The journey is over—Declaration of war—Her Majesty's
Government—An iniquitous and unnecessary step on the part of
the Tzar—The Treaty of Paris—Its infringement—Impossible to
foresee the consequences of such an act—Russia's contempt
for England—England allied with Turkey—Applying the rod—A
Conference might be held at St. Petersburg—The solemn
assurances of the Emperor—Samarcand—Khiva—The Black Sea
Convention—Let the Russians go to Constantinople—People
who believe in Russian promises—A non-military power like
England—England ought to join Turkey.
My journey was over. A few weeks after my return to London, war was
declared by Russia against Turkey. In the opinion of her Majesty's
Government, this was a most iniquitous and unnecessary step on the part
of the Tzar. Her Majesty's Government did not conceal its views about
the matter. The Earl of Derby, in a despatch to Lord A. Loftus, dated
May 1st, 1877, made use of the following expressions:—
"They (i.e. her Majesty's Government) have not concealed their feeling
that the presence of large Russian forces on the frontiers of Turkey,
menacing its safety, rendering disarmament impossible, and exciting a
feeling of apprehension and fanaticism among the Mussulman population,
constituted a material obstacle to internal pacification and reform.
They cannot believe that the entrance of these armies on Turkish soil
will alleviate the difficulty, or improve the condition of the Christian
population throughout the Sultan's dominions. But the course on which
the Russian Government has entered involves graver and more serious
considerations. It is in contravention of the stipulations of the Treaty
of Paris of March 30, 1856, by which Russia and the other signatory
Powers engaged, each on its own part, to respect the independence and
the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire. In the Conferences
of London of 1871, at the close of which the above stipulation, with
others, was again confirmed, the Russian Plenipotentiary, in common with
those of the other Powers, signed a declaration affirming it to be an
essential principle of the law of nations, that no Power can liberate
itself from the engagements of a Treaty, nor modify the stipulations
thereof, unless with the consent of the contracting parties by means
of an amicable arrangement. In taking action against Turkey on his own
part, and having recourse to arms without further consultation with his
allies, the Emperor of Russia has separated himself from the European
concert hitherto maintained, and has at the same time departed from
the rule to which he himself had solemnly recorded his consent. It is
impossible to foresee the consequences of such an act. Her Majesty's
Government would willingly have refrained from making any observations
in regard to it; but Prince Gortschakoff seems to assume, in a
declaration addressed to all the Governments of Europe, that Russia is
acting in the interest of Great Britain and that of the other Powers;
they feel bound to state, in a manner equally formal and public, that
the decision of the Russian Government is not one which can have their
concurrence or approval."
It is very clear, from this despatch, what the opinion of her Majesty's
Government was about the matter. However, neither Prince Gortschakoff
nor his august master are easily affected by verbal remonstrances.
They had shown how little they cared for treaties by their conduct after
the battle of Sedan.
"France is beaten, and who cares for England?" thought Prince
Gortschakoff: he tore up the Black Sea Convention.
His august master, animated of course with the most peaceful intentions,
wishes to destroy the Turkish Empire. Verbal remonstrances are of no
use if applied to a semi-barbarous nation. Some people can be appealed
to through their sense of right and wrong, others only through their
skins. The Russian nation has a peculiarly thick skin; for this reason
the rod ought to be a heavy one. England, allied with Turkey, and before
the latter power is crippled, could easily apply it. The Tzar might be
compelled to fulfil his solemn assurance about Khiva; Russia could be
driven out of Central Asia, and forced to relinquish her hold on the
Caucasus.
A Conference might then be held at St. Petersburg to arrange about the
conditions of peace, and to inquire into the treatment of the United
Greek Christians. Lord Salisbury could inform Prince Gortschakoff that
some of the British nation do not approve of the Russian authorities
ordering soldiers to flog Christian women and children,[26] by way of
making them change their religion; and that others object to the Tzar's
troops killing Circassian women in the family-way.[27]
We have been told that these last-mentioned individuals were
Mohammedans, and that Prince Gortschakoff's master would have liked
to Christianize and civilize them; but at the same time, and in spite
of the assertion of a member of the late Liberal Government, that
Russia is the protector of the unprotected, our plenipotentiary might
be instructed to tell the Tzar that his soldiers should have shown
their amiable qualities in some other manner. The subject of the Teke
Turkomans, and how they were massacred—men, women, and children—during
the Khivan campaign, could also afford our representative an opportunity
for remonstrating with the Imperial Chancellor.
The latter should finally be distinctly given to understand that
Englishmen do not look upon the establishment of a Constitution and
a Parliament by the Turkish Government as an insult and defiance to
Russia, whatever the Russians may do.[28]
In the mean time, and while I pen these lines, the Tzar's armies have
crossed the Danube. They are quartered on Turkish soil. The Treaty of
Paris has been once more broken by the Russian Government. The solemn
assurances made by the Emperor have been cast to the four winds. A
climax has been put to the breaches of good faith; displayed first of
all about Samarcand; secondly, Khiva; thirdly, the Black Sea Convention
and immediately after the battle of Sedan. England has not declared war
with Russia. There are still some people amongst us who place credence
in the Russian Emperor's statement that he has no intention to interfere
with British interests. "Let the Russians go to Constantinople," is
the remark, "they will not stop there. The Tzar will dictate terms of
peace in the Sultan's capital. The Muscovite armies will return to their
own country. If the worst comes to the worst, England with her fleet
could drive out the invader." Men who argue like this do not care to
remember that Russia has broken faith with England four times in the
last ten years. Should the Sultan be forced to succumb to his foe, and
the Emperor's troops be once established in Constantinople, it would
be almost impossible for a non-military power like England to dislodge
them from the position. Whatever we might be able to do by sea would be
counter-balanced by our inability to follow up the advantage by land. It
must not be forgotten that Turkey is fighting not only for herself, but
also for the security of our Indian Empire.[29] A few millions sterling
would enable the Turkish Government to supply its soldiers with the
munitions of war.
An English contingent force of fifty thousand men could defend
Constantinople against all the Russian armies. It is to be hoped
that the Ottoman troops will do more than hold their own. But this
is doubtful. The Tzar has thrown down the gauntlet to England by
taking action on his own part against the Sultan. We should accept the
challenge, and draw our swords for Turkey.
[Illustration: A SKETCH OF THE PROPOSED DEFENCES OF CONSTANTINOPLE
ON THE EUROPEAN SIDE OF THE BOSPHORUS
Stanford's Geogl Estabt, London
London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington.]
APPENDIX A. (I.)
THE FLOGGERS OF WOMEN.
_Lieutenant-Colonel_ MANSFIELD _to Earl_ GRANVILLE.
_Official_ (Received Feb. 16).
Warsaw, _January 29, 1874_.
MY LORD,
It is with, regret that I have to report to your Lordship a renewal
of disturbances in the districts inhabited by the United Greeks in the
Governments of Siedlce and Lublin, resulting in bloodshed, loss of life,
and the MOST BARBAROUS TREATMENT inflicted on the peasants.
