"While we are discussing the progress of_The Life of General Garibaldi Translated from his private papers; with the history of his splendid exploits in Rome, Lombardy, Sicily and Naples, to the present time.

speculating as to the nature of the catastrophe, the

curtain falls. Yesterday France and Austria were upon

the point of joining in another desperate battle. The

celebrated fortified Quadrangle had been reached,

Peschiera had been invested, Mantua had been masked,

Verona was upon the point of being summoned, Venice was

threatened, and Garibaldi was manœuvering upon the rear

of the great fortresses. The waves of warfare were

undulating and vibrating to another great burst in foam.

To-day the Spirit of Peace has breathed upon the waters,

and the storm is for the moment at an end. Three months

ago we expected peace and were surprised by war. To-day

Europe was waiting in breathless expectation for a great

battle, fought in the very fortresses of Austria, and is

again surprised by the calm announcement that an

armistice has been concluded, and that the two great

armies are for the moment no longer enemies."

The cruelties practised by Austrians in Italy will be disgraceful to the

memory of their government, its officers and soldiers. A single instance

of the crimes of General Urban, in Lombardy, in 1859, will suffice. By

his order, a whole family were butchered. It consisted of seven persons,

including a grandfather, eighty-two years of age, a boy of fourteen, and

a girl of twelve. Merely for the purpose of striking terror into the

people; it appears, and without any pretext of fault in them, he had

them all put to death, and left their mangled corpses unburied. This

atrocious act has been denied; but the king's government have since

instituted a regular legal investigation, ascertained its truth, and

erected a monument in memory of it.

THE ARMISTICE.

The war, its progress, results, and prospects were not less unexpected

or surprising than the armistice which Louis Napoleon, without any

warning, suddenly concluded, in an interview with the Emperor of

Austria, on the 11th of July. The cause of it still remains a matter of

conjecture. It was followed by a treaty, by which the war was terminated

and harmony restored, but the promise of Louis not fulfilled, of driving

out the foreigners from Italy. Austria was left in possession of the

four great fortresses of Lombardy, as well as of Venetia.

The armistice was first announced to France by the following telegram:

"VALLEGIO, _July 11, 1859._

"THE EMPEROR TO THE EMPRESS.

"Peace has been signed between the Emperor of Austria

and myself.

"The bases agreed to are an Italian confederation, under

the honorary Presidentship of the Pope.

"The Emperor of Austria cedes his rights over Lombardy

to the Emperor of the French, who hands them over to the

King of Sardinia.

"The Emperor of Austria preserves Venetia, but

that country forms an integral part of the Italian

Confederation.

"General armistice."

It was made known to the army on the following day, by this

proclamation:

"SOLDIERS—The bases of peace have been arranged with the

Emperor of Austria; the principal object of the war has

been obtained; Italy is about to become for the first

time a nation. A confederation of all the Italian States

under the honorary Presidency of the Holy Father, will

unite them together as the members of one family.

Venetia, it is true, remains under the sceptre of

Austria. It will, nevertheless, be an Italian province,

constituting a part of the confederation.

"The union of Lombardy with Piedmont creates for us on

this side of the Alps a powerful ally, who will owe to

us his independence. The governments unconnected with

this movement, (_en dehors du mouvement_), or recalled

to their possessions, will comprehend the necessity of

salutary reforms. A general amnesty will cause to

disappear the traces of civil discord. Italy, henceforth

mistress of her destinies, will only have to blame

herself if she do not regularly progress in order and

liberty.

"You will soon return to France. The grateful country

will welcome with transport those soldiers who have

borne so high the glory of our arms at Montebello,

Palestro, Turbigo, Magenta, Mariguan, and Solferino, who

in two months have emancipated Piedmont and Lombardy,

and only paused because the struggle was about to assume

proportions inconsistent with the interests of France in

connection with this formidable war.

"Be also proud of your success, proud of the results

obtained, proud, above all, of being the well beloved

children of that France which will ever continue a great

nation, so long as it shall have a heart to comprehend

noble causes, and men like yourselves to defend them.

