Pierre Cauchon's metropolitan, Renaud,

Archbishop of Reims.

[390] Procès, pp. 508-9.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.--Le

Brun de Charmettes, IV. 110-41.

There are two forms of abjuration recorded as subscribed by Joan; one

brief and simple, the other elaborate (Procès, p. 508; Le Brun de

Charmettes, IV. 135-7). Cauchon has been accused of duplicity in reading

to her the shorter one and substituting the other for her signature. She

subsequently complained that she had never promised to abandon her male

attire--a promise which was contained in the longer but not in the

shorter one. Much has been made of this, but without reason. The short

abjuration is an unconditional admission of her errors, a revocation and

submission to the Church, and was as binding and effective as the other.

[391] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 141.

[392] Procès, pp. 508-9.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 147.

[393] Procès, p. 508.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 166-70.--L'Averdy, p.

506.

[394] Procès, p. 509.--Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 175-8.

[395] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 180-4.--L'Averdy, p. 488, 493 sqq.

A week after Joan's execution a statement was drawn up by seven of those

present in her cell to the effect that she acknowledged that her Voices

had deceived her and begged pardon of the English and Burgundians for

the evil she had done them, but this is evidently manufactured evidence,

and does not even bear a notarial attestation.--Le Brun de Charmettes,

IV. 220-5.

[396] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 188-210.--Procès, pp. 509-10.--Journal

d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.

When the excitement which led to Joan's condemnation passed away, and

she was found to have been a useless victim, there was an effort made to

shift the responsibility from the ecclesiastical to the secular

authorities: it was claimed that there had been an irregularity in her

execution without a formal judgment in the lay court. Two years

afterwards, Louis de Luxembourg, then Archbishop of Rouen, and Guillaume

Duval, vicar of the inquisitor, condemned for heresy a certain Georges

Solenfant, and in delivering him to the Bailli of Rouen they gave

instructions that he should not be put to death, as Joan had been,

without a definitive judgment, in consequence of which there was a form

of sentencing him.--L'Averdy, p. 498.

[397] Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.--August 8, 1431, a monk

named Jean de la Pierre was brought before Cauchon and le Maître charged

with having spoken ill of the trial of Joan. This was a perilous offence

when the Inquisition was concerned. He asked pardon on his knees, and

excused himself on the ground that it was at table after taking too much

wine. He was mercifully treated by imprisonment on bread and water in

the Dominican convent until the following Easter.--L'Averdy, p. 141.

[398] Le Brun de Charmettes, IV. 238-40.--L'Averdy, p. 269.--Monstrelet,

II. 105.--Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1431.

[399] Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, an 1430.--Nider Formicar. v.

viii.--Procès, p. 480.

[400] Monstrelet, II. 101.--Journal d'un Bourgeois, an 1431.--Mémoires

de Saint-Remy ch. 172.--Abrégé de l'Hist. de Charles VII. (Godefroy, p.

334).

[401] Le Brun de Charmettes, Liv. xv.

[402] Minuc. Felicis Octavius (Mag. Bib. Pat. Ed. 1618, III. 7,

8).--Tertull. de Idololat. x.--Lactant. Divin. Instit. II. 9.--Augustin.

de vera Relig. c. 13, c. 40 No. 75; De Genesi ad Litt. xi. 13, 17, 22,

27; Sermon. Append. No. 278 (Edit. Benedict)--Gregor. PP. I. Moral. in

Job IV. 13, 17, 32.--Chrysostom. de Imbecillitate Diaboli Homil. I. No.

6.

[403] Minuc. Felic. loc. cit.--Tertull. Apol. adv. Gentes c.

22.--Lactant. Divin. Instit. v. 22.--Testam. XII. Patriarch. I.

2-3.--Augustin. de Divin. Dæmon, c. 3, 4, 5, 6; de Civ. Dei XV. 23, XXI.

10; Enarrat. in Psalm. 61, 63.--Isidor. Hispalens. Lib. de Ord. Creatur.

c. 8.

[404] Origen. sup. Jesu Nave Homil. XV. 5, 6.--Ivon. Carnotens. Decret.

XI. 106.--Pselli de Operat. Dæmon. Dial.--Gregor. PP. I. Dial. I.

4.--Cæsar, Heisterb. Dial. Dist. IV., V., XI. 17, XII. 5.--B. Richalmi

Lib. de Insid. Dæmon. (Pez Thesaur. Anecd. I. II. 376).--S. Hildegardæ

Epist. 67 (Martene Ampl. Coll. II. 1100).--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. 1.

c. 3.

It was not every one who, like St. Francis, when demons were threatening

to torment him, could coolly welcome them, saying that his body was his

worst enemy, and that they were free to do with it whatever Christ would

permit--a view of the case which so abashed them that they incontinently

departed.--Amoni, Legenda S. Francisci, Append, c. liii.

[405] Cæsar. Heisterb. III. 26, v. 9, 10, 35, 36.--Froissart, III. 22.

[406] Fr. Lenormant, La Magie chez les Chaldéens, p. 36.--Plutarch, vit.

Numæ, IV.--Joseph. Antiq. Jud. I. 3.--Augustin. de Civ. Dei III. 5: XV.

23.--Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. II. c. xi., xii.,

xiii.--Paul. Æginet. Instit. Med. III. 15.--Chrysost. Homil. in Genesim

XXII., No. 2.--Clem. Alexand. Stromat. Libb. III., v. (Ed. Sylburg. pp.

450, 550).--Tertull. Apol. adv. Gentes, c. xxii.; De Carne Christi c.

vi., xiv.--Hinemar. de Divort. Lothar. Interrog. xv.--Guibert.

Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. III. c. 19.--Cæsar. Heisterb. III. 8, 11,

13.--Gervas. Tilberien. Otia Imp. Decis. III. c. 86.--Matt. Paris. ann.

1249 (p. 514).--Chron. Bardin. (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 5).--Mémoires de

Jacques Du Clercq, Liv. IV. c. 8.--Innoc. PP. VIII. Bull. _Summis

desiderantes_, 2 Dec. 1484.--Silv. Prieriat. de Strigimagar Lib. I. c.

2; Lib. II. c. 3.

[407] Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola, La Strega, Milano, 1864, p.

80.--Thomæ Cantimpratens. Bonum universale, Lib. II. c. 55.--Alvar.

Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. II. Art. xlv. No. 102.--Prieriatis de

Strigimagar. II. iii., xi.--Sinistrari de Dæmonialitate No. 1-3.--Mall.

Maleficar. P. II. Q. i. c. 4-8: P. II. Q. ii. c. 1.--Ulric. Molitor.

Dial. de Python. Mulieribus Conclus. v.--Th. Aquin. Summ. I. li. Art.

iii. No. 6.--Nider Formicar. Lib. v. c. ix., x.--Guill. Arvern. Episc.

Paris. de Universo (Wright, Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler,

Camden Soc. p. xxxviii.).--Villemarqué, Myrdhinn, ou l'Enchanteur

Merlin, p. 11.--Alonso de Spina, Fortalicium Fidei, Ed. 1494, fol. 283.

[408] Tertull. de Corona c. iii.

[409] Rig Veda V. VIII. iv. 15, 16, 24 (Ludwig's Rig Veda, Prag, 1876-8,

II. 379, III. 345).--Atharva Veda II. 27, III. 6, IV. 18, V. 14, VI. 37,

75 (Grill, Hundert Lieder des Atharva Veda, Tübingen, 1879).

[410] Polano, Selections from the Talmud, pp. 174, 176.--Augustin. de

Trinitate Lib. III. c. 8, 9.--Targum of Palestine on Exod. i.; vii. 11;

Numb. xxii. 22.--Fabricii Cod. Pseudepig. Vet. Testam. I. 813; II.

106.--Chron. Samaritan, xli., xliii.

Curiously enough, the fame as magicians of Moses and of his opponents

was preserved together. Pliny (N. H. XXX. 2) attributes the founding of

what he calls the second school of magic to "Moses and Jannes and

Lotapes."

[411] Talmud Babli, Kiddushin, fol. 49 _b_ (Wagenseilii Sota, pp.

502-3).--Thonissen, Droit Criminel des Anciens, II. 222 sqq.

[412] Hesiod. Frag. 202.--Pherecyd. Frag. 102, 102_a_.--Pausan. VI. XX.;

IX. xviii., XXX.--Apollodor. I. ix. 25.--Plut. de Defectu. Orac. 13; de

Pythiæ Orac. 12.--Diog. Laert. VIII. ii. 4; viii. 20.--Iambl. Vit.

Pythag. 134-5, 222.--Philost. Vit. Apollon. passim.--Æl. Lamprid. Alex.

Sever. xxix.--Flav. Vopisc. Aurelian. xxiv.--Cedren. Hist. Compend. sub

Claud. et Domit.

[413] Porphyr. de Abstinent. II. 41, 52-3.--Marini Vit. Procli 23,

26-8.--Damascii Vit. Isidori 107, 116, 126.--Porphyr. Vit. Plotini 10,

11.

[414] Apollon. Rhod. Argonaut. I. 1128-31.--Pherecyd. Frag. 7.--Diod.

Sicul. v. 55-6.--Ovid. Metam. VII. 365-7.--Suidas s. v. [Greek:

elchhines].--Strabon. X.--Odyss. x. 211-396.

[415] Plin. N. H. xxx. ii.--Platon. de Repub. II.; de Legg. I.; IX. (Ed.

Astius, IV. 80; VI. 68, 348-50).--Luciani Philopseud. 14.--Philost. Vit.

Apollon. VIII. 5.

[416] Ovid. Fastor. II. 571-82.--Lucan. Pharsal. VI. 507-28, 534-7,

567-9, 766.--Appul. de Magia Orat. pp. 37, 62-4 (Ed. Bipont.).--Horat.

Sat. I. viii.; Epod. v.--Petron. Arb. Satyr.--Pauli Sentt. Receptt. v.

xxxiii. 15.

[417] Tacit. Annal. II. 69; III. 13.--Sueton. Calig. 3.--Ovid. Amor.

III. vii. 29-34; Heroid. VI. 90-2.--Horat. Sat. I. viii. 29-32,

42-3.--August, de Civ. Dei XVIII. 18.

[418] Festus s. v. Strigæ.--Virg. Eclog. VIII. 97.--August, de Civ. Dei

XVIII. 17.--Paul Æginet. Instit. Medic. III. 16.--Gervas. Tilberiens.

Otia Imperial. Decis. III. c. 120.--Cf. Volsunga Saga V., VIII.

[419] Propert. IV. v. 18.--Virg. Æneid. _iv_. 512-16.--Plin. N. H. VIII.

56.--Livii XXXIX. 11.--Joseph. Antiq. Jud. XIX. 12.--Tibull. I. viii.

5-6.--Ovid. Amor. III. vii. 27-35.--Petron. Arb. Sat--Jul. Capitolin,

Marc. Aurel. 19.--Appul. de Magia Orat.

[420] Legg. XII. Tabul. Tab. viii.--Senecæ Quæst. Natural. Lib. IV. c.

7.--Plin. N. H. XXVIII. 4.--Liv. XXXIX. 41.--Tacit. Annal. II. 32; IV.

22, 52; XVI. 28-31.--Philost Vit. Apollon. IV. 35.--Spartian. Anton.

Caracall. 5.--Lib. XLVII. Dig. viii. 14.--Pauli Sententt. Receptt. v.

xxiii. 14-18.

[421] Tertull. Apol. 23, 40.--Constitt. Apostol. VI. 9.--Arnob. adv.

Gentes II. 12.--Hippol. Refut. omn. Hæres. Lib. VI.--Acts XIX. 19.

[422] Pauli Diac. Hist. Miscell. X., XI.--Euseb. Vit. Constant. II. 4-7,

11-12.--S. Nili Capita parænetica No. 61.--S. August. de Civ. Dei XXII.

8. Cf. Evodii de Mirac. S. Stephani.

The Labarum of Constantine was the Greek cross with four equal arms, a

symbol frequently seen on Chaldean and Assyrian cylinders. Oppert

attaches to it the root [Hebrew: L.B.R], thus explaining the word

Labarum, the derivation of which has never been understood (Oppert et

Menant, Documents juridiques de l'Assyrie, Paris, 1877, p. 200). The

fetichism connected with the cross probably took its rise from the

Labarum. Maxentius, we are told, was an ardent adept in magic, and

relied upon it for success against Constantine, who was much alarmed

until reassured by the vision of the cross and its starry inscription,

"_In hoc vince_" (Euseb. H. E. IX. 9; Vit. Const, I. 28-31, 36.--Pauli

Diac. Hist. Miscell. Lib. XI.--Zonaræ Annal. T. III.). The melting of

pagan superstitions into Christian is illustrated by the incident that

when Constantine routed Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge he was preceded

in battle by an armed cavalier bearing a cross, and at Adrianople two

youths were seen who slaughtered the troops of Licinius (Zonaræ Annal.

T. III.). The Christian annalists had no difficulty in identifying with

angels of God those whom Pagan writers would designate as Castores.

[423] Cohen, Les Pharisiens, I. 311.--Lightfooti Horæ Hebraicæ, Matt.

XXIV. 24.--Mishna, Sanhedrin, VII. 7; x. 16.--Talmud Babli, Shabbath, 75

_a_ (Buxtorfi Lexicon, p. 1170).

[424] Minuc. Felic. Octavius (Bib. Mag. Pat. III. 7-8).--Tertull. Apol.

35; de Anima 57.--Acta SS. Justin. et Cyprian. (Martene Thesaur. II.

1629).--Constitt. Apostol. II. 66.--Lactant. Divin. Inst. II.

17.--Concil. Ancyrens. ann. 314 c. 24.--C. Laodicens. ann. 320 c.

36.--C. Eliberitan. circa 324 c. 6.

[425] Cato. Rei Rust. 5.--Sueton. Tiber. 63.--Lib. IX. Cod. Theod. xvi.