* * * * *
Several months since various of the United Greek priests represented
to M. Popiel, the Administrator of the Diocese of Chelm, that the
measures of assimilation had been but partially carried out; and that
those priests who had done so were exposed to the gravest difficulties,
amounting almost to persecution, at the hands of the peasants.
M. Popiel applied to Count Tolstoi, who forwarded from St. Petersburg,
within the last few weeks, a Circular, enjoining the strictest
uniformity in the abolition of organs and benches, the disuse of the
rosary, the bell at the mass, chants in Polish, and many other details,
too numerous to be worth relation.
Such of the priests as had not, or were not prepared to execute the
recommendations of the Circular, have been ejected from their cures.
The number, however, is insignificant, as almost all had previously
acquiesced in the views of the Government, and the Nonconformists had
been eliminated.
As may be supposed, the peasants care nothing about the Synod of Zamosc,
or about the purity and usages of the Primitive Church, Oriental or
otherwise; but they have a deep-rooted veneration for the usages in
which they and their fathers have been brought up.
The operation of Count Tolstoi's Circular has been most disastrous; in
some few villages the peasants have entirely abstained from frequenting
the churches; but in many the priests have been ill-treated, one having
been stoned to death.
The aid of the police and military has been called in; in one parish
three peasants were killed and many wounded. Isolated Cossacks are
waylaid and murdered by the peasants. In some of the conflicts the
military have been roughly handled, stoned, wounded by scythes, bones
broken, and contusions, more especially among the officers.
In the district of Minciewicz, the peasants surrounded the church, and
defied the military to introduce the priest. The former, with their
wives and children, were finally mastered and surrounded, and were
given the option of signing a declaration accepting the priest; on their
refusal FIFTY BLOWS WITH THE "NAGAIKA"[30] (COSSACK WHIP) were given to
every adult man, TWENTY-FIVE to EVERY WOMAN, AND TEN to EVERY CHILD,
IRRESPECTIVE OF AGE OR SEX; ONE WOMAN more vehement than the rest,
receiving as much as ONE HUNDRED.
* * * * *
I have, &c.,
(Signed) C. E. MANSFIELD.
APPENDIX A. (II.)
CHRISTIANITY AS UNDERSTOOD IN RUSSIA.
_Lieutenant-Colonel_ MANSFIELD _to the Earl of_ DERBY.
(Received, February 22.)
Warsaw, _January 29, 1875._
(_Extract._)
I have the honour to report to your Lordship that 52,000 United Greeks
in the Government of Siedlce have been received into the Russian
National Church.
I need not recall to your Lordship's notice, the PERSECUTION of the
UNITED GREEKS, which I have had to report for several years past, and
which, within the last twelve months, has taken a more exaggerated form.
THE PASSING OVER OF THESE 50,000 UNITED GREEKS has been effected
by various means, in which PHYSICAL MALTREATMENT has formed a not
inconsiderable element.
In some parishes, THE MOST OBSTINATE having been sent to the interior
of the Empire OR SIBERIA, THE REMAINDER, finding their substance being
eaten up by the Cossacks, gave in to the pressure of the subordinate
officials, and SIGNED THE PETITION DESIRING TO BE RECEIVED INTO THE
RUSSIAN CHURCH.
In other districts money has been distributed, when it was seen that
the resistance was less obdurate.
In others CORPORAL MALTREATMENT was resorted to, until the peasants gave
in; but stating as they did so, that they yielded only on compulsion.
The details of the different degrees of compulsion in the various
villages would take too much space to relate; but I cite as a specimen
what I have heard, from a gentleman of whose veracity I have no reason
to doubt, of what took place in a village on his property.
The peasants were assembled and beaten by the Cossacks, until the
military surgeon stated that more would endanger life; THEY WERE THEN
DRIVEN THROUGH A HALF-FROZEN RIVER UP TO THEIR WAISTS INTO THE PARISH
CHURCH, through files of soldiers, where their names were entered in the
petitions as above, and passed out at an opposite door, the peasants
all the time crying out, "YOU MAY CALL US ORTHODOX, BUT WE REMAIN IN
THE FAITH OF OUR FATHERS."
* * * * *
APPENDIX A. (III.)
RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION.
In an extract from the _Monde_, published in some correspondence laid
before the Houses of Parliament, I find the following remarks:—
"Russia is anxious for a second Congress, and asks all Europe to agree
to it, in order to settle certain rules of humanity to be observed
during a war, and she aspires to appear in the eyes of the world as a
civilized nation full of charity; how can we reconcile this with the
fact that this Power should be so barbarous in time of peace as regards
its peaceful subjects, whose only fault is that of remaining faithful
to the religion of their fathers?
"The cruelties that the Russian Government perpetrate against the
unhappy Catholics who are called United Greeks, are worthy of the
horrors of the time of Nero. The Province of Podlachia, the people of
which are Ruthenians, is more especially persecuted. There blood has
flown in streams for more than a year. Troops have been sent there who
behave as if they were in an enemy's country, for they live entirely at
the expense of the people, who are not rich. The soldiers are authorized
to kill for food all the cattle without exception, even the draught
oxen.
"The inhabitants who remain true to their faith are delivered over to
a THOUSAND TORTURES. The commonest form is to STRIP THEM, then ONLY
CLOTHED IN THEIR SHIRT, THEY ARE STRETCHED ON THE SNOW AND BEATEN UNTIL
THEY ARE NEARLY DEAD, as much from the effects of the blows as from
the loss of blood and the cold they suffer. They are then taken to the
ambulances. If they recover those ingenious tortures can be renewed on
them, which Russia distributes freely to those who refuse obstinately
to embrace that orthodox religion which is brought before them in so
benign and attractive a manner.
"This Polish province contains at least 300,000 United Greeks, all
under this same régime, for all are to be converted by this apostolic
proceeding. The number of unfortunates crippled by the beatings is so
great that it has been found necessary to organize many new ambulances.
They are thrown into them; but it must not be imagined that they are
cared for there. God alone is their doctor, for no trouble is taken
either to treat or feed them.
"Moreover, this same treatment is adopted for sick and wounded soldiers.
With the object of cheering them they are given a kind of soup made
of gruel of revolting half-mouldy buckwheat, in which the grains are
drowned in a quantity of hot water. In time of war THE SORES OF THE
WOUNDED ARE OFTEN DRESSED WITH STRAW, BECAUSE THE LINT AND THE CLOTH
WHICH ARE SENT BY CHARITABLE PEOPLE TO THE HOSPITALS ARE SOLD BY THE
OFFICERS TO PAPER-MILLS.
"All this may give some idea of what is passing there, where the passion
of cruelty follows an unrestrained course, proud to be able to advertise
its unrighteous zeal in sight of those whose orders are being carried
out.