"At the Imperial Headquarters of Vallegio, 12th of July,

1859.

"NAPOLEON."

The following considerations are suggested by the peace just concluded:

The cession of Lombardy to Piedmont comprehends that of the two

fortresses, Mantua and Peschiera. The superfices of Lombardy is 8,538

square miles. Its population is 2,800,000 souls. Lombardy has hitherto

been divided, administratively, into nine provinces or delegations,

viz.:—Milan, Pavia, Lodi, Corma, Cremona, Como, Mantua, Sondrio,

Breschia, and Bergamo. The fortified towns of Mantua and Peschiera form

part of the province of Mantua. The fortress of Pezzighettone is

comprised in the province of Cremona. After the annexation of Lombardy

and Piedmont, this kingdom (the island of Sardinia both included) will

contain a superfices of 37,640 square miles, with a population of

7,800,000. As regards territorial extent, it will occupy a tenth rank in

Europe, and will come immediately after the kingdom of the Two Sicilies,

and before Portugal and Bavaria. With respect to population, Sardinia

will stand in the ninth rank, on a level with Naples, and will be above

Sweden and Norway, Belgium, and Bavaria.

The following table completes the comparison as regards Italy:

Area Sq. M. Population.

New kingdom 37,640 7,800,000

Venetia 9,525 2,200,000

Papal States 17,218 2,900,000

Tuscany 8,741 1,750,000

Parma 2,268 500,000

Modena 2,090 410,000

Two Sicilies 42,000 8,400,000

Although disappointed, by the imperfect accomplishment of the work of

securing all Italy to the Italians, there was much reason to rejoice,

that the overflowing fountains of human blood, which had exhibited a

spectacle shocking to humanity, had been stopped. The terms of peace

were settled by the Treaty of Villafranca.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER V.

"A brighter course has never

A hero true display'd;

Unblemish'd in the hour of peace,

In danger undismay'd."—

_Lines to Garibaldi._

THE CHARACTER OF ITALIAN PATRIOTS—HOW IT HAS BEEN

DISPLAYED BY EXILES IN THE UNITED STATES—IGNORANCE OF

ITALY IN AMERICA—GARIBALDI'S APPEARANCE AND CHARACTER

—HIS BAND—HIS "ENGLISHMAN," COL. PEARD.

And now that we have arrived at another peaceful interval in the life of

this extraordinary man, the astonishing effects of his superior skill,

bravery, and success, having broken the arm of Austria in Italy, and

nothing but the shield of Louis Napoleon having sheltered her head, a

sudden suspension of hostilities left the world at leisure to admire the

past, feel astounded at the unexpected present state of things, and look

with interest, but painful uncertainty, for the future. All observers,

who had not before made Italy or Italians their attentive study, were

anxious to know more of the people who had suddenly sprung from a low

general estimation as patriots and soldiers, to the rank due to the

conquerors at Palestro, Montebello, and Solferino, and had furnished the

files of the heroic and irresistible hunters of the Alps, and their

leader, Garibaldi himself. Let us turn a few moments to inquiries of the

same kind; for even at the present time, there is too much reason to

fear, there are few, even of our most intelligent countrymen, who have

paid sufficient attention to the affairs of Italy during the past half

century, to give full and clear replies to these questions.

Few indeed have had the best opportunities to learn the general truths,

and fewer still have had access to many of those details, by which alone

the causes can be well understood, and the effects clearly accounted

for. The published accounts of Italians and their affairs have been

presented to the world in a detached, uncertain and often confused and

even contradictory form, which most readers had neither the disposition,

the time, nor the means to unravel, reconcile and correct. There have

always been, however, intelligent and virtuous patriotic Italians

residing in the United States, and especially in New York, who were able

and ready to communicate real facts and just opinions on every event and

question of importance. And to such are justly due some portion of the

facts contained in this volume, and of the views and spirit under which

they are now laid before the American people. With their assistance, and

at their urgent request also, was done the little which has ever been

effected in this country in past years, to explain and vindicate their

cause, to relieve its exiled victims, to expose the insidious intrigues

of their enemies against American institutions, and to invite and foster

mutual acquaintance, and brotherly affection and coöperation between us

and the noble patriots of Italy.