1-6.

For the care with which the Romans suppressed unauthorized soothsaying

see Livy, xxxix. 16, and Pauli Sententt. Receptt. v. xxi. 1, 2, 3.

[426] Ammian. Marcellin. XIX. xii. 14; XXVI. iii.; XXIX. i. 5-14, ii.

1-5.--Zozimi IV. 14.--Lib. IX. Cod. Theod. xvi. 7-12.

Yet favoritism led Valens to pardon Pollentianus, a military tribune,

who confessed that, for the purpose of ascertaining the destiny of the

imperial crown, he had ripped open a living woman and extracted her

unborn babe to perform a hideous rite of necromancy (Am. Marcell. XXIX.

ii. 17). In the later Roman augury, contaminated with Eastern rites,

omens of the highest significance were found in the entrails of human

victims, especially in those of the foetus (Æl. Lamprid. Elagabal.

8.--Euseb. H. E. VII. 10, VIII. 14.--Paul. Diac. Hist. Miscell. XI.).

[427] Augustin. de Civ. Dei x. 9; XXI. 6; de Genesi ad Litteram XI.; de

Divinat. Dæmon, v.; de Doctr. Christ. II. 20-4; Serm. 278.--Concil.

Carthag. IV. ann. 398, c. 89.--Dracont. de Deo II. 324-7.--Leon. PP. I.

Serm. XXVII. c. 3.

[428] Lib. IX. Cod. xviii. 2-6.--Basilicon Lib. LX. Tit. xxxix. 3,

28-32.--Photii Nomocanon. Tit. ix. cap. 25.--Nicet. Choniat. Man.

Comnen. Lib. IV.; Andron. Lib. II.

[429] Edict. Theodorici c. 108.--Gregor. PP. I. Dial. Lib. I. c.

4.--Cassiodor. Variar. IV. 22, 23, IX. 18.--Gregor. PP. I. Epist. XI.

53.

[430] LI. Wisigoth. II. iv. 1; VI. i. 4; VI. ii. 1, 3, 4, 5.--Fuero

Juzgo II. iv. 1; VI. ii. 1, 3, 5.--Concil. Bracarens. II. ann. 572 c.

71.--Conc. Toletan. IV. ann. 633 c. 28.--Isidor. Hispalens. Etymol.

VIII. 9; de Ord. Creatur. viii.--S. Pirmiani de Libb. Canon. Scarapsus.

[431] Haddan and Stubbs, Concil. III. 37.--Bedæ H. E. II. 15.

[432] Haddan and Stubbs, II. 320-3. Three stanzas of the eleven of which

the hymn consists will show its character as an incantation:

1.

I bind to myself to-day

The strong power of an invocation of the Trinity,

The faith of the Trinity in Unity,

The Creator of the elements.

4.

I bind to myself to-day

The power of Heaven,

The light of the Sun,

The whiteness of Snow,

The force of Fire,

The flashing of Lightning,

The velocity of Wind,

The stability of the Earth,

The hardness of Rocks.

6.

I have set around me all these powers,

Against every hostile savage power,

Directed against my body and my soul,

Against the incantations of false prophets,

Against the black laws of heathenism,

Against the false laws of heresy,

Against the deceits of idolatry,

Against the spells of women and smiths and druids,

Against all knowledge which blinds the soul of man.

[433] Grimm's Teutonic Mythol., Stallybrass's Transl. III.

1028.--Trithem. Lib. Quæst. Q. VI.

[434] Volsunga Saga, XXIV., XXV., XXXII.--Gripispa.--Keyser's Religion

of the Northmen, Pennock's Transl. pp. 191, 285-7.--Tacit. Histor. IV.

61, 65; German. viii.--Volüspa, 2, 21, 22.

[435] Saxo. Grammat. Lib. I.--Havamal, 159.--Grougaldr,

1.--Vegtamskvida, 9.

[436] Cæsar. de Bell. Gall. I. 53.--Remberti Vit. S. Anscharii c. 16,

23, 24, 27.--Tacit. German. x.--Ammian. Marcellin. XXXI. 2.--Carolomanni

Capit. II. ad Liptinas.--Carol. Mag. Capit. de Partibus Saxon. c. 23.

[437] Tacit. German. ix., x.

[438] Adam. Bremens. IV. 16, 31.--Saxon. Grammat. Lib. I.--Yuglinga

Saga, 6, 7 (Laing's Heimskringla).

The Finns were not behind their neighbors in the powers attributed to

spells and incantations. In the Kalevala, Louhi, the sorceress of the

North, steals the sun and moon, which had come down from heaven to

listen to Wainamoinen's singing, and hides them in a mountain, but is

compelled to let them out again through dread of counter-spells. The

powers of magic song are fairly summarized in the final contest between

Wainamoinen and Youkahainen:

"Bravely sang the ancient minstrel,

Till the flinty rocks and ledges

Heard the trumpet tone and trembled,

And the copper-bearing mountains

Shook along their deep foundations,

Flinty rocks flew straight asunder,

Falling cliffs afar were scattered,

All the solid earth resounded,

And the ocean billows answered.

And, alas! for Youkahainen,

Lo! his sledge so fairly fashioned,

Floats, a waif upon the ocean.

Lo! his pearl-enamelled birch-rod

Lies, a weed upon the margin.

Lo! his steed of shining forehead

Stands, a statue in the torrent,

And his hame is but a fir-bough

And his collar naught but corn-straw.

Still the minstrel sings unceasing,

And, alas! for Youkahainen,

Sings his sword from out his scabbard,

Hangs it in the sky before him

As it were a gleam of lightning;

Sings his bow, so gayly blazoned,

Into driftwood on the ocean;

Sings his finely feathered arrows

Into swift and screaming eagles;

Sings his dog, with crooked muzzle,

Into stone-dog squatting near him;

Into sea-flowers sings his gauntlets,

And his vizor into vapor,

And himself, the sorry fellow,

Ever deeper in his torture,

In the quicksand to the shoulder,

To his hip in mud and water."

--_Porter's Selections from the Kalevala_, pp. 84-5.

[439] Havamal, 142, 150-63.--Harbarsdliod, 20.--Sigrdrifumal, 6-13,

15-18.--Skirnismal, 36.--Rigsmal, 40, 41.--Grougaldr, 6-14.

[440] Harbardsliod, 20.--Skirnismal, 26-34.--Keyser, op. cit. pp. 270,

293.--Hyndluliod, 43.--Lays of Sigurd and Brynhild.--Gudrunarkvida, II.

21.--Sigrdrifumal, 4.

At the close of the fifteenth century, Sprenger relates (Mall.

Maleficar. P. II. Q. i. c. 9) as a recent occurrence in a town in the

diocese of Strassburg, that a laborer cutting wood in a forest was

attacked by three enormous cats, which after a fierce encounter he

succeeded in beating off with a stick. An hour afterwards he was

arrested and cast in a dungeon on the charge of brutally beating three

ladies of the best families in the town, who were so injured as to be

confined to their beds, and it was not without considerable difficulty

that he proved his case and was discharged under strict injunctions of

secrecy. Gervais of Tilbury, early in the thirteenth century, had

already referred to such occurrences as an established fact (Otia Imp.

Decis. III. c. 93).

The same belief was current among the Slavs. Prior to the conversion of

Bohemia, in a civil war under Necla, a youth summoned to battle had a

witch stepmother who predicted defeat, but counselled him, if he wished

to escape, to kill the first enemy he met, cut off his ears and put them

in his pocket. He obeyed and returned home in safety, but found his

dearly beloved bride dead, with a sword-thrust in the bosom and both

ears off--which he had in his pocket.--Æn. Sylv. Hist. Bohem. c. 10.

[441] Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga, 37 (Laing's Heimskringla).--Volsunga

Saga, VII., XXVII.--Sigurdtharkvida Fafnisbana I. 37, 38.

[442] Olaf Haraldsson's Saga, 204, 240 (Laing's Heimskringla).--Volsunga

Saga, III. 15.--Keyser, op. cit. p. 294.

[443] Havamal, 157.--Harbardsliod, 20.--L. Salic. Tit. lxiv. (First Text

of Pardessus).

[444] Grougaldr.--Olaf Haraldsson's Saga, 8.--Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga,

85-7. (Laing's Heimskringla).

[445] Keyser, op. cit. pp. 268, 271-2.--Harald Harfaager's Saga, 34

(Laing's Heimskringla).--All this is nearly equalled by the powers

attributed in 1437 by Eugenius IV. to the witches of his time, who by a

simple word or touch or sign could regulate the weather or bewitch whom

they pleased (Raynald. ann. 1437, No. 27).

[446] L. Salic. Text. Herold, Tit. lxvii (also in the third text of

Pardessus, and the L. Emendata Tit. lxvii., but not in the

others).--Capit. Carol. Mag. de Partibus Saxoniæ ann. 794, c. vi.--Olaf

Haraldsson's Saga, 151 (Laing's Heimskringla). Cf. Horace (Ars Poet.),

"Neu pransæ Lamiæ vivum puerum extrahat alvo."

[447] Grimm, op. cit. III. 1044, 1050-1.

[448] L. Salic. First Text, Tit. lxiv. § 2; Text. Herold. Tit. lxvii.;

Third Text, Tit. lxiv.--Blackwell's Mallet, Bohn's Ed. p. 524.--Keyser,

op. cit. pp. 266-7.--Harald Harfaager's Saga, 25, 36 (Laing's

Heimskringla).

[449] L. Salic. Text. Herold. Tit. xxii.; MS. Guelferbit. Tit. xix.--L.

Ripuar. Tit. lxxxiii.

[450] Greg. Turon. de Mirac. Lib. II. c. 45; de Mirac. S. Martini Lib.

I. c. 26.--Concil. Venetic. ann. 465 c. 16.--Concil. Agathens. ann. 506

c. 42, 68.--C. Aurelianens. I. ann. 511 c. 30.--C. Autissiodor. ann. 578

c. 4.--C. Narbonnens. ann. 589 c. 14.--C. Remens. ann. 630 c. 14.--C.

Rotomagens. ann. 650 c. 4.--Greg. Turon. Hist. Francor. VII. 44.

The hostility of Christian magic to its rivals extended even to rational

medicine. Gregory of Tours develops the teaching of St. Nilus by giving

examples to show that it was a sin to have recourse to natural remedies,

such as blood-letting, instead of trusting wholly to the intercession of

saints.--Hist. Franc. v. 6; de Mirac. S. Martini II. 60.

It was in vain for the Church to proscribe goetic magic while it

fostered the beliefs on which the superstition was based by encouraging

the practice of sacred magic. For example, there was little use in

endeavoring to suppress amulets and charms while the faithful were

taught to carry the Agnus Dei, or figure of a lamb stamped in wax

remaining from the paschal candles, and consecrated by the pope. In

forbidding the decoration and sale of these in 1471, Paul II. expatiates

on their efficacy in preserving from fire and shipwreck, in averting

tempests and lightning and hail, and in assisting women in

childbirth.--Raynald. ann. 1471, No. 58.

[451] Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. v. 40; VII. 35.

[452] L. Langobard. II. xxxviii. l. 2 (Liutprand).--I. ii. 9 (Rotharis).

[453] Concil. Suessionens. ann. 744.--Zachar. PP. Epist. 9,

10.--Bonifacii Epist. lvii.--Synod. Roman. ann. 745 (Bonifacii Opp. III.

10).--Carol. Mag. Capit. Aquisgr. ann. 789 c. 16.--Capit. Herardi

Archiep. Turon. ann. 838 c. 3 (Baluz. Capitular. I. 677).--Atton.

Vercell. Capitular. c. 48.

[454] Gregor. PP. II. Capit. data legatis in Bavariam, c. 8, 9.--Concil.

German. I. (Caroloman. Capit. I., Baluz. I. 104-5).--Concil. Liptinens.

ann. 743 (Caroloman. Capit. II., Baluz. I. 106-8).--Bonifac. Epistt. 49,

63.--Zachar. PP. Epist. II. c. 6.

[455] Carol. Mag. Capit. Aquisgr. ann. 789 c. 18, 63; Capit. II. ann.

806 c. 25; Capit. de Partibus Saxon. ann. 789 c. 6, 23.--S. Gregor. PP.

III. De Crimin. et Remed. 16.--Theodori Poenitent. Lib. I. c. XV. (Haddan

and Stubbs. III. 190).--Egberti Poenitent. VIII. 1 (Ib. p.

424).--Burchardi Decret. x. 8, 24, 28, 31.--Ghaerbaldi Instruct.

Pastoral, c. x.; Judic. Sacerdotal. c. x., xi., xx., xxiv., xxv., xxxi.,

xxxvi. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 25-33).--Libell. de Remed. Peccat. c. 9

(Ib. p. 44).--Concil. Paris, ann. 829 Lib. III. c. 2 (Harduin. IV.

1352).--Herardi Turon. Capit. iii. ann. 838 (Baluz. I. 1285).--Capitul.

I. 21, 63; v. 69; VI. 215; Addit. II. c. 21.--Rabani Mauri de Magicis

Artibus.--Hincmar. de Divort. Lothar. Interrog. xv.

[456] Nithardi Hist. Lib. I. c. 5, ann. 834.--Concil. Bracarens. I. ann.

563 c. 8.--Burchard. Decret. X. 8.--Ivon. Decret. XI. 36.--Bernardi

Comens. de Strigiis c. 14.--Ghaerbald. Judic. Sacerd. 20.--Herard.

Turon. capit. iii.--Conc. Paris. ann. 829 Lib. III. c. 2.--S. Agobardi

Lib. de Grandine c. 1, 2, 15, 16.