"One is filled with grief and astonishment when one thinks of the
people exposed to tortures by Russian barbarity and wickedness. It is
a counterpart of the Chinese persecutions, which the Muscovites seem
anxious even to surpass.
"The heroism of the unhappy Podlachians is forgotten by all the world,
they are delivered up to rapine and torture, deprived of union and hope,
and bear all this with calm gentleness and perseverance; they are ready
to die, so long as it is not outside the bosom of the Church, and after
having betrayed their faith.
"What an example to all, and what a disgrace for those who, without
being exposed to such trials, have not been able to persevere!"
APPENDIX IV.
RUSSIAN AGENTS AND THE MASSACRES IN BULGARIA.
_Extract from Mr._ LAYARD'S (_H.M. Ambassador at
Constantinople_) _Despatch to the Earl of_ DERBY _dated 30th
May, 1877_.
"Since my arrival in Constantinople my main object has been to prepare
the way for peace. I have thought that in doing so I should best carry
out the wishes and intentions of her Majesty's Government. I had this
end in view, as I informed your lordship at the time when I induced
the Porte to appeal to the Powers for their mediation under the 8th
Article of the Treaty of Paris. I had little hope that war could be
averted by this step, but it appeared to me that it might afford an
opening for the interference of those Powers in the interests of peace
on some future occasion. The opening of the war has not been quite so
favourable to Russia as she appears to have expected. The extraordinary
rise in the Danube has checked her advance on the side of Europe, and
has enabled Turkey to increase her means of resistance. Although the
Porte might, no doubt, have done more in this respect, there is no doubt
that the difficulties of the Russian campaign in Roumelia have been
much increased by the delay, and although Russia may succeed in the
end, it will probably be at a greater sacrifice than she may have at
first contemplated. The simultaneous attack on the European and Asiatic
territories of Turkey has not, therefore, led to all the results upon
which Russia apparently counted. According to information derived from
various sources it would appear that the rise in the waters of the
Danube, and the consequent floods over the surrounding country, will
render its passage very difficult, if not impossible, for three or
four weeks to come. Does not this delay afford an opening for another
effort in the interests of peace? The position of affairs is this.
Russia has succeeded in Asia, and thus she holds a material guarantee
for what she may require on behalf of the Christians of Turkey in the
shape of a province; in Europe she cannot be said to have yet succeeded,
and she will probably have to encounter a desperate resistance, and
to make vast sacrifices before she can impose her own terms upon the
Porte. Moreover, the longer the war lasts the greater the risk of
drawing other Powers in it against her. If hostilities be prolonged,
Turkey, in her despair, may have recourse to measures to embarrass
and injure Russia which may to a certain extent effect that object.
Although the rising in the Caucasus may not have the importance that
has been attributed to it, and the negotiations between the Porte and
revolutionary and national leaders may not lead to serious results,
they are undoubtedly a danger to Russia. The real intentions of Russia
would also be brought to a test by proposing to her at this moment a
mediation. If her real object is, as she asserts, the improvement of the
condition of the Christian populations, she has surely now the means
of obtaining a satisfactory guarantee for it. The Turkish Government,
it must be admitted, has already done a good deal in the direction
pointed out by the Powers at the Conference and in the Protocol of
London. It is prepared to do more, and would do more, if the war waged
against Turkey by Russia permitted it. The lesson which the Porte has
received has, no doubt, made it see the absolute necessity of complying
with the demands of Europe, without even the material guarantee which
Russia may require. If, on the other hand, Russia has the ambitious
designs generally attributed to her, and has entered upon this war
for the purposes of territorial aggrandisement, her professions of
humanity and disinterestedness can now be gauged, and her Majesty's
Government will be able, at least, to judge what her real objects and
intentions are, and how far the interests of the British Empire may
be affected or endangered by them. It must not, however, be inferred
that the Porte will be so easily induced to make peace, even were it
in extreme peril. There are some Turkish statesmen who see the dangers
which threaten their country, and who would feel the absolute necessity
of bringing the war to an end almost at any sacrifice. Whilst Russia
might desire to exact much, no Turkish Ministers could accept very hard
or humiliating conditions without risking their own lives, and even
that of the Sultan, and without exposing the Christian populations to
a massacre. I may be excused for pointing out the dangers to England
of a prolongation of the war, and of a complete subjugation of a large
part of the empire by Russia. Should Russia desire to annex at this
time any of the European provinces of Turkey, European interests would
probably be called into play, and she would be prevented from carrying
out her intentions. The influence, however, which she would inevitably
establish over these populations would be almost tantamount to absolute
possession, and would enable her to annex them, sooner or later,
when she could do so with impunity; but as regards the acquisition by
her of territory in Asia Minor the case is different. The interests
of England would then be alone concerned. IT WOULD PROBABLY SIGNIFY
LITTLE TO THE REST OF EUROPE WHETHER RUSSIA RETAINED ARMENIA OR NOT.
BUT ENGLAND HAS TO CONSIDER THE EFFECT OF THE ANNEXATION TO RUSSIA of
this IMPORTANT PROVINCE UPON THE BRITISH POSSESSIONS IN INDIA. RUSSIA
WOULD THEN COMMAND the WHOLE OF ASIA MINOR and THE GREAT VALLEY OF
THE EUPHRATES AND TIGRIS, WHICH WOULD INEVITABLY FALL INTO HER HANDS
IN THE COURSE OF TIME. Persia, moreover, would be placed entirely at
her mercy. The suspicion that Russia has already made secret offers to
Persia to assist her in acquiring the province of Bagdad in exchange
for Ghilan and Mazanderan may be unfounded; but the fact that it exists,
and has been entertained by persons not generally ill-informed, proves
that this consideration is not one to be altogether lost sight of. In
most cases, when the evident interests of two parties are concerned in
effecting an exchange, the exchange is sooner or later effected. The
desire of Persia to possess the province of Bagdad and the holy shrines
of their prophets and martyrs is of very ancient date, and is shared
by the whole Persian nation. On the other hand, THE POSSESSION OF THE
ENTIRE COAST OF THE CASPIAN SEA AND THE DIRECT ROAD through a rich and
well-inhabited country TO HERAT AND AFFGHANISTAN, AND ULTIMATELY TO
INDIA, is a matter of VAST POLITICAL IMPORTANCE TO RUSSIA. Such being
the case, there is every reason to believe that, when Persia finds that
the Turkish empire is threatened with dismemberment, her own interests
will get the better of any sympathy for it founded upon community of
faith, and that, completely under the control of Russia, she will not
be indisposed to agree to an arrangement which would be acceptable to
the religious feelings and to the ambition of the Persian people. The
possession by Persia of the province of Bagdad would be, as far as
England is concerned, its possession by Russia. It must not be forgotten
that the possession of Armenia by Russia, as regards any designs that
she may have upon India, supposing her to entertain them, would be very
different from that of any part of Turkestan or Central Asia. In Armenia
and the north of Persia she would have a hardy and abundant population,
affording her excellent materials for a large army, ready at any time
to advance upon our Indian frontier, and resting upon a convenient and
sure base of operations, in direct communication, by the Caspian Sea
and by Batoum, with the heart of the Russian Empire. The moral effect
of the conquest of Armenia and the annexation of Ghilan and Mazanderan
by Russia upon our Mohammedan subjects and upon the populations of
Central Asia cannot be overlooked by a statesman who attaches any value
to the retention of India as part of the British Empire. It would be
out of place to enter at length in this despatch upon the arguments in
support of what has been above stated. The great calamities which the
prolongation of the war may entail upon the various populations of this
country, Mussulman and non-Mussulman, and the vast importance to the
interests of humanity in bringing it to a speedy end, may be briefly
mentioned. It is scarcely necessary to refer to the terrible loss of
life and desolation which such a war must occasion. If the slaughter of
thousands and tens of thousands of Turks is to be justified, even those
who profess to be the most humane of men may feel some pity for their
innocent women and children, who will be left to perish in utter misery.