Americans have but one excuse to give for their neglect of Italy in her

more triumphant struggle against her combined enemies and oppressors.

The intrigues of her enemies and their insidious calumnies were

sufficient to mislead the incautious and the honest. But we have long

since lost the spirit of our Protestant ancestors, who were men of

clearer sight, greater knowledge, stronger judgment, and more

resolution, bravery and perseverance than their descendants. They

distinguished, as we do not, between great truths and great falsehoods;

between great rights and great wrongs; and acted with promptitude and

vigor whenever the time arrived to vindicate or secure the one, and to

expose and counteract the other. And such a spirit was displayed by the

Italian exiles on our soil. They set us examples of similar ways of

thinking, speaking and acting; and well would it have been if we had

rightly appreciated the knowledge which they possessed, the manly views

which they entertained, and the plans which they proposed for our mutual

benefit.

The following description of Garibaldi we translate from the "History of

the Glorious Campaign of the Cacciatori delle Alpi, in the war of 1859,"

by one of his officers, Col. Francesco Corrano:

"Giuseppe Garibaldi is of middle stature, with broad and

square shoulders, herculean limbs, long brownish hair,

and beard slightly grey; a heavy and strong step,

sailor-like air, look, and manner of speaking; his vest

buttoned up to his throat, a hat with a broad brim, in

the Calabrian style, and large trousers. The noises of

the city annoy and disturb him. Commanding mountains

please him, covered with evergreen trees, and the sight

of the vast horizon and the boundless sea.

"His nose is straight and almost vertical, and his

aspect at once vivacious and sweet. Often, under his

very heavy beard, his lips are gently moved by a natural

and fascinating smile. He converses frankly and

unaffectedly, condemns with decision, and praises warmly

but briefly; but he is ever animated, fluent, and even

eloquent, whenever the conversation turns on Italy,

liberty, and deeds of daring and skill; to overcome the

enemy, and to overdo them (_sopraffare_), his favorite

word. Above all things, he prizes faithfulness and valor

in chivalrous warfare, though it be not accompanied by

fame or popular applause. Proud despiser of pay and

money, he loves Italy above all things.

"Cuneo, who is called his friend for life, by Garibaldi

himself, writes of him: 'A man of humanity, he is

laboring to secure in the future the brotherhood of the

people; but at the banquet of nations he will sit only

as an equal, or not sit at all.' He is by nature

tolerant of every suggestion. He has trust and sympathy

in discipline produced by love, more than by the rigor

of laws.

"It would be difficult to find a successor to Garibaldi.

His name is popular in Italy, through all Europe, and in

America also, as no other is in our day; and it was

owing chiefly to his name, that ten thousand Italians,

from every province in the country, and in a short space

of time, hastened to join him, and to write their names

as 'Cacciatori delle Alpi.' But, more than to command

battalions, he is fitted to lead them in fine order;

prepared to fight, and with ten-fold moral force, by his

terrible name, to overcome and scatter the enemy; to

conquer or to fall with signal honor."

The intelligence and respectability of Garibaldi's soldiers were

attested by an English gentleman who visited his camp at Firano, August

5th. He wrote:

"You are already aware that in this singular corps the

soldier generally belongs to the best class of Italian

society. In consequence of this peculiarity, each of

this gallant band is a politician of the first class.

The doings of our ministers are sensibly discussed in

these bivouacs.

"The only Englishman who is among them has become the

lion of this singular corps. In my former letter I had

occasion to speak of Captain Peard, the gentleman in

question. He comes from Cornwall, and belongs to a

militia regiment, whose uniform he wears with a

decidedly martial bearing. He is a man of tall and

colossal frame, nearer sixty than fifty, and is

considered the best shot in the party. Although he has

been attached to Garibaldi's staff, he makes war at his

own expense, and he was always to be found in the thick

of the fray. Whenever he had killed an Austrian, he was

seen to mark him down in his pocket-book. A few days ago

I met Captain Peard at Brescia, and he was kind enough

to show me his book, from which it was apparent that

twenty-five Austrians were killed by him during the

campaign, besides ten who were under the head of

'uncertain.'