Even as late as the eleventh century Bishop Burchard prescribes penance

for believing that sorcerers can affect the weather or influence the

human mind to affection or hatred (Decret. XIX. 5). In less than two

centuries and a half Thomas of Cantimpré shows that it was perfectly

orthodox to assert that tempests were caused by demons (Bonum

universale, Lib. II. c. 56).--It could scarce be otherwise when we

consider the complete control over the weather attributed to sorcerers

in Norse magic, and the adoption of the heathen superstitions by

mediæval Christianity.

[457] Concil. Ticinens. ann. 850 c. 25.--Annal. Corbeiens. ann. 914

(Leibnit. S. R. Brunsvic. II. 299).--Atton. Vercell. Capit. c.

48.--Sigebert. Gemblacens. ann. 995.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 998,

999, 1002.--Cæsar. Heisterbach. Dist. v. c. 18.

For the acquirements of Gerbert of Aurillac see Richeri Hist. Lib. II.

c. xliii. sqq. A man capable of making, in the tenth century, a sphere

to represent the earth, with the Arctic Circle and Tropic of Cancer

traced on it, might well pass for a magician, although the sphericity of

the earth was no secret to the Arabic philosophers (Avicenna de Coelo et

Mundo c. x.). How durable was Gerbert's unsavory reputation is seen in

the retention of the stories concerning him by the mediæval historians

down to the time of Platina (Ptol. Lucens. Hist. Eccles. Lib. XVIII. c.

vi.-viii.--Platinæ Vit. Pontif. s. v. Silvest. II.)

[458] Synod. Patricii c. 16 (Haddan and Stubbs, II. 329).--Gregor. PP.

VII. Regist. VII 21.--Reginon. de Discip. Eccles. II. 347

sqq.--Burchardi Decret. Lib. X., Lib. XIX. c. 5.--Ivon. Decreti P.

XI.--Ivon. Panorm. VI. 117; VIII. 61 sqq.--P. II. Decret. caus. XXXIII.

Q. 1, c. 4.--Mall. Maleficar. P. I. Q. 8.--Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita

sua I. 12.--Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1193.--Durandi Specul.

Juris Lib. IV., Partic. IV., Rubr. de Frigidis, etc.--Johann.

Saresberiens. Polycrat. II. 9-12.--Pet. Blesens. Epist. 65.

The belief in "ligatures" is one of the oldest and most universal of

superstitions. Herodotus (II. 181) relates that Amasis who reigned in

Egypt about the middle of the sixth century B. C., found himself thus

afflicted when he married the Cyrenean princess Ladice. Notwithstanding

the political importance of maintaining the alliance cemented by the

marriage, he accused her of employing sorcery and threatened her with

death. In her extremity she made a vow in the temple of Venus to send a

statue of the goddess to Cyrene. Her prayer was heard and her life was

saved.

[459] Gest. Treviror. Archiep. c. 19.--Lambert. Hersfeld. Annal. ann.

1074.--Höfler, Prager Concilien, p. xvi.

[460] Chron. Turon. ann. 1061.--Chron. Halberstadiens. (Leibnit. S. R.

Brunsv. II. 127-8).--Gest. Treviror. c. 38 (Martene Ampl. Coll. IV.

181-2).

[461] Laws of Edward and Guthrum, 11.--Laws of Ethelred, v. 7.--Cnut

Secular. 4 (Ed. Kolderup Rosenvinge p. 36).--Athelstan's Dooms, I.

6.--Laws of Edward the Elder, 6.--Ll. Henrici lxxi. § 1.--Ingulph's

Chron. Contin. (Bohn's Edition, p. 258).

[462] Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga, 69, 70, 83 (Laing's

Heimskringla).--Kristinrettr Thorlaks oc Ketils, c. xvi.

For the intimate connection between sorcery and malignant spirits, see

Finn Magnusen's Priscæ Vet. Boreal. Mythologiæ Lexicon, s. v. Tröll, pp.

474 sqq.

[463] Wibaldi Epist. 157 (Martene Ampl. Coll. II. 352).--Baron. Annal.

ann. 1181, No. 6-10.--C. 1 Extra. XLV. 3.--C. 2 Extra, v. 21.--Johan.

Saresberiens. Polycrat. c. xxviii.

Catoptromancy was a practice duly handed down from classical times.

Didius Julianus, during his short reign, found time to obtain

foreknowledge of his own downfall and the succession of Septimius

Severus, by means of a boy who with bandaged eyes looked into a mirror

after proper spells had been muttered over him (Æl. Spartiani Did.

Julian. 7), and Hippolytus of Porto gives us in full detail the

ingenious frauds by which this and similar feats were accomplished

(Refut. omn. Hæres. IV. 15, 28-40).

[464] Concil. Rotomagens. ann. 1189 c. 29 (Bessin, Concil. Rotomagens.

I. 97).--Concil. Paris, ann. 1212 P. v. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII.

105).--Cæsar. Heisterb. IV. 99.

[465] Cæsar. Heisterb. V. 2, 3.

[466] Cæsar. Heisterb. II. 12; V. 18; XII. 23.

In spite of their lifelike contemporary details, these stories are

evidently founded on that of Theophilus of Cilicia, which had so great a

currency during the Middle Ages. He was archdeacon until dismissed by

his bishop, when in despair he had recourse to Satan, to whom he gave a

written compact pledging himself to endure the pains of hell throughout

eternity. He was forthwith restored to his position and enjoyed high

consideration until, overwhelmed with remorse, he appealed to the

Virgin. By assiduous penitence he won her aid, and she caused the

compact to be returned to him.--Hroswithæ de Lapsu et Convers.

Theophili.

[467] Rogeri Bacon Epist. de Secretis Operibus Artis c. i., ii. (M.R.

Series, pp 523-7).--Th. Cantimprat. Bonum universal. Lib. II. c.

56.--Præcept. Antiq. Rotomag. c. 109 (Bessin, Concil. Rotomagens. II.

67, 76).--Durandi Specul. Juris Lib. IV. Partic. IV. Rubr. de

Sortilegiis.--Synod. Andegavens. ann. 1294 c. 2 (D'Achery, I. 737).

[468] Britton, ch. 29.--Owen's Laws and Institutes of Wales, II.

910-2.--P. Exon. Summula exigendi Confess. (Harduin VII. 1126).--Myrror

of Justice c. I. § 4; c. II. § 22; c. III. § 14.--Regiam Majest. Scotiæ,

Edinburgi, 1609, fol. 163-7.

[469] Livres de Jostice et de Plet, pp. 177-83, 284 (Dig. XLVIII. viii.

3., Marcianus).--Beaumanoir, Coutumes du Beauvoisis, Cap. XI. §§ 25,

26.--Olim, II. 205, 619.--Vaissette, IV. 17-18; Chron. Bardin, Ib. IV.

Pr. 5.

[470] José Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, T. XVII. pp. 382,

384-5, 388, 392-3; T. XVIII. p. 6).--Concil Legionens. ann. 1012 c. 19;

C. Compostellan. ann. 1031 c. 6; C. Coyacens. ann. 1050 c. 4; C.

Compostellan. ann. 1056 c. 6 (Aguirre, IV. 388, 396, 405, 414).--Histor.

Compostellan. Lib. I. c. lxiv.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 590.

[471] Partidas, P. VII. Tit. ix. l. 17; Tit. xxiii. 11. 1, 2, 3.

[472] Constitt. Sicular. III. xlii. 1-3.--Cechetti, La Republica di

Venizia e la Corte di Roma I. 15.--Chron. Senoniens. Lib. IV. c. 4

(D'Achery II. 631).--Huillard-Bréholles, Introd. pp. DXXV.,

DXXX.--Assises de Jerusalem, Baisse Court c. 271 (Ed. Kausler,

Stuttgart, 1839).--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 91.

Frederic's reputation is indicated in the lines--

"Amisit astrologos et magos et vates.

Beelzebub et Astaroth, proprios penates

Tenebrarum consulens per quos potestates

Spreverat Ecclesiam et mundi magnates."

(Huillard-Bréholles, l. c.).

And Michael Scot, to succeeding generations, was not the philosopher,

but the magician--

"Michele Scotto fu, che veramente

Delle magiche frode seppe il giuoco"--(INFERNO, XX.)

whose wonders are commemorated in the "Lay of the Last Minstrel"--

"In these fair climes it was my lot

To meet the wondrous Michael Scott,

A wizard of such dreaded fame

That when in Salamanca's cave

Him listed his magic wand to wave,

The bells would ring in Nôtre Dame."

[473] Treuga Henrici, No. 21 (Böhlau, Nove Constit. Dom. Alberti,

Weimar, 1858, p. 78).--Sachsenspiegel Lib. II. c. 13.--Schwabenspiegel,

c. CXVI. § 12 (Ed. Senckenberg); Cod. Uffenbach. c. CCLXXI. §

6.--Lilienthal, Die Hexenprocesse der beiden Städten Braunsberg,

Königsberg, 1861, p. 70.--Iarnsida, Mannhelge c. vi., xxv. (Ed. Hafniæ,

1847, pp. 22, 46).--Ll. Gulathingens. Mannhelge-Bolkr, c. iv., xxv. (Ed.

Hafniæ, 1817, pp. 137, 197).

[474] Leges Scaniæ Provin. Andreæ Sunonis Archiep. Lunden. (Thorsen,

Skanske Lov, Kjobenhavn, 1853).--Raguald. Ingermund. Ll. Succor. Lib. x.

c. 5 (Stockholmiæ, 1614).--Canut. Episc. Vibergens. Exposit. Legum Juciæ

Lib. III. c. lxix. (Hafniæ, 1508).--Ancher, Farrago Legum Antiq. Daniæ

(Hafniæ, 1776).--Leges Opstalbomicæ ann. 1323 (Gaertner Saxonum Leges

Tres, Lipsiæ, 1730).--Olai Magni de Gent. Septentrion. Lib. III. c. 22.

[475] Concil. Valentin, ann. 1248 c. 12 (Harduin. VII. 427).--C.

Cenomanens. ann. 1248 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 1377).--C. Mogunt. ann.

1261 c. 30 (Hartzeim III. 604).--C. Nugaroliens. ann. 1290 c. 4 (Hard.

VII. 1161).--C. Baiocens. ann. 1300 c. 63 (Ib. VII. 1234).--C.

Treverens. ann. 1310 c. 79-84 (Martene Thesaur. IV. 257-8).--C.

Palentin. ann. 1322 c. 24 (Hard. VII. 1480).--C. Salmanticens. ann. 1335

c. 15 (Ib. VII. 1973-4).--Annal. Domin. Colmariens. ann. 1279 (Urstisii

II. 16).

[476] Raynald. ann. 1258, No. 23.--Potthast. No. 17745, 18396.--Eymeric.

p. 133.--C. 8, § 4, Sexto v. 2.--Chron. Bardin. ann. 1270 (Vaissette,

IV. Pr. 5).

[477] Archives de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXVII. 7).--Bern. Guidon.

Practica, P. III. c. 42, 43.--Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. XC. 2; XCV.

4.--Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. c. xxviii.--Bern. Basin de Artibus

Magiæ, conclus. iii.-ix.--Prieriat. de Strigimagar. Lib. III. c.

1.--Eymeric. pp. 342, 443.--Alonso de Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol. 51,

284.--Revelat. S. Brigittæ Lib. VII. c. 28.--Archidiac. Gloss. super c.

_accusatus_ § _sane_ (Eymeric. 202).--Rogeri Bacon Op. Tert. c. xii.;

Epist. de Secret. Operibus Artis c. vi., vii., ix.-xi.

When, in 1473, some Carmelites of Bologna asserted that it was not

heretical to obtain responses from demons, Sixtus IV. promptly ordered

an investigation, and directed the results to be transmitted to him

under seal.--Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. p. 82.

Bernardo di Como draws the nice distinction that it is not heretical to

invoke the devil to obtain the illicit love of a woman, for the function

of Satan is that of a tempter.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s.v.

_Dæmones_, No. 2.

In 1471 the arts of printing and alchemy were coupled together as

reprehensible by the Observantine Franciscans, and their practice was

forbidden under pain of disgrace and removal. Friar John Neyseeser

disobeyed this rule, and "apostatized" to the Conventual branch of the

Order, which was less rigid.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1471.

[478] Doat, XXVII. 7; XXX. 185.--Rogeri Bacon Epist. de Secretis

operibus Artis c. iii.--Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. XCVI. i.--Ciruelo,

Reprovacion de las Superstitiones, P. III. c. 1.--Grandes Chroniques V.

272.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1323.--Savonarola contra l'

Astrologia, Vinegia, 1536, fol. 33.--Ars Notoria, _ap._ Cornel. Agrippæ

Opp. Ed. Lugduni, I. 606.--The Notory Art of Solomon, translated by

Robert Turner, London, 1657.

[479] Tacit. Annal. II. 28-32; III. 22; XII. 14, 52, 68; Histor. II.

62.--Zonaræ T. II. (pp. 185, 192).--Sueton. Vitell. 14.--Tertull. de

Idololat. ix.--Lib. IX. Cod. xviii. 2.--Prudent. contra Symmach. II.

449-57.--Bedæ opp. Ed. Migne I. 963-66.--Augustin. de Civ. Dei Lib. v.

c. 1-7.

[480] Rolandini Chron. Lib. XII. c. 2 (Murat. S.R.I. VIII.

344).--Monach. Patavin. Chron. (Ib. VIII. 705).--Raynald. ann. 1305, No.

7.--Savonarola contra l'Astrologia, fol. 25.--Villari, Storia di

Savonarola, Ed. 1887, I. 197-8.--MS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930,

fol. 229-30.--Doat, XXXVII. 258.--Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. v.--Johann.

Saresberiens. Polycrat. II. xix., xx., xxv., xxvi.--Th. Aquin. Summ.

Sec. Sec. xcv.--Zanchini Tract. de Hæret. c. xxii.--D'Argentré, I. I.

263; II. 154.--Eymeric. p. 317.--Manilii Astron. Lib. IV.--Rogeri Bacon

Op. Tert. c. xi. (M. R. Series I. 35-6. Cf. 559-61).