But the Christians may suffer scarcely less than the Mohammedans;
their homes will be rendered desolate; their lives and property will be
sacrificed to Turkish fanaticism, or to the disorder and anarchy which
the prolongation of the war will cause. The Porte, believing the very
existence of the Empire to be at stake, has already withdrawn from the
provinces even the forces absolutely necessary for the maintenance of
tranquillity and for personal security. From all sides come already
complaints of fears of disorders. In a country infinitely more
civilized than Turkey, such would probably be the case under similar
circumstances. An impartial man will be surprised that as yet there
have been so few excesses committed. The reports of our consular agents
prove that the public peace has been maintained in a very remarkable
manner. Such outrages as have occurred have been for the most part
committed by Circassians, Kurds, and other wild tribes, over which,
even in times of peace, the Government can exercise but small control.
In Bulgaria and Roumelia in general, as Mr. Blunt's despatches show,
the Mohammedan population are well disposed towards the Christians, and
their attitude towards them is, for the present, friendly and peaceful.
I am informed that the transport of the new levies of many thousands
of men from the remotest part of the empire to the armies in the field
has been effected with the greatest order. This fact has been confirmed
to me by Englishmen and others connected with railways which have been
used for conveying them. In Constantinople, notwithstanding the alarm
and panics which normally prevail in Galata and Pera, there is also
for the present perfect quiet, and there is no reason, as far as I
can judge, to anticipate any hostile movement or demonstration against
the Christians. Although the state of things in Turkey as regards the
Christians is at this time such as I have described it, yet we must not
count upon its lasting. Any serious reverses or disasters experienced
by the Turkish army in Europe, and the advance of the Russians upon the
capital, or a rising of any part of the Christian population, might be
used to provoke an outburst amongst the Mussulmans, founded rather upon
a feeling of despair than upon fanaticism, that might have the most
fatal consequences. The Emperor of Russia has declared to his people
that THIS IS A RELIGIOUS WAR, WAGED IN THE CAUSE OF THE ORTHODOX FAITH
and against its infidel enemies. If Mussulmans are once convinced that
it is a crusade against them and their religion they may, in their
agony, turn upon the Christians, and frightful massacres may ensue.
Another motive for desiring peace before Russia can completely crush
Turkey and dictate her own terms is the REPUGNANCE UNQUESTIONABLY FELT
by the most ENLIGHTENED and INTELLIGENT CHRISTIANS of all denominations
to being placed under RUSSIAN RULE OR PROTECTION, or even under her
predominant influence. I have given your lordship evidence of this fact
which I believe to be indisputable. It is shown by the encyclical of the
Greek Patriarch, transmitted to your lordship by to-day's messenger. It
is further confirmed by the remarkable statement of Dr. Washburne, whose
impartiality cannot be doubted, and who is certainly no advocate of
Turkish misrule, that of the many hundred Bulgarians who have received
an American (equivalent to an English) education at Robert College,
not one was implicated in the attempted insurrection in Bulgaria.
The English people cannot, perhaps, yet bear to hear the truth of the
events of last year; but it is my duty to state it to your lordship.
The marvellous ability shown by RUSSIA and HER AGENTS in MISLEADING
PUBLIC OPINION in England and elsewhere has been amply rewarded. It will
probably be long before that which is true can be separated from that
which is false; when history does so it will be too late. The Porte has
taken no effective means to place its case before Europe. It neither
employs the Press nor competent agents for such purposes. Its appeals to
the Powers, and the State papers that it issues, to refute the charges
against it are so prepared that they are more calculated to injure its
cause. A great portion of the English public are, probably, still under
the impression that the statements upon which the denunciations against
Turkey were originally founded are true—the 60,000 Christians outraged
and massacred; the cartloads of human heads; the crowd of women burnt
in a barn; and other similar horrors. There are persons, and amongst
them, I grieve to say, Englishmen, who boast that they invented these
stories with the object of "writing down" Turkey, to which they were
impelled by a well-known hand. People in England will scarcely believe
that the most accurate and complete inquiries into the events of last
year in Bulgaria now reduce the total number of deaths to about 3500
souls, including the Turks who were, in the first instance, slain by
the Christians. No impartial man can now deny that a RISING of the
CHRISTIANS, which was intended by its authors to lead to a GENERAL
MASSACRE of the MOHAMMEDANS, was in contemplation, and that it was
directed by RUSSIAN and PANSLAVIST AGENTS. The panic that it created
amongst the Mohammedans was the cause of the frightful vengeance they
took. The great mass of the Bulgarians did not join in the movement, but
were, on the contrary, opposed to it, and took no part in it. The Porte
dealt with the insurgents, and those whom they suspected of being their
accomplices, in a foolish and barbarous manner. The agents it employed
in putting down the incipient insurrection were, for the most part,
ignorant, corrupt, and brutal men. The Turkish Government has justly
been held responsible for their acts, especially as it has refused to
punish with condign severity those who committed horrible outrages; and
whether the number of the killed was 60,000 or 3000 the guilt of the
Porte is the same. It must not, however, be assumed that the condition
of the Bulgarians under the rule of the Sultan was as bad as the enemies
of Turkey desire to make it appear. That the administration was vicious
and corrupt, and that the Christians of all denominations were unjustly
treated, and were not placed on that equality with their Mussulman
fellow-subjects to which they have a right, are admitted facts. But
nevertheless they have made great progress of late years in material
prosperity, education, and wealth. Englishmen who have been engaged
in works of charity amongst them, and who were certainly very far from
having any prejudice in favour of the Turks when they first came out to
Turkey, have told me that they have seen with surprise the condition
of the Bulgarian villages and the general comfort and prosperity of
their inhabitants, and have learnt with equal surprise how little they
had really to complain of before a secret agency excited the hopes and
passions which brought about the lamentable events of last year. The
Christian populations of Turkey, or rather it may perhaps be said those
who, by their knowledge and intelligence, are capable of representing
them, are convinced that under the Turkish rule they have a far better
chance of carrying out their national aspirations, of retaining their
national faith, and developing their political freedom than under that
of Russia. They believe that the pressure recently brought to bear upon
the Porte by the European Powers, and the lesson which the Turkish
Government has received, will contribute to these objects. They are
encouraged by the unexpected success of a Turkish Parliament, in which
they find that they can freely express their opinions and expose their
grievances. They knew that the unchecked success of Russia would at
once lead to the destruction of this germ of future liberty and good
government. I believe that they are right. A Russian gentleman observed
to me, 'RUSSIA LOOKS UPON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A CONSTITUTION AND
A PARLIAMENT BY THE TURKISH GOVERNMENT AS AN INSULT AND DEFIANCE TO
HER. Their existence would alone furnish us with a sufficient reason
to make war upon Turkey. We will never consent to be the only Power
left in Europe without constitutional institutions, and as we are not
yet prepared for them, we cannot, it is evident, allow Turkey to have
them.' What I have ventured to write in this despatch is, I can assure
your lordship, founded upon no preconceived ideas with regard to this
country, but upon the information that I have obtained in free and
unrestrained conversation with men of all classes, conditions, and
religions. Not a day has passed since I have been here that I have
not seen many such persons. Some have come to me of their own accord;
others, who may have believed that their views would not be palatable to
me and have kept away, I have invited to call upon me. I believe that
the considerations which I have ventured to place before your lordship
will be of considerable importance in the event of the mediation of
her Majesty's Government and other Powers being accepted by Turkey and
Russia. I must apologize to your lordship for stating them thus frankly.