"There are also with Garibaldi two rather eccentric

young Frenchmen, dressed in a peculiar costume of their

own, who are members of the Paris Jockey Club. These two

gentlemen have been so charmed by the gallant general,

that I am told they will share his fate, whatever it may

be. _Five American citizens_, and a few Germans, are

going to do the same, together with a Chinese, who, were

I to believe what he told me, is one of the few who

escaped the slaughter of Commissioner Yeh at Canton.

Most of Garibaldi's officers belong to the upper classes

of Lombardy, and have borne arms with him either in

South America or in Rome."

The interval which occurred between the day of Garibaldi's departure

from Turin, with his _Alpine Huntsmen_, and the dispersion of the forty

thousand Austrians at Calatrava, is one of the most interesting and

important in modern history. While the most anxious fears prevailed

among his friends, and the most alarming reports were circulated by his

enemies; while the promise of being supported by the number of troops

which he had thought indispensable was entirely disappointed, by the

inability of Cialdini to cross the rivers, Garibaldi, as we have seen,

undismayed by that and other difficulties, pursued his way with

unfailing resolution and complete success. He raised the country in

insurrection wherever he went; kindled a flame in every heart from the

electric fire which had so long been cherished in his own;

unhesitatingly attacked the opposing hosts of the enemy, and put them

all to flight. Thus he alarmed, weakened, and terrified the invaders,

and animated the Allies, whose precursor he was; gave an impulse to the

war at the commencement, and a most powerful support to it till the

close, which will ever secure to him an indisputable claim to a large, a

very large, share of the victory and its results. This claim, we may

surely foretell, will never be made by himself. It will, however, be

made by the world—by mankind—on whom he has conferred the inestimable

benefits of his great deeds, and his pure and noble example. Such

concurrences and successions of events, such men as have been employed

in the various scenes, and especially such a heroic leader, could have

been devised only by infinite wisdom, and conducted to such results only

by an Almighty hand.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER VI.

"Italia! I thank thee for life, and for pow'r

To fight with the foes of thyself and mankind."

_Lines on the death of Anna._

GARIBALDI WITH AN ARMY AT RIMINI—GENERAL LAMORICIÈRE

AT PESARO—VICTOR EMANUEL APPREHENDS A PREMATURE

COLLISION—GARIBALDI GOES TO PIEDMONT—NICE AND SAVOY

CEDED TO FRANCE—GARIBALDI AT CAPRERA—THE SICILIAN

REVOLUTION COMMENCED—GARIBALDI'S EXPEDITION FOR

SICILY—THE ISLAND—THE PEOPLE.

After the interesting scenes described in the last chapter, Garibaldi

went to Rimini, and took command of an army which had been collected

there, to resist General Lamoricière, who was at Pesaro, 22 miles

distant, that French general, commanding the Pope's troops, being

menaced by Garibaldi's position, who was said to be urgent for

permission to pass at once through the Pope's territory into the

Abruzzo, and raise the Neapolitans in insurrection against their cruel

old king, Bomba.

Victor Emanuel, disapproving such a movement at that time, wrote to

Garibaldi, requesting him to resign his command, with which he complied;

and General Fanti received it in his stead. He then proceeded to

Piedmont, where he published the following manifesto:

"TO MY COMPANIONS IN ARMS IN CENTRAL ITALY.

"Let not my temporary absence cool your ardor for the

holy cause that we defend.

"In separating myself from you, whom I love as the

representatives of a sublime idea—the idea of Italian

deliverance—I am excited and sad; but consolation comes

in the certainty that I shall very soon be among you

again, to aid you in finishing the work so gloriously

begun.

"For you, as for me, the greatest of all possible

misfortunes would be not to be present wherever there is

fighting for Italy. Young men who have sworn to be

faithful to Italy and to the chief who will lead you to

victory, lay not down your arms; remain firm at your

post—continue your exercises—persevere in the soldier's

discipline.

"The truce will not last long; old diplomacy seems but

little disposed to see things as they really are.