[481] P. de Abano Conciliator Different. Philos. Diff. ix., x. (Ed.

Venet. 1494, fol. 14-15.). Cf. Albumasar de Magnis Conjunctionibus Tract

III. Diff. i. (Aug. Vindel. 1489).

The _Conciliator_ was a work of immense reputation. The preface of the

edition of 1494 speaks of three or four previous printed editions, and

there were repeated later ones up to 1596. Curiously enough, it was

never included in the Roman and Spanish Indexes, though it appears in

that of Lisbon of 1624 (Reusch, der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 35).

[482] Bayle, s. v. Apone.--G. Naudé, Apologie pour les Grands Hommes,

Ch. XIV.--Muratori Antiq. Ital. III. 374-5.

For the printed works attributed to Peter of Abano, see Grässe,

"Bibliotheca Magica et Pneumatica," Leipzig, 1843. The one by which he

is best known is the "Heptameron seu Elementa Magiæ," a treatise on the

invocation of demons, printed with the works of Cornelius Agrippa. This

version, however, is incomplete. A fuller and better one is among the

MSS. of the Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds latin, No. 17870.

[483] The _Sphæra_ of Sacrobosco is a remarkably lucid and scientific

statement of all that was known, in the thirteenth century, about the

earth in its cosmical relations. Although it accepts, of course, the

current theory of the nine spheres, it indulges in no astrological

reveries as to the influence of the signs and planets on human destiny.

It remained for centuries a work of the highest authority, and so lately

as 1604, sixty years after the death of Copernicus, and on the eve of

the development of the new astronomy by Galileo, it was translated, with

a copious commentary, by a professor of mathematics in the University of

Siena, Francesco Pifferi, whose astrological credulity offers a curious

contrast to the severe simplicity of the original.

[484] Villani x. 40, 41.--Lami, Antichità Toscane, pp. 593-4.--Raynald.

ann. 1327, No. 46.--Cantù, Eretici d' Italia, I. 149-52.

I owe many of the above details to a sketch of Cecco's life in a

Florentine MS. which I judge from the handwriting to be of the

seventeenth century, and of which the anonymous author appears to be

well informed; also, to a MS. copy of the elaborate sentence, much more

full than the fragments given by Lami and Cantù.

[485] Petrarchi de Rebus Senilibus Lib. III. Epist. 1.--Eymeric. p.

443.--Acquoy, Gerardi Magni Epistt. pp. 111-19.--Amador de los Rios

(Revista de España, T. XVIII. p. 9).--Novisima Recopilacion, Lib. XII.

Tit. iv. l. 1.--Concord. Astron. Veritatis et Narrat. Histor. c. lix.,

lx. (August. Vindel. 1490).--Fortalic. Fidei Lib. II. Consid.

vi.--Savonarola contra l' Astrol. fol. 26.--Bayle, s. v. Apone.--Malleus

Malef. P. I. Q. xvi.

The supreme power of the conjunction of Jupiter and the moon above

alluded to is probably based on Albumasar de Magnis Conjunctionibus

Tract. III. Diff. 2.

[486] D'Argentré I. II. 325-31.--Erasmi Encom. Moriæ, Ed. Lipsiens.

1829, III. 360.

The superstitions concerning comets scarce come within our present

scope. They will be found ably discussed by Andrew D. White in the

Papers of the American Historical Association, 1887. We are told by a

contemporary that Henry IV. lost his life in 1610 through neglect of the

warning sent him by the learned Doctor Geronymo Oller, priest and

astrologer of Barcelona, based upon the portents of a comet which

appeared in 1607.--(Guadalajara y Xavierr, Expulsion de los Moriscos,

Pampeluna, 1613, fol. 107).

[487] Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. c. xiv.-xvii.--Th. Aquin. Summ.

Sec. Sec. xcv. 6.--Tertull. Apol. 23.

[488] Concil. Toletan. XVII. ann. 694, c. v.--Amador de los Rios

(Revista de España, T. XVIII. p. 19).--Wright, Proceedings against Dame

Alice Kyteler, pp. xxxii.-xxxiii.--D'Argentré, I. II. 344-5.

[489] MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930 fol. 229-30.--Doat, XXXVII.

258.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 374.--Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. v.

Molinier (Études sur quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d'Italie, Paris,

1887, pp. 35, 45) mentions the occurrence of similar formulas in the

other manuals of the period.

[490] Bern. Guidon. Pract. P. III. 42, 43; P. v. vii. 12.--Doat, XXVII.

150.

[491] Zanchini Tract. de Hæret c. xxii.--Statuta Criminalia Mediolani e

tenebris in lucem edita c. 63 (Bergami, 1594).

[492] Differend de Boniface VIII. et de Ph. le Bel, Preuves,

103.--Rymer, Foed. II. 931-4.--Joann. S. Victor. Vit. Clement. V.

(Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 457).--Grandes Chroniques V. 217-20,

291.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1315, 1325.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds

latin, No. 4270 fol. 37-8, 144-5.

Enguerrand de Marigny had been all-powerful under Philippe le Bel,

controlling the papal as well as the royal court, and his marvellous

rise from obscurity led to the popular impression that he must be a

skilful necromancer--

"Ce fu cil qui fist cardonnaux,

Et si le pape tint en ses las,

Qui de petits clers fist prélats--

Si orent mainte gent créance

Que ce par art de nigromance

Fait, qu'en ce monde faisoit."--

Godefroi de Paris, v. 6620-9.

[493] Raynald. ann. 1317, No. 52-4; ann. 1318, No. 57; ann. 1320, No.

51; ann. 1327, No. 45.--Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 205.--Ripoll II.

192.--Arch. des Frères Prêcheurs de Toulouse (Doat, XXXIV. 181).--Arch.

de l'Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXV. 89).--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 23.--Raynald.

ann. 1374, No. 13.

[494] Molinier, Études de quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d'Italie,

Paris, 1887, pp. 102-3.--Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq., 140, 156, 177, 192;

XXVIII. 161.

[495] Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1323.--Grandes Chroniques V.

269-73.--Statut Ord. Cisterc. ann. 1290 c. 2 (Martene Thesaur. IV.

1485).

[496] Archives de l'Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXVII. 150).

[497] Matt. Neoburg. (Alb. Argentorat.) ann. 1323 (Urstisii II.

123).--Chronik des Jacob v. Königshofen (Chroniken der deutschen Städte,

VII. 467).

[498] Wright's Contemporary Narrative of the Proceedings against Dame

Alice Kyteler, Camden Soc., 1843.

[499] Wright, op. cit. pp. xxiii.-xxix.--Vaissette, IV. Pr.

173.--Raynald. ann. 1337, No. 30.

[500] Lilienthal, Die Hexenprocesse der beiden Städte Braunsberg, p.

113.--Concil. Carnotens. ann. 1366 c. 11 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII.

1368).--Florez, España Sagrada, XLIX. 188.--Acquoy. Gerardi Magni

Epistt. pp. 107-11.--Concil. Pragens. ann. 1355 c. 61 (Hartzheim, IV.

400).--Statuta brevia Arnesti ann. 1353 (Höfler, Prager Concilien, p.

2).--Concil. Pragens. ann. 1381 c. 7 (Ib. p. 28).--Statut. Synod.

Pragens. ann. 1407, No. 6 (Ib. p. 59).--Dubrav. Hist. Bohem. Lib.

XXIII.--Raynald. ann. 1400, No. 14.

[501] Bodini de Magor. Demonoman. Lib. IV. c. 1.

[502] Registre Criminel du Châtelet de Paris, I. 332-63 (Paris, 1861).

[503] Chassaing, Spicilegium Brivatense, pp. 438-46.

[504] D'Argentré I. II. 154. Cf. Bodin. de Magor. Demonoman.--Murner

Tract. de Python. Contractu.--Basin de Artibus Magiæ.--Pegnæ Comment. in

Eymeric. p. 346.

[505] Gersoni Tract. de Error. circa Artem Magicam (Opp. Ed. 1494, xxi.

G-H).--Mall. Maleficar. P. I. Q. 1, 8.

[506] Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI., Liv. XVII. ch. i.,

Liv. XVIII. ch. 8.--Juvenal des Ursins, Hist. de Charles VI. ann.

1403.--Raynald. ann. 1404, No. 22-3.--Concil. Suessionens. ann. 1403 c.

7.--Monstrelet, I. 39 (Ed. Buchon, 1843, pp. 80-3).--Chron. de P. Cochon

(Ed. Vallet de Viriville, p. 385).

Valentine of Milan, wife of Louis of Orleans, and her father, Galeazzo

Visconti, had the reputation of being addicted to magic and of being

privy to the attempt on the life of the king (ubi sup.).

[507] Wright, Dame Kyteler, pp. ix., xv.-xx.--Rymer, Foed. VII. 427; X.

505; XI. 851.

[508] Monstrelet, II. 248.--Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. ann.

1440 (Ed. Godefroy, p. 106).--Rob. Gaguin. Hist. Franc. Lib. X. c. 3.

[509] Bossard et Maulde, Gilles de Rais, dit Barbe-bleue, Paris, 1886,

pp. 16, 43, 49-51, 53, 57, Pr. p. clvii.

[510] Bossard et Maulde, Gilles de Rais, dit Barbe-bleue, Paris, 1886,

Pr. pp. liii., lxxvii., clii.

[511] Ibid. p. 21; Pr. pp. xlix., lviii.

[512] Ib. pp. 48-51; Pr. pp. xxi.-xxvi., xlvi., xlix.

[513] Bossard et Maulde, Gilles de Rais, dit Barbe-bleue, Paris, 1886,

pp. 61-66, 72-3, 78-81, 92-116, 173, 269; Pr. pp. cliv.-clv., clvii,

clix.--Très-Ancien Coutume de Bretagne c. 83 (Bourdot de Richebourg, IV.

220).--D'Argentré, Comment. in Consuetud. Britann. pp. 1647-55.

[514] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. lxxxiv.-xcii., xcv.-xcix.

[515] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xxvi., xxxiv., xlvii.-lii., lv.-lvi.,

lxii.-lxxii., lxxxviii., xcviii., ci., cxvii.--Monstrelet, II. 248.

[516] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. lxxv., lxxvii., lxxxviii.-xcii.,

xcv.-xcix., cxvii.-cxl.

[517] Bossard et Maulde, pp. 212-13; Pr. pp. xxiv., 1.

[518] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp xxvii.-xxviii., xlvi., xlvii., lii.,

lv., lviii., lxxii., lxxx.

[519] Bossard et Maulde, pp. 231-5; Pr. pp. xxix., cii.-cxvi., cliv.

[520] Très Anc. Cout. de Bretagne c. 62 (Bourdot de Richebourg IV.

216).--Bossard et Maulde, pp. 235-6; Pr. pp. liii., lxxi.

[521] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. i., ii., vi.-ix.

[522] Ibid. Pr. pp. iii.-iv., v.--Jean Chartier Hist. de Charles VII.

ann. 1440 (Ed. Godefroy, p. 106).

[523] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. vi.-ix.

[524] Ibid. pp. ix., xii.

[525] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xi-xii.

[526] Ibid. Pr. pp. xiii.-xiv.

[527] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xvii.-xxx.

[528] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xxxii.-xxxvi., xxxvii.-xxxviii.,

lxiv.-lxxii., lxxiii.-lxxxi., lxxxii.-xcii., xciii.-ci.

[529] Ibid. Pr. pp. xli.-xlii.

[530] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xliii.-xlv.

[531] Ibid. Pr. pp. xlv.-xlvii.

[532] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. xlviii.-lviii.

[533] Ibid. Pr. pp. lxiii.-lxiv.

[534] Bossard et Maulde, Pr. pp. lx.-lxi.

[535] Bossard et Maulde, p. 333; Pr. pp. cxli.-cxliv.

[536] Bossard et Maulde, pp. 337-41.

[537] Très-Anc. Cout. de Bretagne c. 118 (Bourdot de Richebourg, IV.

228).--Bossard et Maulde, pp. 357, 377.

[538] Bossard et Maulde, pp. 370-82.

[539] Ibid. pp. 380; Pr. pp. cxlv.-cxlvi.

[540] Bossard et Maulde, pp. 406, 408, 412.

[541] La Puente Epit. de la Chronica del Rey don Juan II. Lib. III. c.

23; Lib. V. c. 27 (Fernan Perez de Guzman).--Monteiro, Hist. da Santa

Inquisição, P. I. Lib. II. c. 40.--Paramo, p. 131.--La Fuente, Hist.

Gen. de España, IX. 60.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles I. 582,

608-11.--Amador de los Rios, Revista de España, T. XVIII. pp. 15-16.

[542] Weber, Indische Skizzen, p. 112.--Wagenseilii Comment. ad Mishna,

Sootah, I. 5.--Grimm's Teuton. Mythol. III. 1044.

[543] Frag. Capitular. c. 13 (Baluz. II. 365).--Reginon. de Eccles.

Discip. II. 364.--Burchard. Decret. XI. 1, XIX. 5.--Ivon. Decret. XI.

30.--Gratian. Decret. II. XXVII. v. 12.--Servius in Virgil. Æneid. IV.

511, VI. 118.--Vit. S. Cæsar. Arelat. Lib. II. c. 2.--Raynald. ann.

1317, No. 53.--Grimm's Teut. Mythol. I. 268 sqq.--Finn Magnusen Boreal.

Mythol. Lexicon, pp. 7, 71, 567.--Lib. de Spiritu et Anima c.

28.--Augerii Cenomanens. Statut. (Du Cange s.v. _Diana_).--Conc.

Trevirens. ann. 1310 c. 81 (Martene Thesaur. IV. 257).--Conc. Ambianens.

cap. iii. No. 8 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 1241).--Johann. Saresberiens.

Polycrat. II. xvii.--Grimm's Teut. Mythol. III. 1055-7.--Wright's Dame

Kyteler, pp. iv., xxxvi.--Gervas. Tilberiens. Otia Imp. Decis. III. c.