The vast and vital interests at stake in this war, and the confidence
which her Majesty's Government have placed in me could alone justify me
in doing so."
In a despatch to the Earl of Derby, dated May 23rd, Mr. Layard says,—
"I have had a visit from the Servian agent, M. Christich, who showed me
a telegram which he had just received from the Servian Prime Minister,
and had communicated this morning to Safvet Pasha. In it M. Ristics gave
the MOST POSITIVE ASSURANCES[31] that the SERVIAN GOVERNMENT did not
contemplate ANY ATTACK upon Turkey; and that, so far from any troops
having been concentrated on the Turkish frontier with this object,
'there was not in the whole principality a band of more than five
men together.' M. Christich said that the Grand Vizier had informed
him that the Porte had received information that Russian troops were
beginning to arrive at Turn Severin, opposite Gladova, exactly where the
Russian volunteers had crossed last year into Servia, and that there
are therefore strong grounds for suspecting that, notwithstanding the
assurances given by Russia to Austria, she intended to pass an army into
Servia. M. Christich added that he had assured the Grand Vizier that
the Servian Government had no reason whatever to believe that Russia
intended to cross the Danube into Servia; but that, on the contrary,
they were convinced that she had no such intention. I thought the
opportunity a good one to speak to M. Christich of the great danger that
Prince Milan was running if he were to plunge the Principality again
into war; and I hinted to him that his Highness might have to deal with
Austria as well as Russia."
In a despatch to Lord Derby, dated from St. Petersburg on the 31st of
May, Lord A. Loftus, the British Ambassador, gives an account of an
interview he had with Prince Gortschakoff prior to his departure for
the seat of war:—
"His Highness," says Lord A. Loftus, "expressed his conviction that
the interests of the two countries in the East ought not to clash (_se
heurter_), and his hope and expectation that the note of which Count
Schouvaloff was the bearer would be satisfactory to her Majesty's
Government. I inquired of his Highness in what light the Imperial
Government regarded the declaration of independence by Roumania. Prince
Gortschakoff replied that he regarded it as a _fait accompli de facto_,
but not _de jure_. It was a question which could only be treated later,
in conjunction with the European Powers. His Highness believed that the
Austrian Cabinet took a similar view of it. In regard to Servia, Prince
Gortschakoff stated that Prince Milan and the Servian Government had
expressed their readiness in the present conjuncture to act according to
the (_volonté_) wish of the Emperor, and that it had been signified to
them in very decided terms that the EMPEROR'S WISH[32] was that SERVIA
should remain PERFECTLY PASSIVE. Prince Gortschakoff was unable to say
what would be the probable duration of the Emperor's absence, but I
am told that in the official and court circles it is expected that his
absence will not exceed six weeks."
THE TURKISH CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.
In a despatch, bearing the date of June 2nd, and addressed to the
Earl of Derby, Mr. Layard gives an account of his visit to the Turkish
Chamber of Deputies. He says,—
"At the time of my visit the Chamber was discussing a bill concerning
municipal taxation. I may state, with confidence, and with some
experience of the House of Commons, that I never saw a debate carried
on with more order and propriety. Members may either speak from their
seats or from a tribune, after the French fashion. With the exception of
one individual, a Greek, they addressed the speaker or president from
their places. Their speeches were short and to the point. Each article
of the bill before them was discussed, explanations were demanded
of the representatives of the department of the Government that had
submitted the law to the Parliament, and were at once given. It was then
put to the vote, and was passed without a division. Each deputy had a
copy of the bill before him, and followed with the greatest interest
and attention the discussion. I did not observe one exception. Once,
during my presence, there was a little expression of dissatisfaction
in the house. The exceptional Greek, to whom I have alluded, went
into the tribune with a bundle of papers, and began to read a speech
which threatened to last for an indefinite time. It related to the
history of Turkey in general, and especially to the grievances of
the Christians. The president once or twice represented to him that,
although his speech might properly be delivered on a suitable occasion,
it had nothing to do with the question in discussion, which referred
to a matter of detail of local administration. The deputy, however,
persisted, and at last the house, becoming impatient, called upon him to
comply with the regulations, to obey the president, and to come down.
This he was at last obliged to do. In the English House of Commons the
speaker would certainly not have allowed him to go on as long as he
did. No public assembly of the kind in Europe could perhaps show a more
respectable, intelligent, and dignified body of men than the present
Turkish Parliament. Christians and Mussulmans from all parts of the
empire, even an Arab with his half-Bedouin dress, are seated without
distinction together. Among the Mohammedans there are many mollahs, or
teachers of the Koran, in their white turbans. The Christian speakers,
who predominated the day that I was present, were listened to without
any sign of impatience. They spoke with the most complete freedom, and
without any restraint. The president rarely interfered, except to point
out to a deputy that he was wandering from the question in debate. It
must be borne in mind that this was the first attempt to bring together
in a popular assembly men from all parts of the empire, Mussulmans
and Christians, who were entirely ignorant of the duties they had to
perform, and of the way to perform them. Had they not been directed
and controlled at first by a strong hand there would have been general
confusion, and the experiment would probably have failed. I know no man
in Turkey so competent to be their president as Achmet Vefyk Pasha,
from his knowledge, his honesty, and his determination and vigour of
character. It is surprising, considering the materials with which he
had to deal, that he has succeeded so soon in bringing the house into
an orderly and business-like assembly. For some months there have been
no complaints, even on the part of those who have done their best to
discredit the Turkish Parliament, that the president has unnecessarily
interfered in its discussions, or has in any way restrained the perfect
freedom of debate. If there be any cause of complaint it is perhaps in
the opposite direction."