Diplomacy still looks upon you as the handful of

malcontents which she had been accustomed to despise.

She does not know that in you there are the elements of

a great nation, and that in your free and independent

hearts there germinate the seeds of a world-wide

revolution if our rights shall not be recognized, and if

people will not allow us to be masters in our own home.

"We desire to invade no foreign soil; let us remain

unmolested on our own. Whosoever attempts to gainsay

this our determination will find that we will never be

slaves, unless they succeed in crushing by force an

entire people ready to die for liberty.

"But, even should we all fall, we shall bequeath to

future generations a legacy of hatred and vengeance

against foreign domination; the inheritance of each of

our sons will be a rifle, and the consciousness of his

rights; and by the blessing of God, the oppressor will

never sleep soundly.

"Italians, I say again, do not lay down your arms; rally

more closely than ever to your chiefs, and maintain the

strictest discipline. Fellow-citizens, let not a man in

Italy omit to contribute his mite to the national

subscription; let not one fail to clean his gun, so as

to be ready, perhaps to-morrow, to obtain by force that

which to-day they hesitate to grant to our just rights.

"GARIBALDI.

"GENOA, _Nov. 23, 1859_."

Garibaldi then proceeded to Turin, and took his seat as a member of the

Sardinian Parliament, to which he had been elected two years before, as

the representative of Nice, his native country.

Louis Napoleon having proposed that Savoy and Nice should be ceded to

France, the subject was brought before the Parliament and discussed at

length, Garibaldi opposing the project with great zeal in several very

animated speeches. The conduct of Napoleon, in 1849, against Rome, may

easily account for his feelings on that occasion. He soon withdrew from

the chamber, and departed for Caprera, where he remained until a new

scene was opened to him in another quarter, where Providence was

preparing for him to make that display of his noble character and

superior powers, which now has gained him the warmest love, as well as

the highest admiration, of the world.

The Sicilians, unable any longer to suppress their discontent under the

cruel government of the king, began, in April, 1860, once more to show

signs of rebellion. An insurrection was made in Palermo, when the people

raised barricades in the streets, and fought the troops with resolution.

The combat was very bloody, but the citizens were soon overcome, and

most of the insurgents perished at the barricades. Several monks of the

convents were seized and imprisoned. Reinforcements had been sent into

Sicily. The commercial steamboats had been put into requisition, and the

army in Sicily was to be augmented to 30,000 men.

Prince Castilcicala had returned to his post as governor of the island.

The panic at Naples on the 6th instant was general, but without

consequence. On the evening of the 6th an immense crowd, estimated to

number 80,000, blocked up the Rue Tolede at Naples, and raised numerous

shouts of "_Viva la Constituzione_" before the residence of the Papal

Nuncio. The street was quickly cleared by the patrols.

Palermo had been placed in a state of siege. The insurgents were said to

number 10,000 well armed men.

The insurrection at Messina broke out on Sunday morning, April 11th. The

popular movement commenced by shots being fired in the strada

Ferdinando. Pieces of furniture were thrown from the windows at the

troops.

Count Cavour had telegraphed to Leghorn, ordering two steam frigates to

proceed at once toward the coast of Sicily, and shelter all fugitives

from political vengeance. The cry at Palermo, as well as at Messina, was

for union with the Italian kingdom.

The disturbances increased, and the Sicilians rose in different places,

fought bravely, and maintained themselves with great resolution.

Garibaldi was urgently called to their assistance, and was soon in

Piedmont collecting men for an expedition. Great enthusiasm was

displayed. Many volunteers pressed forward, and considerable numbers of

soldiers deserted from the king's army to join their favorite leader.

The government and its agents affected not to perceive the movement, and

no impediment was thrown in its way. Vessels were prepared at the little

port of Cagliari, and the volunteers, collected at convenient points not

far distant, marched quietly to the shore, embarked, and sailed in the

night of the 6th of May.