86, 93.--Jean de Meung says--

"Maintes gens par lor folie

Cuident estre par nuict estrées

Errant avecques Dame Habonde;

Et dient que par tout le monde

Li tiers enfant de nacion

Sunt de ceste condicion."

(Roman de la Rose, 18624.--Wright loc. cit.).

A story in Jac. de Voragine's life of St. Germain l'Auxerrois

illustrates the genesis of the belief concerning the Dame Habonde and

her troop, who assisted in household work. On visiting a certain house

St. Germain found that the supper-table was set by "the good women who

walk by night." He remained up and saw a crowd of demons, in the shape

of men and women, who came to set it; he commanded them to stay, and

woke the family, who recognized in the intruders their neighbors, but

the latter, on investigation, were found in their beds, and the demons

confessed that the likenesses were assumed for the purpose of

deception.--Jac. de Vorag. s.v. _S. Germanus_.

[544] Pauli Carnot. Vet. Agano. Lib. VI. c. 3.--Adhemari Cabannens. ann.

1022.--Gualteri Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. c. 30.--Alani de

Insulis contra Hæret. Lib. I. c. 63.

[545] Concil. Trevirens. ann. 1310 c. 81 (Martene Thes. IV.

257).--Concil. Ambianens. c. 1410 cap. iii. No. 8 (Martene Ampl. Coll.

VII. 1241).--Eymeric. p. 341.--Alonso de Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol.

284.--Albertini Repertor. Inquisit. s. v. _Xorguinoe_.

[546] Thom. Cantimprat. Bonum universal. Lib. II. c. 56.--Alonso de

Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol. 284.--Bern. Basin de Artibus

Magicis.--Ulric. Molitor. de Python. Mulierib. Conclus. IV.--Th.

Cantimprat. ubi sup.--Mall. Maleficar. P. ii. Q. i. c. 3.--Prieriat. de

Strigimag. Lib. i. c. xiv., Lib. ii. c. 1.

Friar Thomas gives circumstantial contemporary instances occurring in

Flanders, where women were carried away and their images were on the

point of burial, when the deception was accidentally discovered, and the

images, on being cut open, were found to consist of rotten wood covered

with skin. He admits his inability to explain these cases, and says that

on consulting Albertus Magnus about them the latter evaded a positive

answer (Bonum universale, ubi sup.).

[547] Fr. Nich. Jaquerii Flagellum Hæret. Fascinar. c. vii.,

xxviii.--Mall. Malef. P. I. Q. i. c. 10; P. II. Q. i. c. 3, 9.--G.F.

Pico della Mirandola, La Strega, Milano, 1864, pp. 61, 73.--Bernardi

Comensis de Strigiis c. 3-6.

[548] Ponzinib. de Lamiis c. 49, 50, 52-3, 61-3, 65-6.--Prieriat. de

Strigimagar. Lib. II. c. 1.

Paramo (De Orig. Offic. S. Inq. p. 296) also adopts the date of 1404 as

that of the origin of the sect of witches. This is probably founded on

confusing Innocent VIII., who commenced to reign in 1484, with Innocent

VII., who began in 1404. In the former's bull _Summis desiderantes_,

dated in his first regnal year, he speaks of witches as a new sect, and

Prierias refers this to 1404.

[549] Ponzinib. de Lamiis c. 65.--Bart. Spinei de Strigibus, p. 175,

Romæ, 1575.

[550] Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 4.--Chron. Cornel.

Zantfliet ann. 1460 (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 502).--Bernardi Comensis de

Strigiis c. 3.--Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. I. c. 2, 14; Lib. II. c. 1,

4.

[551] Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i. c. 2, 4, 11, 15; Q. ii. c.

4.--Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. II. c. 7, 9.--Ulric. Molitor. de

Python. Mulierib.--Ripoll III. 193.--Pico della Mirandola, La Strega,

pp. 84-5.--Bernardi Comens. de Strigiis c. 7.

It is the universal testimony of the demonologists that vastly more

women than men were thus involved in the toils of the Devil. To explain

this, Sprenger indulges in a most bitter tirade against women, and

piously thanks God for preserving the male sex from such wickedness

(Mall. Malef. P. I. Q. vii.).

[552] Burchardi Decret. XIX. 5.--Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. II.

xvii.--Grimm, Teut. Mythol. III. 1059.--Rapp, Die Hexenprocesse und ihre

Gegner aus Tyrol, Innsbruck, 1874, p. 146.--P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel

Canavese (Curiosità di Storia Subalpina, 1874, pp. 229,

234-5).--Bernardi Comensis de Strigiis c. 8.

A development of this belief is seen in the feat, referred to in the

preceding chapter, of Zyto, the magician of the Emperor Wenceslas, who

swallowed a rival conjurer and discharged him alive in a vessel of

water.

Yet concurrently with this the belief existed in the absolute eating of

children. Peter of Berne told Nider that in his district thirteen were

thus despatched in a short time, and he learned from a captured witch

that they were killed in their cradles with incantations, dug up after

burial, and boiled in a caldron. The magic unguent was made out of the

flesh, while the soup had the power of winning over to the sect of

Devil-worshippers whoever partook of it.--Nider Formicar. Lib. V. c.

iii.

[553] Mall. Malef. P. II. Q. i. c. 13; P. III. Q. xxxiv.

[554] Mall. Malef. P. I. Q. xii., xv.

[555] In England, where torture was illegal, the growth of witchcraft

was much slower. When the craze came an efficient substitute for torture

was found in "pricking" or thrusting long needles in every part of the

victim's body in search of the insensible spot which was a

characteristic of the witch.

[556] Ripoll III. 193.--Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. pp. 83, 84, 85, 99,

105.--Approbat. Univ. Coloniens. in Mall. Malef.

For an official selection of papal bulls on the subject see Lib. Sept.

Decret. Lib. V. Tit. xii.

[557] Bernardi Comens. de Strigiis c. 14.--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q.

i., ii.--P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel Canavese, op. cit. p. 230.--Artic.

Univers. Paris. No. 5.--Concil. Lingonens, ann. 1403 c. 4.--Prieriat de

Strigimag. Lib. II. c. 10.--Bodini Magor. Dæmonoman. p. 288.

[558] Prieriat. Lib. III. c. 3.--Mall. Malef. P. II. Q. ii.

[559] Bernard. Comens. de Strigiis c. 14.

[560] Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i.; P. II. Q. viii.; P. III. Q.

xv.--Prieriat. Lib. II. c. 9; Lib. III. c. 3.--Nider Formicar. Lib. _v_.

c. 7.

[561] Mall. Malef. P. II. Q i.; Q. i. c. 4, 11; P. III. Q.

xv.--Prieriat. Lib. III. c. 2.--Jahn, Hexenwesen und Zauberei in

Pommern, Breslau, 1886, p. 8.

[562] Raynald. ann. 1374, No. 13; ann. 1437, No. 27.--Ripoll II. 566-7;

III. 193, 301.--Prieriat. Lib. III. c. 1.--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i.

c. 16; P. III. Q. i.--Anon. Carthus. de Relig. Orig. c. xxvi. (Martene

Ampl. Coll. VI. 59).

[563] Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. xxiii.

The constant recurrence of the toad in all the operations of witchcraft

opens a suggestive question in zoological mythology. Space will not

admit its discussion here, but I may mention, as a proof of the

antiquity of the superstitions connected with the animal, that in

Mazdeism the toad was one of the special creations of Ahriman, and was

devoted to his service. It was a toad which he set to destroying the

Gokard, or Tree of all plants, and which will always be endeavoring to

do so until the resurrection (Bundehesh, ch. xviii.).

[564] Ulric. Molitoris de Python. Mulierib. c. iv.

[565] Prieriat. Lib. III. c. 3.--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. vii., xvi.;

P. III. Q. xiii., xiv.

[566] Concil. Rotomagens. ann. 1445 c. 6 (Bessin Concil. Rotomagens. I.

184).--C. Lexoviens. ann. 1448 c. 9 (Ibid. II. 482).--Nic. Jaquerii

Flagellum Hæret. Fascinar. c. 27.--Mall. Malef. P. I. Q. xiv.; P. II. Q.

i. c. 3, 16.--Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. III. c. 3.

[567] Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. xiv.--P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel

Canavese, op. cit. pp. 218-21, 232.

[568] Prieriat. Lib. III. c. 3.--Mall. Maleficar. P. III. Q. xii.

[569] Mall. Maleficar. P. III. Q. x., xi., xxxv.--Prieriat Lib. III. c.

3.

[570] P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel Canavese, op. cit. pp. 658-715.

[571] It will be remembered (Vol. II. p. 158) that by this time in

France, Vaudois and Vaudoisie had become the designation of all

deviations from faith, and was especially applied to sorcery. Hence is

derived the word Voodooism, descriptive of the negro sorcery of the

French colonies, transmitted to the United States through Louisiana.

[572] There was some debate whether the evidence of a witch as to those

whom she had seen in the Sabbat was to be received, but it was settled

in favor of the faith by the unanswerable argument that otherwise the

principal means of detecting witches would be lost. If the accused

alleged that the devil had caused an apparition resembling him to be

present, he was to be required to prove the fact, which was not easy

(Jaquerii Flagell. Hæret. Fascinar. c. 26).--Bernardo di Como (de

Strigiis, c. 13, 14) says that the mere accusation of being seen in the

Sabbat is not sufficient to justify arrest, as the individual may be

personated by a demon, but it has to be reinforced by "conjectures and

presumptions," which, of course, were never lacking.

[573] MSS. Bib. Roy. de Bruxelles, No. 11209.

[574] This was, doubtless, in commutation for confiscation, and reveals

the object of the whole affair. To estimate the magnitude of the fines,

it may be mentioned that de Beauffort's annual revenue was estimated at

five hundred livres. The richest citizens of Arras who were arrested

were said to be worth from four hundred to five hundred livres a year.

[575] The belief in the imminent advent of Antichrist was as strong in

the fifteenth century as in its predecessors. In 1445 the University of

Paris was astonished by a young Spaniard, about twenty years of age, who

came there and overcame the most learned schoolmen and theologians in

disputation. He appeared equally at home in all branches of learning,

including medicine and law; he was matchless with the sword, and played

ravishingly on all instruments of music. After confounding Paris, he

went to the Duke of Burgundy, at Ghent, and thence passed into Germany.

The doctors of the University pondered over the apparition, and finally

concluded that he was Antichrist, who, it was well known, would possess

all arts and sciences by the secret aid of Satan, and would be a good

Christian until he attained the age of twenty-eight (Chron. de Mathieu

de Coussy, ch. VIII.). The wonderful stranger was Fernando de Cordoba,

who settled in the papal court, and wrote several books, which have been

forgotten. See Nich. Anton. Biblioth. Hispan. Lib. x. cap. xiii. No.

734-9.

[576] The Chronicler of Arras tells us that at this time there was no

enforcement of the laws in Arras; every one did as he pleased, and no

one was punished but the friendless. His statement is borne out by the

cases of homicide and other crimes which he relates, and of which no

notice was taken (Mém. de Jacques du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 22, 24, 40,

41). Yet vigorous search was made for the author of this pasquinade, and

Jacotin Maupetit was arrested by an usher-at-arms of the duke on the

charge of writing it. He adroitly slipped out of his doublet, and sought

asylum in three successive churches, finally succeeding in getting to

Paris, where he constituted himself a prisoner of the Parlement, and

returned to Arras free, to find that, meanwhile, his property had been

confiscated and sold. (Ibid. ch. 24.)

[577] The details of this case have, fortunately, been preserved for us

in the Mémoires de Jacques du Clercq, Livre IV., with the decree of

Parlement in the appendix. Mathieu de Coussy (Chronique ch. 129) and

Cornelius Zantfliet (Martene, Ampl. Coll. V. 501) also give brief

accounts. Some details omitted by du Clercq are to be found in the

learned sketch of Duverger, "La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le

Bon," Arras, 1885, which, it is to be hoped, will be followed by the

more elaborate work promised by the author.

[578] Du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 10-11.

[579] Du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 14, 15, 28; Append, II.

[580] Du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 4, 8.

[581] Du Clercq, Liv. IV. ch. 6, 11, 14, 28.--A copy of Jean Taincture's

tract is in the Bib. Roy. de Bruxelles, MSS. No. 2296.--About this time

Jeannin, a peasant of Inchy, was executed at Cambrai, and at Lille

Catharine Patée was condemned as a witch, but escaped with banishment,

and the same was the case with Marguerite d'Escornay at Nivelles. One

unfortunate, Noel Fern of Amiens, became insane on the subject, and

after wandering over the land, accused himself at Mantes of belonging to

the accursed sect. He was burned August 26, 1460. His wife, whom he had

implicated, escaped sharing his fate by an appeal to the

Parlement--Duverger, La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le Bon, pp.

52-3, 84.

[582] Nider Formicar. Lib. V. c. 3, 4, 7.--Grimm's Teutonic Mythol. III.

1066.--Soldan, Geschichte der Hexenprocesse, Stuttgart, 1843, p.

186.--Bernardi Comensis de Strigiis c. 4.--Steph. Infessuræ Diar. Urb.

Romæ ann. 1424 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1874-5).

Peter of Berne's efforts to purify his territory were fruitless, for we

hear of witches burned in 1482 at Murten, Canton Berne (Valerius

Anshelm, Berner-Chronik, Bern, 1884, I. 224).

[583] Duverger, La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le Bon, p.

22.--Anon. Carthus. de Relig. Orig. c. 25-6 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI.

57-9).--Jean Chartier, Hist. de Charles VII. ann. 1453.--Mémoires de

Jacques du Clercq, Liv. III. ch. 11.--D'Argentré, I. II. 251.--Soldan,

Gesch. der Hexenprocesse, p. 198.--Lilienthal, Die Hexenprocesse der

beiden Städte Braunsberg, p. 70.