APPENDIX V.
STABBING UNDER THE GUISE OF FRIENDSHIP.
RUSSIAN GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS ENCOURAGING THE INSURGENTS
AGAINST THE PORTE, WHILST GENERAL IGNATIEFF WAS THE RUSSIAN
AMBASSADOR AT CONSTANTINOPLE, AND TURKEY AND RUSSIA WERE AT
PEACE TOGETHER.
The following is a despatch from Sir H. ELLIOTT to the Earl
of DERBY on this subject:—
Constantinople, February 14th, 1876.
MY LORD,—The account of the encouragement and countenance given to the
insurgents at Ragusa greatly exceeds all that I was prepared for.
THE RUSSIAN CONSULATE IS THE OPEN RESORT OF THE INSURGENT CHIEFS.
Their correspondence is sent to the CONSUL, who is a PARTY to all their
PROJECTS, and ASSOCIATES HIMSELF INTIMATELY WITH THEM.
He does not appear to make an attempt to conceal the part he is playing,
for on the occasion of the death of the Chief Maxime, in one of the late
encounters, the Russian flag at the consulate was hoisted at half mast,
and M. Jonine himself joined the funeral procession.
With such acts as these it is not surprising that the insurgents should
suppose their attempt to be fully APPROVED BY THE RUSSIAN GOVERNMENT,
for they can hardly be expected to believe that an ACCREDITED AGENT
would venture upon them without knowing that it meets with the APPROVAL
OF HIS SUPERIOR AUTHORITIES.
Some of the wounded, when asked why they continue to struggle when the
Porte is ready to grant all their demands, have answered plainly that
THEY ARE BOUND TO GO ON AS LONG AS THEY ARE TOLD BY RUSSIA TO DO SO.
The assurances given at St. Petersburg of the wish of the Imperial
Government that the insurgents would lay down their arms must naturally
go for nothing as long as its OFFICIAL REPRESENTATIVE, with whom they
are in communication, ENCOURAGES THEM TO GO ON.
I have, &c.,
(Signed) HENRY ELLIOTT.
APPENDIX VI.
THE RUSSIAN WAY OF CHRISTIANIZING THE TURKS.
(_Official._)
_Consul_ READE _to Mr._ LAYARD.
Shumla, July 23rd, 1877.
SIR,—Having on my arrival here heard that a number of Mussulman men,
women, and children, said to have been attacked and wounded by Russian
troops, were lying here, I obtained permission to see them.
I have the honour to inclose a list of those whom I saw, and who were
lying in a "teke," a Dervish mosque, and apparently well cared for. I
saw most of their wounds, and spoke to them.
Several of the elder ones gave very clear accounts of what had occurred
to them (as they all said) by horsemen carrying lances, and many of them
stated that they were attacked in the long grass where they were hiding
themselves. One poor infant, of about nine months, had two frightful
gashes on the head and had one toe cut off.
Most of them had lance-thrusts about their bodies; some, sabre-cuts. I
saw them one by one, and a more sickening spectacle I seldom witnessed,
not only from the nature of the wounds, but also from the youth and
simplicity of the younger ones.
As regards the rumour that any of these attacks were committed by
Bulgarians, I am able to state that, according to those I saw, not
one such case has occurred. I asked all the sufferers one by one,
separately, if they had been maltreated by any Bulgarian Christian, or
if they had heard of any such case: they one and all said not.
From what all asserted, these cruelties can only be attributed to
Cossacks, as the perpetrators were all described as "horsemen with
lances."
The number of these victims is increasing, as others are brought in
daily; and from what those I saw said, a considerable number must have
been killed on the spot.
I have, &c.,
(Signed) R. READE.
_List of Wounded Women and Children lying in the Teké, or
Dervish Mosque, at Shumla, and visited by Consul Reade._
1. Habibe: a woman aged 25 years. Wounded in the back by a lance.
2. Mehamed: a boy aged 7 years. Wounded in the left thigh by a lance.
Son of No. 1.
3. Ibrahim: a boy aged 5 years. Wounded on the right thigh by a lance:
also son of No. 1.
4. Hava: a woman aged 25 years. Lance-wound on the head.
5. Aishé: a woman aged 30 years. Arm and head wound by a sabre; a
lance-wound on the breast.
6. Mehemet: a boy aged 6 years. Stomach pierced by a lance. Son of No. 5.
7. Anfe: a woman aged 24. Four sabre-cuts on the head, three
lance-thrusts on left leg, one on right shoulder, and one on right
thigh. Sabre-cut on right hand.
8. Nazifé: a girl aged 15. Sabre-cuts on breast and back; lance-thrust
on right foot and right thigh.
9. Mustapha: an infant of about 9 months of age. Top of head frightfully
lacerated by a sabre. Toe of right foot cut off. This was a sickening
spectacle.
10. Féridé: a woman aged 55 years. Right shoulder wounded by lance.
Right hand cut off. Lance-wound on back.
11. Eminé: a girl aged 9 years. Three sabre-cuts on head and one on back.
12. Muzcié: a girl aged 12 years. Trampled upon by a horse and severely
wounded.
13. Féridé: a woman aged 40 years. Lance-wound on back.
14. Mustafa: a boy aged 9 years. Lance-wound on left leg. Son of No. 13.
15. Fatmé: a girl aged 12 years. Right thigh wounded by lance. Daughter
of No. 13.
16. Gursun: a woman aged 32 years. Lance-wound on back.
17. Aishé: a girl aged 7 years. Lance-wound on head.
18. Abrahim: a boy aged 9 years. Sabre-cut on head. Lance-wounds on
forehead and thigh.
(Signed) R. READE.
Shumla, July 22nd, 1877.
APPENDIX VII.
THE SCHOOLMASTERS IN MASSACRE.
_Consul_ DICKSON _to Earl_ RUSSELL.—(_Received May 17th._)
(_Extract._)
Soukoum Kalé, March 17th, 1864.
I feel it a painful duty to report a deed that has come to my knowledge,
which has so exasperated the Circassians as to excite them to further
resistance, however desperate their case may be.
A Russian detachment having captured the village of Toobeh on the
Soobashi River, inhabited by about 100 Abadzekhs, and after these
had surrendered themselves prisoners, they were all massacred by the
Russian troops. AMONG THE VICTIMS WERE TWO WOMEN IN AN ADVANCED STATE
OF PREGNANCY, AND FIVE CHILDREN. The detachment in question belongs to
Count Evdokimoff's army, and is said to have advanced from the Pshish
valley.