As the events which followed this first step in the last grand drama of

Italian history are fresh in the minds of all, the following brief

review of them, recently published by the Paris "Siècle," may not be out

of place here:

"A man, accompanied by a few volunteers, sails from the

environs of Genoa in the night of the 6th of May, on

board of a vessel which is not even his own property. He

goes to liberate several millions of oppressed people,

and to overthrow a powerful monarchy; he is stigmatized

as a brigand, and all the penalties inflicted on pirates

are invoked on his devoted head; the cry is raised that

both he and his followers might be hanged from the

yard-arms of their vessel. On the 7th of September

this man has almost accomplished the task he had

undertaken; the monarchy he assailed is _de facto_

overthrown. A nation is delivered. Now, which are the

wise counsellors? Those who advise sovereigns to make

concessions to the spirit of the age, or the flatterers

who promise them a protracted reign, if they will but

resist all progress? The answer is easy now. The king of

Naples is a fugitive. Another dynasty has fallen, though

surrounded by soldiers, and well provided with cannon

and gold; another hope of the counter-revolutionists has

fallen away. But the men bent on the ruin of princes

still persist in giving the same pernicious counsels.

'The King of Naples has fallen,' say they, 'but General

de Lamoricière still remains; he will fight, he will; he

is ready, and the revolution will be overcome.' Wretched

counsellors! They are not yet satisfied with their work;

they want more catastrophes. Nevertheless, how easy the

dynasty of Naples might have escaped destruction!

Warnings were not wanting. Four years ago, during the

Conferences of Paris, did not Europe, by the voice of

her diplomatists, unanimously declare to the King of

Naples that he was courting destruction by his bad

government—that he was gathering around him all the

elements of revolution? Was he not, in a manner,

implored to adopt a different policy? Was he not duly

informed of the abyss that lay before him?

"The general success of the Italian leader is thus

summed up: Five marvellous stages—Marsala, Palermo,

Milazzo, Reggio and Naples—performed in the short space

of three months, have been all that Garibaldi required,

supported as he is by the national sentiment, to

overthrow a monarchy deemed immovable; which, not yet

four years since, defied France and England; which, in

the face of the naval preparations of the two greatest

powers in the world, had determined to persevere in its

resistance."

The modern history of Sicily requires a particular study before the

sufferings and the spirit of its inhabitants can be well understood. The

cruelty of the government and its agents have surpassed belief. The

people, although few, compared with the numbers which that large and

fertile island might sustain under a better government, have made

repeated and strenuous efforts to obtain their freedom, and submitted

only to overwhelming and irresistible force. They commenced the Italian

revolution in 1820; and on several subsequent occasions they boldly

commenced insurrections, but always with ill success. The king of the

Two Sicilies would send troops from Naples, and then his immediate

subjects would endeavor to take advantage of the opportunity. Sometimes

the Sicilians rose against the king's troops, in secret concert with

arrangements made in other parts of Italy, and sometimes, as it seemed,

independently. Bloody scenes followed the victories of the king's

troops, but some fugitives were always able to escape, and numbers lived

in New York and other parts of the United States—some ever since 1820 or

1822.

Sicily, as described by recent Italian authorities, contains about two

thirds as many inhabitants as the State of New York, or a little over

two millions, and a territory of 26,582,59 kilometers. A chain of

mountains through the northern part appears to be a continuation of the

Appenines, and the highest peak is the volcano of Etna, otherwise called

Mongibello. The island is the largest in the Mediterranean, extending

from N. latitude 36° to 38° 8´, and E. longitude 10° 5´ to 13° 20´. It

has always been celebrated for the fertility of its soil, and was long

called the granary of Rome. It contains several provinces, named from

their chief cities Palermo, Messina, Catania, Trappani, Syracuse or

Boto, Girgenti and Caltanissetta. The city of Palermo has 483,206

inhabitants; Catania, 56,515; Messina, 93,822; and Syracuse, 16,916. The

land is but little divided, and all the province of Trappani is

possessed by only three proprietors. In consequence of bad government,

Sicily has only 126 persons to a square kilometer, and the rest of the

late kingdom of Naples 87, while Tuscany has 126. In 20 years, under a

free government, it may double its population. There were, last year, in

Sicily, 17,000 secular priests, 7,591 monks, and 8,675 nuns. Total,

33,976 drones in the hive. Many of those joyfully joined the revolution

on Garibaldi's appearance, and gave money from their treasures, and

offered their church bells to melt into cannon, preached, and even

fought for liberty and Victor Emanuel.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER VII.