[584] Alonso de Spina, Fortalic. Fidei, fol. 284.--Bernardi Comens. de

Strigiis c. 3.--Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet, ann. 1456 (Martene Ampl. Coll.

V. 491).--Raynald. ann. 1459, No. 30.--Guill. Gruel, Chroniques d'Artus

III. (Ed. Buchon, p. 405).

[585] Du Cange, s.v. _Sortiarius_.

[586] Mall. Malef. P. I. Q. i. c. 1.

[587] Mall. Malef. P. I. Q. xi.; P. II. Q. i. c. 4, 12; P. III. Q. 15.

[588] Mall. Malef. P. II. Q. i. c. 4.

Innocent's bull was not confined to Germany alone, but was operative

everywhere. In an Italian inquisitorial manual of the period it is

included in a collection of bulls "_contra hereticam pravitatem_," which

also contains a letter on the subject from the future Emperor

Maximilian, dated Brussels, November 6, 1486.--Molinier, Études sur

quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d'Italie, Paris, 1887, p. 72.

[589] Rapp, Die Hexenprocesse und ihre Gegner aus Tirol, pp. 5-8, 12-13,

143 sqq.--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. 1, c. 12; P. III. Q. 15.

[590] Molitoris Dial. de Pythonicis Mulieribus c. 1, 10.

The absurd contrast between the illimitable powers ascribed to the witch

and her personal wretchedness was explained under torture by the victims

as the result of the faithlessness of Satan, who desired to keep them in

poverty. When steeped in misery he would appear to them and allure them

into his service by the most attractive promises, but when he had

attained his end those promises were never kept. Gold given to them

would always disappear before it could be used. As one of the Tyrolese

witches in 1506 declared, "The devil is a Schalk (knave)." (Rapp, Die

Hexenprocesse und ihre Gegner aus Tirol, p. 147.)

[591] Diefenbach, the latest writer on witchcraft (Die Hexenwahn, Mainz,

1886). sees clearly enough that the witch-madness was the result of the

means adopted for the suppression of witchcraft, but in his eagerness to

relieve the Church from the responsibility he attributes its origin to

the _Carolina_, or criminal code of Charles V., issued in 1531, and

expressly asserts that ecclesiastical law had nothing to do with it (p.

176). Other recent writers ascribe the horrors of the witch-process to

the bull of Innocent VIII., and the _Malleus Maleficarum_ (Ib. pp.

222-6). We have been able to trace, however, the definite development of

the madness and the means adopted for its cure from the beliefs and the

practice of preceding ages. It was, as we have seen, a process of purely

natural evolution from the principles which the Church had succeeded in

establishing.

[592] Fontanon, Edicts et Ordonnances, IV. 237.--Isambert, XI. 190, 253.

[593] Cornel. Agrippa de Occult. Philos. Lib. I. c. 40; Lib. III. c. 33;

Epistt. II. 38, 39, 40, 59; De Vanitate Scientiarum c. xcvi.

[594] Raynald. ann. 1457, No. 90.--P. Vayra, Le Streghe nel Canavese,

op. cit. p. 250.--Mall. Maleficar. P. II. Q. i. c. 1, 12.--Ripoll IV.

190.--Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. p. 105.--G.F. Pico, La Strega, p.

17.--Prieriat. de Strigimag. Lib. II. c. 1, 5.--Ang. Politian. Lamia,

Colon. 1518.

[595] G. de Castro, II Mondo Secreto, IX. 128, 133, 135-6.--Mag. Bull.

Rom. I. 440, 617.--Archiv. di Venezia, Misti, Concil. X. Vol. 44, p. 7.

[596] Michelet, La Sorcière, Liv. II. ch. iii.--P. Vayra, op. cit. p.

255.--Annal. Novesiens. ann. 1586 (Martene Ampl. Coll. IV. 717).--Paramo

de Orig. Off. S. Inquis. p. 296.

[597] Von der Hardt I. XVI. 829.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquisit. s.

v. _Dubius_.

[598] R. Bacon Opp., M.R. Series, J.S. Brewer's Preface, p. xlv.

[599] Op. Minus, M.R Series I. 326-30.--Compend. Studii Philosoph.

VII.--Brewer. Preface, p. li.

[600] Brewer, Pref. p. xcviii.--Wadding. ann. 1278, No. 26; ann. 1284,

No. 12.--Wood's Life of Bacon (Brewer, pp. xciv.-xcv.).--C. Müller, Die

Anfänge des Minoritenordens, pp. 104-5.

[601] Tocco, L'Heresia nel Medio Evo, p. 2.--J. Scoti Erigenæ de Divis.

Naturæ I. 14; IV. 5.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1225.

[602] Tocco, p. 4.

[603] Johann. Saresberiens. Metalog. II. 17.--Tocco, 26, 39, 40, 57.

[604] Bruckeri Instit. Hist. Philos. Ed. 1756, p. 530.--D'Argentré I.

II. 258-84, 298, 302-4.--Baluz. et Mansi, II. 293-6.--Isambert, X.

664-72.

[605] D'Argentré I. I. 275, 285-90, 323-30, 337-40; I. II. 249, 255.--R.

Lullii Lamentatio Philosophiæ (Opp. Ed. 1651, p. 112).--Erasmi Encom.

Moriæ (Ed. Lipsiens. 1828, p. 365).--Maimonides, Guide des Égarés P.

III. ch. xxi. (Trad. Munk, III. 155).--Matt. Paris ann. 1201 (Ed. 1644,

p. 144).

[606] Renan, Averrhoès et l'Averrhoïsme, 3e Éd. 1866, pp. 152-3, 156-60,

168.

[607] Renan, pp. 22, 29-36, 167-9, 297.

[608] Th. Cantimpr. Bon. Univers. Lib. II. c. 47.--Matt. Paris ann.

1238.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. Y. pp. 339, 349.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos

Españoles, I. 507-8, 782-3.

One of these supposititious _Traité des Trois Imposteurs_, published at

Yverdon in 1768, is written from a pantheistic standpoint, and not

without a certain measure of learning. Although it quotes Descartes,

there is a somewhat clumsy attempt to represent it as a translation of a

tract sent by Frederic II. to Otho of Bavaria.

[609] Partidas, P. VII. Tit. xxvi. l. 1.--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1291

c. 8 (Martene Ampliss. Coll. VII. 294).--Renan, pp. 205-16.

[610] Matt. Paris ann. 1243 (p. 415).--S. Bonaventuræ Serm. de decem

Præceptia II. (Opp. Venet. 1584, II. 617).--D'Argentré I. I. 158-9,

186-88.

[611] D'Argentré I. I. 177-83.

[612] D'Argentré I. I. 185, 212-13, 234.

[613] D'Argentré I. I. 214-15, 235-6.--Renan, pp. 467-70.--Eymeric. pp.

238, 241.

[614] Renan, pp. 318-20, 322, 325, 339, 342, 345-6.--Molinier, Études

sur quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d'Italie, p. 103.--Petrarchi Lib.

sine Titulo Epist. XVIII. Ejusd. contra Medicum Lib. II. (Ed. Basil.

1581, p. 1098).--Decamerone, Giorn. I. Nov. 3.--Marina, Théorie des

Cortès, Trad. Fleury, Paris, 1822, II, 515.

[615] Gerson. sup. Magnificat. Tract, IX. (Ed. 1489, 89f, 9lf).--Renan,

p. 314.

[616] D'Argentré I. II. 342.--Alph. de Castro adv. Hæreses, Lib. II. s.

v. _Angelus_.

[617] For a luminous presentation of the influence of Humanism on the

policy of the Church in the fifteenth century, see Creighton's History

of the Popes, II. 333 sqq. It was one of the complaints of Savonarola

that learning and culture had supplanted religion in the minds of those

to whom the destinies of Christianity were confided until they had

become infidels--"Vattene a Roma e per tutto il Cristianesimo; nelle

case de' gran prelati e de' gran maestri non s'attende se non a poesie e

ad arte oratoria ...Essi hanno introdotto fra noi le feste del diavolo;

essi non credono a Dio, e si fanno beffe dei misteri della nostra

religione" (Villari, Storia di Savonarola, Ed. 1887, I. 197, 199).

[618] Laurent. Vallæ in Donat. Constant. Declam. (Fasciculus Rer.

Expetendar. L. 132, Ed. 1690).--Bayle, s. v. _Valle_.--Raynald. ann.

1446, No. 9.--Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inq. p. 297.--Wagenmann,

Real-Encykl. VIII. 492-3.--Creighton's Hist. of the Popes, II. 340.--Æn.

Sylv. Comment. in Dict. et Fact. Alfonsi Regis Lib. I.--Erasmi Epistt.

Lib. IV. Ep. 7; Lib. VII. Ep. 3.--Reusch, Der Index der Verbotenen

Bücher, I. 227.

The immediate conviction wrought by Valla's criticism of the Donation of

Constantine is shown in Æneas Sylvius's defence of the temporal power,

where he abandons Constantine entirely, basing the territorial claims of

the Holy See on the gifts of Charlemagne, and its authority over kings

on the power of the keys and the headship granted to Peter (Æn. Sylvii

Opp. inedd. pp. 571-81). Yet the Church soon rallied and renewed its

claims. Arnaldo Albertino, Inquisitor of Valencia, in alluding to the

Donation of Constantine, says, in 1533, that Lorenzo Valla endeavored to

dispute its truth, but that every one else is united in maintaining it,

so that to deny it is to come near heresy (Arn. Albertini Repetitio

nova, Valentiæ, 1534, col. 32-3). Curiously enough, he adds that it is

asserted in the bull _Unam Sanctam_, which is not the case (I. Extrav.

Commun. Lib. I. Tit. viii.). In fact, Boniface VIII. founded his claims

on Christ, and a reference to Constantine would only weaken them.

Valla's bitter and captious criticisms provoked sundry epigrams after

his death.

"Nunc postquam manes defunctus Valla petivit,

Non audet Pluto verba Latina loqui.

Jupiter hunc cæli dignatus parte fuisset,

Censorem linguæ sed timet esse suæ."

"Obe ut Valla silet solitus qui parcere nulli est!

Si quæris quid agat nunc quoque mordet humum."--(Bayle, l.c.).

[619] Raynald. ann. 1459, No. 31; ann. 1461, No. 9, 10.--Æn. Sylvii Opp.

inedd. pp. 453, 506-7, 524, 653.--B. Platinæ Vit. Pauli III.--Creighton,

Hist. of the Popes, II. 440; III. 39.

[620] Gregor. Heymburg. Confut. Primatus Papæ (Fascic. Rer. Expetend.

II. 117).--B. Platinæ Vit. Pauli II.--Cantù, I. 186-7, 198.

Creighton (Hist. of the Popes, III. 276 sqq.) has printed from a

Cambridge MS. a curious correspondence between Pomponio, while

imprisoned in the Castle of Sant' Angelo, and his jailer, Rodrigo de

Arevalo, afterwards Bishop of Zamora. It shows how fragile was the

philosophy of the Platonists when exposed to real privations.

[621] Marsil. Ficin. Epistt. Libb. VIII., XI., XII. (Opp. Ed. 1561, I.

866-7, 931, 946, 962-3); De Christ. Relig. c. 11, 13, 22, 24, 26 (I. 15,

18, 25, 29); De Vita Coelitus comparanda Lib. III. c. 1, 2 (I. 532-33);

In Platonem (II. 1390); In Plotinum c. 6, 7, 12, 15 (II. 1620-22, 1633,

1636).--Cantù, I. 179.

Yet we find him attributing a fever and diarrhoea to the influence of

Saturn in the house of Cancer, for Saturn had been in his geniture from

the beginning; and his cure he ascribes to a vow made to the

Virgin.--Epistt. Opp. I. 644, 733.

[622] D'Argentré I. II. 250.--Cantù, I. 182, III. 699-700.

[623] J. Pic. Mirand. Vita, Conclusiones, Apologia, Alexand. PP. VI.

Bull. _Omnium Catholicor_. (Opp. Basil. 1572). Cf. Cantù, I. 185.

[624] Concil. Lateran. V. Sess. VIII. (Harduin. IX. 1719).--Ripoll IV.

373.--Renan, pp. 53, 363.--P. Pomponatii Tract. de Immort. Animæ c.

xiv.--Cantù, I. 179-81.--Bayle, s. v. _Pomponace_, Note D.

The device by which philosophers escaped responsibility for their

philosophy is illustrated by the concluding words of Agostino Nifo's

treatise _De Coelo et Mundo_, in 1514: "In qua omnibus pateat me ornnia

esse locutum ut phylosophum: quæ vero viderentur Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ

dissonare illico revocamus, asserentes ea incuria nostra proficisci non

autem a malitia, quare nostras bas interprætationes omnes et quascunque

alias in quibusvis libris editis Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ submittimus."

And so Marsilio Ficino--"Nos autem in omnibus quæ scribimus eatenus

affirmari a nobis aliisque volumus quatenus Christianorum theologorum

concilio videatur"--De Immort. Animæ, Lib. XVIII. c. 5.

Pomponazio winds up his treatise on the immortality of the soul with

"Hæc itaque sunt quæ mihi in hac materia dicenda videntur. Semper tamen

in hoc et in aliis subjiciendo sedi Apostolicæ"--De Immort. Animæ c. xv.

[625] P. Pomponatii Tract. de Immort. Animæ c. iv., viii., xiv.,

xiv.--Prieriat. de Strigimagar. Lib. I. c. iv., v.--Llorente, Hist. de

l'Inq. d'Espagne, ch. xv. Art. ii. No. 4.

[626] Renan, pp. 367-72.--Cantù, I. 183.

[627] Villari, Frà Girolamo Savonarola, Ed. 1887, T. II. p. 3.

[628] Cartas de D. Fr. Feyjoo, Carta XXII. (T. I. p. 180).