As the Russian troops gain ground on the coast, the natives are not
allowed to remain there on any terms, but are compelled either to
transfer themselves to the plains of the Kouban, or emigrate to Turkey.
APPENDIX VIII.
OUGHT WE TO HAVE SAVED THE CIRCASSIANS?
_Sir_ H. BULWER _to Earl_ RUSSELL.—(_Received May 20th._)
(_Extract._)
Constantinople, May 3rd, 1864.
You are aware of the large and sudden immigration of Circassians into
the Ottoman dominions.
The Russian Government has now acquired the territory of that brave and
devoted race, who have only prized one thing more than country—liberty,
or at least the life which is free from the domination of a foreign foe.
They are flying the shores immortalized by their defence and seeking an
asylum in a neighbouring Empire. In short, Circassia is gone; what yet
remains to SAVE IS THE CIRCASSIANS.
APPENDIX IX.
LESSONS IN MASSACRE.
A PETITION FROM THE CIRCASSIANS FORWARDED TO EARL RUSSELL BY
SIR H. BULWER, DATED CONSTANTINOPLE, APRIL 12TH, 1864.
(_Translation._)
Our most humble Petition to Her Magnificent Majesty the Queen and
Emperor of England is to the effect that—
It is now more than eighty years since the Russian Government is
unlawfully striving to subdue and annex to its dominions Circassia,
which since the creation of the world has been our home and our country.
It slaughters like sheep the children, helpless women, and old men that
fall into its hands. It rolls about their heads with the bayonet like
melons, and there is no act of oppression or cruelty which is beyond the
pale of civilization and humanity, and which defies description, that
it has not committed. We have not, from father to son, at the cost of
our lives and properties, refrained from opposing the tyrannical acts
of that Government in defence of our country, which is dearer to us
than our lives. But during the last year or two it has taken advantage
of a famine caused by a drought with which the Almighty visited us, as
well as by its own ravages, and it has occasioned us great distress by
its severe attacks by sea and land. Many are the lives which have been
lost in battle, from hunger in the mountains, from destitution on the
sea-coast, and from want of skill at sea.
WE THEREFORE INVOKE THE MEDIATION AND PRECIOUS ASSISTANCE OF THE BRITISH
GOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE—THE GUARDIAN OF HUMANITY AND CENTRE OF JUSTICE—IN
ORDER TO REPEL THE BRUTAL ATTACKS OF THE RUSSIAN GOVERNMENT ON OUR
COUNTRY, AND SAVE OUR COUNTRY AND OUR NATION TOGETHER.
But if it is not possible to afford this help for the preservation
of our country and race, then we pray to be afforded facilities for
removing to a place of safety our helpless and miserable children and
women that are perishing by the brutal attacks of the enemy as well as
by the effects of famine; and if neither of these two requests are taken
into consideration, and if in our helpless condition we are utterly
annihilated notwithstanding our appeals to the mercy and grace of the
Governments, then we shall not cease to invoke our right in the presence
of the Lord of the Universe, of Him who has confided to your Majesty
sovereignty, strength, and power for the purpose of protecting the weak.
We beg your Excellency to be the medium of making known to the great
British Government and to the glorious British nation our condition
of helplessness and misery, and we have therefore ventured to present
to your Excellency our most humble petition. A copy of it has been
submitted to the Sultan's Government and to the Embassies of the other
Powers.
Signed by the people of Circassia.
April 9th, 1864. 29 Sheval, 1280.
APPENDIX X.
STATEMENT OF THE CIRCASSIAN DEPUTIES IN REFERENCE TO THE CRIMEAN WAR.
We, the undersigned, having been sent from the people of the Nectouage
and Abaseck, and further commissioned on their behalf by the Deputies
of the other tribes of Circassia assembled at Constantinople, to carry
to the Sovereigns and to the people of England and France the appeal
of our nation, and to speak for our nation, and after that appeal has
been rejected by the Governments of France and of England, and we have
presented ourselves before various assemblies of the English people,
from whom we have heard kind words, it has then been told to us that
there are, among the English people, some who say that we are subjects
of the Emperor of Russia, and others who say that in the time of the
war in the Crimea the generals of England and France sent to us to
require troops to aid them in the war, and that we refused to give
such troops, and therefore it is not proper now for England to help us
in our distress, or to resist Russia in her violence and aggressions.
Therefore, we now say that the words so spoken against us are not true
words, but false ones, and we further declare that any one who charges
us with such things privately, and who does not bring them forward in
such a manner that all shall hear and all shall judge, commits an act
not worthy of an honest man, and ought not to be listened to by honest
men.
It is easy for us to declare that we are a free people, over whom no
king or emperor, or government, has had any power or authority since
the world began, or as far back as the memory of man can reach, but we
do not do so; we only ask what proof those can adduce who say to the
contrary? Let those persons show who the king is who has conquered our
country; let him tell what taxes the Circassian people has paid, or what
troops have been raised amongst our tribes for the service of a foreign
master. This is what no man can tell.
So also let our accusers bring forth the letters, or repeat the words,
by which any request for aid was made to us in the time of the war in
the Crimea, and then let him produce the answer given by us, refusing
that aid or succour, and when he has done so then he may say that we
did refuse to join the Allies, but not till then; but no such letter
can be produced, and if such demand and such answer would be produced,
it would not on that account follow that the injustice of Russia should
become justice, that the danger from Russia should become security, or
that the taking possession of the Black Sea by the cruisers of Russia,
to interrupt all communication and all traffic, and so to make a war
with England as well as Circassia, should become honourable and safe to
the British nation.
The Circassians are a very small and weak people; they have no money,
they pay no taxes, they have no government, they have no newspapers,
they are ignorant; but this they do know, that many years Russia has
been fighting against them, and that the thousands of men she loses in
fighting every year, and the great treasure she expends every year, is
not for the sake of Circassia. All our mountains, from the Black Sea
to the Caspian, would not be worth to Russia, if she possessed them, so
much as she expends on trying to conquer them in one year of the forty
years she has been endeavouring to conquer them.
We therefore know that she is expending her army and her treasure, not
because she wants Circassia, but because she wants India and the Ottoman
Empire; and, therefore, do we say to ourselves, it is because of Turkey
and England that we have to fight night and day, that our cattle are
carried off, that our houses are burnt, and that our young men have to
die, and our old ones and children and women to perish. Why do the Turks
and the English not help us; why are they the friends of the Russians?
We will now tell that which happened in the Crimean War.
It was in the year of your era 1854 that you drew your sword against
Russia; before then that sword was in the scabbard, but our sword has
never been in the scabbard; peace there never had been between the
Circassians and Russians, and for thirty-three years there had been
fierce wars. It was at the end of that time that the great nations of
Europe went to make war. When we heard this we were very happy, and
thought that the time was come when we might take breath: for we have
not only to fight but also to live; but it is very hard for us to live
when we have always to fight. We said to ourselves, The great nations
in whose hands Russia is nothing, are going to stop her and give peace.