[629] Historia General de Mallorca, III. 40-2 (Palma, 1841).--Pelayo,

Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 514-15.--Nic. Anton. Bibl. Hispan. Lib. IX. c.

iii. No. 73.

[630] Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib. XV. c. 4.--Hist. Gen. de Mallorca,

I. 601, III. 44-6.--Nic. Anton. l. c. No. 74.--Wadding. ann. 1275, No.

12.

[631] Wadding. ann. 1293, No. 3; ann. 1215, No. 2, 5.--C. 1. Clement. v.

1.--Nic. Anton. I. c. No. 76.--Hist. Gen. de Mallorca, II. 1058-9, 1063;

III. 64-5, 72.

[632] Nic. Anton. 1. c. No. 87-154.--Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 68, 70,

96-8.--R. Lullii Art. Mag. P. IX. c. 52 (Opp. Ed. Argentorati, 1651, p.

438).

For an account of Lully's poetical works, see Chabaneau (Vaissette, Éd.

Privat, x. 379).

[633] Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 71, 78.--Pelayo, I. 530, 535, 537,

539.--Nic. Anton. 1. c. No. 82.--Gersoni Epist. ad. Bart. Carthus;

Ejusd. De Exam. Doctr. P. II. Consid. 1.--Corn. Agrippæ de Vanitate

Scient. c. 9.--Hieron. Cardan, de Subtil. Rer. Lib. xv.--Mariana, Lib.

xv. c. 4.

[634] Pelayo, I. 519-23.--R. Lullii Lamentat. Philosoph.

[635] Pelayo, I. 499, 528.--Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 85.--D'Argentré I.

I. 256-7, 259--Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. pp. 67-8.--Bofarull.

Documentos, VI. 360.

[636] Eymeric. Direct. pp. 255-61.

Pegna says (p. 262) that in the MSS. of Eymerich's work the list of

errors is fewer than in the printed text, and this is confirmed by

Father Denifle (Archiv. für Litt.-u. K. 1885, p. 143). Apparently the

Dominicans of the fifteenth century, when they printed the

_Directorium_, interpolated errors to aid them in the controversy over

Lully.

[637] D'Argentré I. I. 258, 260.--Hist. Gen. de Mall. III.

82-4.--Pelayo, I. 784-5.

[638] Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 59, 83-6.--Pelayo, I. 498,

787-88.--D'Argentré I. I. 259-61.--Nic. Anton. I. c. No. 78.--Ripoll II.

290.

[639] Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 65-6, 92, 94-5.--Gabrieli Prateoli

Elenchus Hæret. Colon. 1608, p. 423.--D'Argentré I. I. 259,

261.--Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 27-33.--Benedict. PP.

XIV. De Servorum Dei Beatif. Lib. I. c. xl. § 4.--Raynald. ann. 1372,

No. 35.

In 1533 Arnaldo Albertino, Inquisitor of Valencia, complained bitterly

of the injustice which ranked as a heretic such a man as Lully, who was

inspired by God and was rather to be worshipped as a saint.--Albertini

Repetitio nova, Valentia, 1534, col. 406.

The publication of a complete critical edition of Lully's works has

recently been commenced at Padua by D. Jerón. Roselló, under the

patronage of the Archduke Ludwig Salvator of Austria.

[640] S. Augustin, De Genesi ad litteram Lib. XII. c. 35, 36; De Civ.

Dei Lib. XXII. c. 29. Cf. De Doctr. Christ. Lib. I. c. 31; Epistt.

cxviii. § 14, clxix. § 3 (Ed. Benedict.).--Matt. Paris ann. 1243 (p.

415).--Th. Aquinat. Sum. Suppl. Q. xcii.--S. Bonavent. Breviloq. VII. 5,

7; Centiloq. III. 50; Pharetræ IV. 50.--W. Preger, Zeitschrift für die

histor. Theol. 1869, pp. 41-2.

[641] C. 3, Clem. v. iii.--Ripoll II. 172.--Wadding. ann. 1331, No.

5.--Paul Lang. Chron. Citicens. (Pistor, I. 1207, 1210).--Gob. Person.

Cosmodr. Æt. VI. c. 71.--D'Argentré I. I. 315 sqq.--P. de Herenthals

Vit. Joann. XXII. ann. 1333 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 501).--Guill.

Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1331.--Villani, X. 226.--Chron. Glassberger ann.

1331.

[642] W. Preger, Die Politik des Pabstes Johann XXII. pp. 14, 66,

69.--Alphons. de Spina Fortalic. Fidei Lib. II. Consid. xii.--Vitodurani

Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1806-7).--Martene Thesaur. I.

1383.--D'Argentré I. I. 316-17. 319-22.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. IV.

387.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1333.--Raynald. ann. 1334, No. 27,

37, etc.--Wadding. ann. 1334, No. 14.--Villani, XI. 19.--Baluz. et

Mansi, III. 350.--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1334 (V. 97).

[643] Molinier, Études sur quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d'Italie, p.

116.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1334.--Benedict. XII Vit. Tert. ann.

1335-6 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 539-41).--Ejusd. Vit. Prim. ann. 1338

(Ibid. p. 534).--Eymeric. p. 421.--Concil. Florent. ann. 1439 P. II.

Union. Decret. (Harduin. IX. 986).

A remark of Æneas Sylvius in 1453 shows that, notwithstanding these

authoritative definitions, the old belief still lingered that the glory

of the saints was postponed till the Day of Judgment (Opp. inedd.--Atti

della Accad. dei Lincei, 1883, p. 567).

[644] S. Anselmi Cur Deus Homo Lib. II. c. xvi.; Ejusd. Lib. de Conceptu

Virginali.--S. Bernardi Epist. 174, ad Canon. Lugdun.--D'Argentré I. II.

60.--Pet. Lombardi Sententt. Lib. III. Dist. iii. Q. 1.--Innoc. PP. III.

Sermo XII. in Purif. S. Mariæ.

[645] Pet. Blesens. Sermo XII., XXXIII.,XXXVIII.--S. Bonavent. Speculi

Beatæ Virginis c. i., ii., viii., ix.--The mediæval conception of the

Virgin, as the intercessor between God and man and the source of all

good, is expressed by Fazio degli Uberti--

"Tu sola mitigasti la discordia

Che fu tra Dio e l' uomo; e tu cagione

Sei d' ogni bene che quaggiù si esordia."

[646] Thom. Aquin. Summ. I. ii. Q. 81, Art. 4; III. Q. 14, Art. 4, Q.

27.--D'Argentré I. I. 275.--Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. II.

Art 52.--Chron. de Saint-Just (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII.

225).--Concil. Londin. ann. 1328 c. 2 (Harduin. VII. 1538).

The epitaph of Duns Scotus gives him the credit of defending the

Immaculate Conception.

"Concepta est virgo primi sine labe parentis

Hic tulit--" (Mosheim de Beghardis, p. 234.)

[647] Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI. VII. 5; VIII. 2, 14;

XXIII. 5.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 536.

[648] Wadding. Addit. ad T. V. No. 16 (T. VII. p. 491); ann. 1439, No.

47-8.--Concil. Basil. Sess. XXXVI. (Harduin. IX. 1160).--Concil.

Florent. Decr. pro Jacobinis (Harduin. IX. 1024-5).

[649] Concil. Avenionens. ann. 1457 (Harduin. IX. 1388).--D'Argentré I.

II. 252.

[650] Wadding. ann. 1477, No. 1; ann. 1479, No. 17-18.--C. 1, 2, Extrav.

Commun. III. xii.

[651] D'Argentré I. II. 331-5, 343-3.--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann.

1498.--Wadding. ann. 1500, No. 29.--Chron. Glassberger ann. 1501.

[652] Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1497.--D'Argentré I. II. 336-40,

347.--Ripoll IV. 267.--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s.v. _Hæresis_,

No. 23.

[653] I have followed a contemporary account of this curious affair--"De

Quatuor Hæresiarchis in civitate Bernensi nuper combustis, A.D. 1509,"

4to, _sine nota_ (Strassburg, 1509), attributed to Thomas Murner. It

accords sufficiently with the briefer reports of Trithemius (Chron.

Hirsaug. ann. 1509) and Sebastian Brandt (Pauli Langii Chron. Citicens.

ann. 1509), and that of the Chron. Glassberger ann. 1501, 1506, 1507,

1509.--Garibay, Compendio Historial de España, Lib. xx. cap. 13.

The Bernese community was piously devoted to the Virgin. In 1489 a

certain Nicholas Rotelfinger was inconsiderate enough to declare that

she helped the wicked as well as the good. For this he was obliged to

stand a whole day in an iron collar and to make oath that he would

personally seek the pope and bring home a written absolution.--Valerius

Anshelm, Berner-Chronik, Bern, 1884, I. 355.

[654] Revocatio fratris Vuygandi Vuirt (apud Trebotes, _sine anno_).

[655] De Beatæ Virginia Conceptione Ducentorum et sexdecim Doctorum

vera, tuta, et tenenda Sententia (_sine nota. sed. c._ 1500).--Concil.

Trident. Sess. v. Decr. de Orig. Peccat. § 5.--Pauli PP. IV. Bull.

_Super speculum_ (Mag. Bull. Rom. II. 343).--Pauli PP. V. Bull. _Regis

pacifici_ (Ibid. p. 392).--Ejusd. Constit. _Sanctissimus_ (Ib. p.

400).--Gregor. PP. XV. Constit. _Sanctissimus_ (Ib. p. 477).--Ejusd.

Bull. _Eximii_ (Ib. p. 478).--Prattica del Modo da procedersi nelle

Cause del S. Offitio, cap. xix. (MSS. Bib. Reg. Monachens. Cod. Ital.

598.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds italien, 139).--Gage, New Survey of the West

Indies, London, 1677, p. 266.

[656] Alph. de Castro de justa Hæret. Punitione Lib. I. c. viii. Dub.

4.--Carenæ Tract. de Modo procedendi Tit. XVII. § 9.

Yet in Spain the intense popular devotion to the Virgin rendered the

Inquisition very sensitive in its reverence for her. In 1642 an

inquisitor, Diego de Narbona, in his _Annales Tractatus Juris_ alluded

to an assertion of Clement of Alexandria (Stromata, Lib. VII.) that some

persons believed that after the Nativity the Virgin was inspected by the

midwife to prove her virginity. Although he condemned the statement as

most indecent and dishonoring to the Virgin, his work was denounced to

the Inquisition of Granada, which referred it to the Inquisitor-general.

Narbona in vain endeavored to defend himself. It was shown that in the

Index Expurgatorius of 1640 the passage of Clement, as well as those in

all other authors alluding to it, had been ordered to be _borrado_, or

expunged, so that the very memory of so scandalous a tale might be lost.

Narbona alleged in his defence a passage in Padre Basilio Ponce de Leon,

but the Inquisition showed that this had likewise been _borrado_, and,

as every one who possessed a copy of a book containing a prohibited

passage was bound to blot it out and render it illegible, he was

culpable in not having done so.--MSS. Bibl. Bodleian. Arch S. 130.

[657] Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, II. 843, 986.--Addis and

Arnold's Catholic Dictionary s. v. _Immaculate_.

[658] Reusch, op. cit. II. 989.

[659] Mosheim de Beghardis, pp. 368, 378.--Eymeric. pp. 311-16.

[660] Albertini Repertor. Inquis. s. vv. _Libri, Scriptura_.--Raynald.

ann. 1501, No. 36.

[661] Concil. Lateran. V. Sess. IX. (Harduin. IX. 1779-81).

These rules were probably enforced only where there was an Inquisition

in working order. In the edition of Nifo's work, _De Coelo et Mundo_,

printed at Naples in 1517, there is an _imprimatur_ by Antonio Caietano,

prior of the Dominican convent, reciting the conciliar decree, and

stating that in the absence of the inquisitor he had been deputed by the

Vicar of Naples to examine the work, in which he found no evil.

In the Venice editions of Joachim of Flora, printed in 1516 and 1517,

there is not only the permission of the inquisitor and of the Patriarch

of Venice, but also that of the Council of Ten, showing that the press

was subjected to no little impediment.

In the contemporaneous Lyons edition of Alvaro Pelayo's _De Planctu

Ecclesioe_ (1517), however, there is no _imprimatur_, and evidently there

was no censorship, and the same is the case in such German books of the

period as I have had an opportunity of examining.

[662] S. Raymondi Summ. I. VI. i.--I. Extrav. Commun. I. viii.--Lib.

Carolin. III. 1, 3.--Harduin. Concil. IV. 131, 453-4, 747, 775,

970.--Hartzheim Concil. German. I. 390-6.--Eymeric. p. 325.--Tocco,

L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, pp. 389-90.--C. 9, 11, Extra, I. xi.

When Sigismund of Austria, in his quarrel with Nicholas of Cusa over the

bishopric of Brixen, refused to observe the interdict cast on his

territories, Pius II., in 1460, summoned him to trial within sixty days

as a heretic, because his disobedience showed him to be notoriously

guilty of that heresy of heresies, disbelief in the article of the

Creed, "_Credo in unam sanctam Catholicam et Apostolicam ecclesiam_"

(Freher et Struv. II. 192).

[663] Innoc. PP. III. Regest. VII. 47.--Batthyani Legg. Eccles. Hung.

II. 355-6.--Ripoll I. 70-1, 186.--Wadding. ann. 1351, No. 8; ann. 1354,

No. 4, 5.

[664] Innoc. PP. III.. Regest. VII. 2-12, 121, 152-4, 164, 203-5; IX.

243-6; X. 49-51.

[665] C. 35 Decr. P. II. Caus. xxiv. Q. 9.--Berger, Registres d'Innoc.

IV. No. 573, 1817.--Raynald. ann. 1233, No. 1-15.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII.

T. I. No. 725 (Pertz).--Buchon, Recherches et Matériaux, pp. 31, 40-2.

[666] Theiner Monument. Slavor. Meridional. I. 120.--Berger, Registres

d'Innoc. IV. No. 2058, 4053, 4750, 4769.--Barb, de' Mironi, Hist.