Now we can plough our fields, and pasture our flocks, and rest from our
long sufferings. Yet many amongst us got ready to help, and when the
Russian troops that lay all along from Anapa to Soukum Kaleh withdrew
and collected together, and retired north, we also on our part followed
them; but when they crossed the Kouban they did not retire further, but
stopped there, and they were in great force, being tens of thousands
on one bank of the river and we on the other, so that neither ventured
across to attack. We could not go across whilst they were so posted,
but when they saw us ready, neither could they retire so as to go to
the Crimea.
Now, every day we expected that some of the Allies would appear behind
them and enable us to do something to destroy them; but none came, nor
did they send us any succour by the sea; and then we saw there was no
aid for us. So it was at the end as at the beginning, and the Allies
went away, and, as before, we remained the only enemies of Russia. But
it was not by sending our horsemen into the steppes of Russia or into
the Crimea that anything could be done to make Russia less powerful or
give to us security after the peace.
The Lesghians on the east held a body of 50,000 men ready to fall on
Tiflis, so soon as word should be sent by the generals of the English
or French, or from Constantinople. The people of our coast knew very
well that what they had to do was to crush the Russian armies in the
south of the Caucasus, and to restore the people of Georgia, Gouriel,
and Imerettia to independence. This was the help they looked for in the
war which England and France was making against Russia.
At various times, to the number of seven or eight, on news arriving
of envoys sent to us, assemblies were called among the Shapsug and
Nectouage to be ready to hear without delay their proposals, so that if
any such envoy had come to concert measures with us, such as that above
described, and which should be within our power to attempt and for our
benefit to achieve, 25,000 horsemen from these tribes alone would have
been ready to take the field in a week. Our assemblies met and waited
in vain; no envoys came; and they dispersed with heavy hearts.
Then it was that we considered what we ourselves could do, and as the
Turkish commander in Kars sent no word to us, we determined to send
word to him; and thereupon an envoy was sent, namely, one of the two
undersigned now present in London, Hadji Hassan by name, to offer to
Selim Pasha the co-operation of the forces of the Circassians, so that
whilst we descended from the north they might march from the south, and
thus crush the Russian power in Georgia, rescuing a Christian people
from a barbarous yoke.
This envoy could only reach the Turkish camp by passing through
the Black Sea in a boat with four oars, and had great difficulty in
escaping the Russian cruisers. He reached Batun, and then proceeded to
the Turkish quarters at Uzurget, twenty hours from Kars. The Turkish
commander was glad to hear his tidings, and the plans were being
prepared for the campaign, when a messenger arrived from Constantinople.
The Pasha read the despatch which he had received; he did not say what
it contained, but with tears in his eyes exclaimed, "We are betrayed!"
The Circassian envoy understood that the Governments of France and
England would not allow the Russians to be attacked where they could be
really injured, so he returned to his own country. After the Russian
army had been thus saved from destruction, Kars itself became their
prey.
Whilst the war was going on in the Crimea, various Turks came from
Constantinople; they called themselves envoys, and every one had a
different story; but they never came amongst the Circassians, they all
stayed at Anapa and Soukum Kaleh, the posts abandoned by the Russians.
There also came from the English and French, consuls and envoys, and
captains of ships, and they also said one one thing and another another;
one saying that he had authority, and another saying he had authority;
and then they talked to the Turks, and the Turks talked to them, but
never came to the Circassians, but, like the Turks, remained at Anapa
and Soukum Kaleh; whilst we were looking for men to propose to our
tribes measures of war, and to bring from their countless hosts troops,
artillery, and ammunition, to help in the war we were waging against
Russia, and had been waging for generations past.
We have since heard that at Anapa and Soukum Kaleh many conversations
took place; we have heard that between the Europeans and the Turks,
and some Circassians, men who have no authority to act on behalf of
the people, that it was said that the European generals wanted a large
army of Circassians to leave their country to embark on the sea, and
fight in the Crimea. Such things could never have been spoken in an
assembly of Circassians, for the long time which they have resisted
Russia shows that they are men who know how war is to be made. If such
things had been proposed in an assembly of Circassians, our people
would have answered, "That is not the way to injure Russia, that is
not the way to protect Circassia, that is the way only to destroy your
own armies." But such proposals were never made to us, for we are a
free people, and nothing is done in secret. We have no Minister as the
people of England have. Our warriors fight, not because they are paid,
but because they have hearts, and when anything is proposed to us then
a meeting must be held. Messengers go forth, and many thousand people
are collected together, sometimes 5000 and sometimes 20,000, and they
give ear to what is said to them, and when they have understood it, they
appoint twenty or thirty of the wise men and elders who consult apart,
and after that tell the people, and it is only when the people say Yes
to what is consulted that the answer is given. Then all are willing
to do what all have understood and all consented to. But amongst our
people there is not one who would have consented to go to the Crimea,
while every man would have been ready to march on Tiflis and save
Kars. So that it appears to us that no message came from the French
and English commanders to attack Tiflis for the same reason that the
Russians remained on the Kouban instead of retiring into the Crimea. If
our troops had not been detained on the Kouban we ourselves would have
attacked Tiflis without the aid of the Allies or the co-operation of
the Turks.
We have also learnt that when the envoys of England and France at Anapa
and Soukum Kaleh said that we should send our forces to the Crimea, the
Turkish envoys and other persons replied to them that such proposals
could not be made unless the Allies engaged to secure our independence
at a peace, and that this was the first word that had to be spoken on
the matter; but these envoys would not allow such a word to be spoken
either first or last.
Now what advantage have we gained from this war in the Crimea? That war
is over seven years ago, and we have been fighting ever since!
YOU MAKE A TREATY OF PEACE TO OPEN THE SEA. THE SEA IS NOT OPEN. Had
the undersigned been taken by the Russian vessels in coming to England,
we should have been sent to the mines of Siberia, and we know that we
the undersigned, are in all cases devoted to death because we have come
here.
YOUR ARMIES HAVE BEEN IN THE CRIMEA, WHAT BENEFIT HAS COME TO THE
CRIMEAN TARTARS? DID YOU RESTORE TO THEM THEIR COUNTRY? NO, YOU GAVE IT
BACK TO RUSSIA.
WHAT BENEFIT DID THE TURKS GET FROM YOUR WAR? You made your enemy
pay none of the expenses, and YOU ONLY DEPRIVED THE TURKS OF THEIR
VICTORIES.
THE POLES did go to the Crimea, and WHAT BENEFIT did THEY GET FROM THAT
WAR?
Did we too not help you? Did we not keep in check 100,000 men? Is Russia
not sore and weak by the many years she has been fighting with us? If
we did not prefer independence to slavery, would not 100,000 of our men
be in her ranks? If we were not engaged in defending our country, would
not the Russian frontiers be at Batun?