Eccles. di Vicenza II. 102.--Thomas, Registres de Boniface VIII. No.

613-4.--Raynald. ann. 1318, No. 57.--Ripoll II. 172, 482.--B. Guidon.

Practica P. II. No. 9; P. V. No. 11.--Eymeric. p. 303.--Harduin. VII.

1700, 1709, 1720.

The relations between the races in the Levant were not such as to win

over the Greeks. A writer of the middle of the thirteenth century, who

was zealous for the reunion of the churches, repeatedly alludes to the

repulsion caused by the tyranny and injustice of the Latins towards the

Greeks. Even the lowest of the former treated the Greeks with contempt,

pulling them by the beard and stigmatizing them as dogs.--Opusc.

Tripartiti P. II. c. xi., xvii. (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II.

215, 216, 221).

[667] Raynald. ann. 1373, No. 18; ann. 1375, No. 25.

[668] Raynald. ann. 1449, No. 10.--Ripoll IV. 72.

In 1718 the congregation of the Propaganda permitted the erection of a

Greek episcopate in Calabria, to supply the spiritual needs of the Greek

population. The Greeks in the Island of Sicily complained of the expense

of sending their youths to Calabria or to Rome for ordination, and in

1784, at the instance of Ferdinand III., Pius VI. authorized the

establishment of another Greek bishop in Palermo.--Gallo, Codice

Ecclesiastico Siculo, IV. 47 (Palermo, 1852).

[669] Th. Cantimprat. Bonum Universale, Lib. II. c. 2.--Humb. de Roman.

Tract. in Concil. Lugdun. P. III. c. 8. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 197).

Cf. Opusc. Tripart. P. III. c. viii. (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend.

II. 227).

William Langland sets forth the popular appreciation of the _Quæstuarii_

with sufficient distinctness--

"Here preched a Pardonere as he a prest were,

Broughte forth a bulle with bishopes seles,

And seide that hym-selfe myghte asoilen hem alle

Of falshed of fastyng of vowes ybroken.

Lewed men leued hym well and lyked his wordes ...

...Were the bischop yblissed and worth bothe his eares

His seel shulde not be sent to deceyue the peple."

Piers Plowman, Prologue, 68-79.

[670] C. xi. § 2 Sexto v. ii.--Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Ed. Douais,

p. 199).--Eymeric. pp. 107, 564.--Coll. Doat, XXVI. 314.

[671] 2 Clement, v. ix.--Concil. Senonens. ann. 1485, Art. II. c. 8

(D'Achery, I. 758).--C. Trident. Sess. xxi. De Reform. c. 9.

[672] Bertholdi a Ratispona Sermones, Monachii, 1882, p. 93.

[673] Carmina Burana, Breslau, 1883, pp. 22-3.--This was a favorite

theme with the poetasters of the time--

"Cardinales ut prædixi

novo jure crucifixi

vendunt patrimoniam.

Petrus foris, intus Nero,

intus lupus, foris vero

sicut agni ovium" (Ib. p. 18),

and this pervaded the whole Church--

"Veneunt altaria,

venit eucharistia

cum sit nugatoria

gratia venalis."--(Ib. p. 41).

The honest Franciscan, John of Winterthur, attributed all the evils

which oppressed the Church to its venality--

"Ecclesiam nummus vilem fecit meretricem,

Nam pro mercede scortum dat se cupienti.

Nummus cuncta facit nil bene justitia,

Cunctis prostituens pro munere seque venalem,

Singula facta negat vel agit pro stipite solo;

Divino zelo nulla fere peragit."

Vitodurani Chron. ann. 1343.

[674] C. 7, 20, 21 Decr. P. II. Caus. 1, Q. 1.--Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec.

Sec. Q. 100, Art. 1.--Gloss. Bernardi; Gloss. Hostiens. (Eymeric. pp.

138, 143, 165).--Eymeric. p. 318.--Berger, Registres d'Inn. IV. No.

2977, 3010, 4668, 4718.--Thomas, Reg. de Boniface VIII. No. 547, 554,

557-8, 644, 726, 747.--Taxæ Sac. Poenitent. Ed. Friedrichs, p. 35; Ed.

Gibbings, p. 3 (cf. Van Espen, Dissert. in Jus Canon. noviss. P. III. p.

699).--Durandi Specul. Juris Lib. IV. Partic. iv. Rubr. _de Simonia_.

Clement IV. was exceptional in seeking to repress the acquisitiveness of

the curia. When, in 1266, Jean de Courtenai was elected Archbishop of

Reims, and encumbered his see with a debt of twelve thousand livres to

pay the Sacred College, Clement promptly excommunicated him and summoned

him to reveal the names of all who participated in the spoils. Yet

Clement had no scruple in following the example of his predecessor,

Urban IV., in the negotiations which resulted in the crusade of Charles

of Anjou against Manfred. Simon, Cardinal of S. Cecilia, sent to France

for the purpose, was furnished with special powers to dispense for

defects of age or birth or other irregularities in the acquisition of

benefices, for holding pluralities, and for marriage within the

prohibited grades, and was instructed to distribute these favors so as

to remove obstacles to the enterprise (Urbani PP. IV. Epistt. 32-35, 40,

64-5, 68; Clement. PP. IV. Epistt. 8, 19, 20, 41, 383.--_ap._ Martene

Thesaur. II.).

[675] Von der Hardt, I. XVI. 841.--D'Argentré I. II. 228.--Theod. a Niem

de Schismate Lib. II. c. xiv.; Ejusd. Nemor. Unionis Tract. VI. c. 36,

37, 39.--Poggii Bracciol. Dialogus contra Hypocrisim.--Gobelini Personæ

Cosmodrom. Æt. V. c. 85.

The question as to the possibility of a pope committing simony was long

under discussion. At the Council of Lyons, in 1245, Guiard, Bishop of

Cambrai, was asked by a cardinal if he believed it possible, when he

rendered a most emphatic answer in the affirmative (Th. Cantimprat.

Bonum Universale, Lib. II. c. 2). Thomas Aquinas not only asserts it,

but adds that the higher the position of the offender the greater the

sin (Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. 100, Art. 1, No. 7). Yet the venality of the

Holy See was too notorious for concealment, and arguments were framed to

prove that the pope had a right to sell preferments, for which see the

_Aureum Speculum Papoe_, P. II. c. 1, written in 1404, under Boniface

IX., and the laborious effort of William of Ockham to controvert the

assertion. The ingenious methods of the curia to extract the last penny

from applicants are described in P. I. c. v. of the Speculum. The author

has no hesitation in pronouncing the curia to be in a state of damnation

(Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. II. 63, 70, 81, 461). All who

deplored the condition of the Church instinctively turned to the Holy

See as the source of corruption and demoralization. Nothing can well be

conceived more terrible than the account of it given about this time by

Cardinal Matthew of Krokow in his tract _De Squaloribus Romanoe Curioe_

(Ib. II. 584-607).

[676] Gersoni Tract. de Symonia.--D'Argentré I. II. 234.--Goldast.

Constit. Imp. I. 402.

In _La déploration de l'Église militante_ of Jean Boucher, in 1512,

simony is described as the chief source of trouble--

"Ceste sixte gloute et insatiable

Du sanctuaire elle a fait ung estable,

Et de mes loys coustume abhominable.

Ha, ha, mauldicte et fausse symonie!

Tu ne cessas jamais de m'infester....

Pour ung courtault on baille ung bénéfice;

Pour ung baiser ou aultre malefice

Quelque champis aura ung evesché;

Pour cent escus quelque meschant novice,

Plein de luxure et de tout aultre vice,

De dignitez sera tout empesché."

(Bull. de la Soc. de l'Hist. du Prot. Français, 1856, pp. 268-9).

[677] Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 242, 254.--See the author's "Studies

in Church History," 2 Ed. pp. 210 sqq.

[678] Nic. de Clemangis de Ruina Ecclesiæ, cap. xix.-xxxvi.

[679] S. Bonaventuræ Libell. Apologet. Quæst i.; Tractatus quare Fr.

Minores prædicent.

[680] Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 721-3, 735-6.

[681] Marsil. Patav. Defensor Pacis II. xi. Cf. cap. xxiii.,

xxiv.--Alvar. Pelag. de Planct. Eccles. Lib. II. Art. vii.--Baluz. et

Mansi, III. 24-5.

[682] Chron. Glassberger ann. 1335.--Albert. Argentinens. Chron. ann.

1351.--Hist. Ordin. Carthus. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 187).

[683] Petrarchi Lib. sine Titulo Epistt. vii., viii., ix., xii.,

xvi.--Decamerone, Giorn. I. Nov. 2.

Petrarch's wrath at the papal court is explicable if there is truth in

the disgusting story alleged in explanation of the enigmatical allusions

in his Canzone XXII.--"_Mai non vo' più cantor com'io soleva_."

[684] Revelat. S. Brigittæ Lib. I. c. 41; Lib. IV. c. 33, 37, 142.

St. Birgitta was canonized in 1391 by Boniface IX., and after the Schism

was healed this was confirmed in 1419 by Martin IV. Both popes ascribe

her revelations to the Holy Ghost.

[685] Epistole della Santa Caterina da Siena, Lett. 9, 13, 14, 15, 17,

18, 21, 35, 38, 39, 41, 44, 50, 91, etc. (Milano, 1843).

[686] Telesphori de magnis Tribulationibus (Venet. 1516, fol.

11).--Henrici de Hassia Lib. contra Thelesphori Vaticinia c. i., ii.,

x., xx., xxxvi., xxxvii., xli., xlii., (Pez, Thesaur. Anecd. T. I. P.

II.).

Henry wrote a letter to the princes of the Church in the name of

Lucifer, Prince of Darkness and Emperor of Acheron, similar to that

which agitated Clement VI. in 1351 (Pez, Dissert, p. lxxix.).

[687] Libellus Supplex oblatus Papæ in Concilio Pisano (Martene Ampl.

Coll. VII. 1124-32).--Von der Hardt, IV. 1414, 1417-18, 1422-3, 1426-7,

1432.--Rymer, X. 433-6.--Gobelini Personæ Cosmodrom. Æt. VI. cap. 96.

[688] Andreæ Gubernac. Concil. P. II., III., V. cap. 2 (Von der Hardt,

VI. 175, 179, 209).--Nideri Formicar. Lib. I. c. vii.

[689] Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. I. 68, 417; II. 105 (Ed.

1690).--Herm. Ryd de Reen de Vita Clericor. (Ib. II. 142).--Mém. de

Jacques du Clercq, Liv. III. ch. 43.--Steph. Infessuræ Diar. Urb. Roman.

ann. 1474 (Eccard. Corp. Hist. II. 1939).--Wimpfeling de vita et moribus

Episcoporum, Argentorati, 1512.--De Munditia et Castitate Sacerdotum

(_sine nota_, sed Parisiis c. 1500).--Rapp, Die Hexenprocesse und ihre

Gegner aus Tirol, p. 148.

[690] Joann. de Trittenheim Lib. Lugubris de Statu et Ruina Monast. Ord.

c. i., iii.--Angeli Rumpheri Hist. Formbach. Lib. II. (Pez, I. iii. 446,

451-2).

This is by no means a solitary case. In 1329 the Abbot of La Grasse was

by a judgment of the Parlement of Paris deprived for life of _haute

justice_, and the abbey condemned in a fine of thirty thousand livres to

the king and six hundred livres damages to victims, for murders

committed, illegal tortures, and other crimes.--A. Molinier, Vaissette,

Éd. Privat, IX. 417.

[691] Gersoni de Reform. Eccles. c. xxiv. (Von der Hardt, I. v.

125-8).--Theod. Vrie Hist. Concil. Constant. Lib. IV. Dist. vii.--Revel.

S. Brigittæ Lib. VII. cap. vii.

[692] Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. II. Art. i., ii.--Meyeri

Annal. Flandriæ Lib. XIII. ann. 1379.--Religieux de S. Denys, Hist. de

Charles VI. Liv. XVI. ch. 10; Liv. xxxv. ch. 8.--Wadding. ann. 1405, No.

7.--Æn. Sylvii opp. inedd. (Atti della Accad. del Lincei, 1883, pp.

558-9).--Steph. Infessuræ Diar. (Eccard. II. 1988, 1996-7).

[693] Pet. Alliacens. Principium in Cursum Bibliæ (Fascic. Rer.

Expetend. II. 516).--Bernardi Comens. Lucerna Inquis. s. v. _Hoeresis_,

No. 21.

[694] It would scarce seem possible that, in the full light of the

nineteenth century, men could still be found hardy enough to defend the

position of the Church towards heretics, but it is a sign of the

progress of humanity that this is no longer done by justifying the

irrefragable facts of history, but by boldly denying them. In a recent

work by M. le Chanoine Claessens, "Camérier secret de Sa Saintété," who

informs us that after long and serious study of the original sources he

writes with scrupulous impartiality and with the calmness befitting

history, we are told that the penalty of the Church for public and

obstinate heretics is simply excommunication, and that it has never

allowed itself to employ any direct constraint, whether for the

conversion of Jews and Pagans or to bring back wandering Christians to

unity. At the same time he is careful to make the reservation that the

Church possesses an incontestable right to use physical means to compel

those who have been baptized to fulfil the obligations thus

assumed.--Claessens, L'Inquisition et le régime pénal pour la répression

de l'hérésie dans les Pays-Bas du passé, Tournhout, 1886, p. 5.

[695] Jacques Fournier (subsequently Benedict XII.) was made Cardinal of

S. Prisca in the creation of December 18, 1327, but he had been

previously translated from the see of Pamiers to that of Mirepoix

(Ciacconii Vit. Pontif. Ed. 1677, II. 424). Pierre Recordi's trial must,

therefore, have endured for at least several years.