"Native hills and plains are ringing,

With the sounds of joy once more;

Charming echos send the music,

From Alps to far Sicilla's shore."—

_Banks of Dora._

ACCOUNTS OF THE EXPEDITION FOR SICILY—VOYAGE—TOUCH AT

TALAMONE, IN TUSCANY—PROCEED TO MARSALA—LANDING—MARCH

—OCCURRENCES ON THE WAY TO PALERMO.

For the following interesting accounts of Garibaldi's expedition to

Sicily, its arrival and operations, we copy from some letters published

in English papers. Being written on the spot, by intelligent

eye-witnesses, they are well adapted to our use:

DEPARTURE OF THE EXPEDITION.

"Garibaldi left the neighborhood of Genoa on the night

of the 5th of May. His intention had been to leave the

day before, but owing to the non-arrival of one of the

steamers singled out for the expedition, he had to defer

it to the next day. It is useless to say that the thorny

part of the transaction had been arranged beforehand

with the owners of the steamers, and that Garibaldi

merely consented to take upon himself the responsibility

of carrying off the steamers. The captain, engineers and

crew had received notice to leave them, the gallant

general being himself a good sailor, and having plenty

of men of his own to sail and handle the ships. On the

7th a landing took place on the coast of Tuscany, at

Talamone, and on the 8th, another, at Orbitello, which

detained the expedition the next day. On the evening of

the 9th, the expedition set out for the coast of Sicily

direct. The Neapolitan government was perfectly well

informed, and the fleet was cruising about in all

directions except the right one. Little squadrons of two

or more steamers had been concentrated in the chief

seaport towns of the island, and tried by cruising to

keep a _cordon_ round the island. The south and

southwesterly coasts were, above all, a point of their

attention, for some of their ships reported having seen

the expedition going toward Tunis. Two steamers, the

Capri and Stromboli, were lying at Marsala, and not two

hours before the arrival of the expedition, had gone out

for a cruise."

THE LANDING.

"The place for landing had not been fixed beforehand; an

inspiration of the moment induced Garibaldi to choose

the most frequented part of that side of the island, and

his star led him there just in the interval which

occurred between the going out and returning of the

steamers. Had it not been for this the landing might

have failed. One of the steamers struck on a rock just

at the entrance of the port, while the other went in as

close as possible. The information received, was that

there was a garrison of 600 men at Marsala, and the

orders had already been given to land a small party and

dislodge them from the barracks, when the boats from the

shore came off with the news that no one was there. This

made the landing easy enough; large barges were brought

alongside, and took everything ashore; but when

everything was landed, the Neapolitans made their

appearance, and began firing to their hearts' content,

without doing more than wounding slightly two men.

"The first thing was to cut the telegraph wire, but it

was too late to prevent it from transmitting the news of

the landing to Palermo. The last two messages were: 'Two

steamers in sight making for the port; suspicious, as

they carry no flag;' and then: 'The two steamers having

hoisted the Sardinian flag, have come in and are landing

their men.'"

Another eye-witness, writing from Marsala, May 12th, thus describes the

landing:

"The extraordinary event which happened here yesterday

which still looks more like a dream than a reality

namely, the landing in this harbor of Garibaldi with a

band of about 1,500 as fine looking fellows as you

can well imagine, from two Sardinian steamers. The

landing was effected in gallant style, and with most

extraordinary celerity and order, and part of the time

under the guns of a Neapolitan frigate and two steamers.

One of the Sardinian vessels was run aground and

scuttled by themselves in the harbor, and the other was

taken outside by the Neapolitans; but after the landing

had been fully effected. I believe the brave adventurers

did not lose a man—only two or three wounded. We were

all in a state of alarm during the firing, as the shot

and shell from the frigate went flying about in a most

awkward manner—some into the town, some into Woodhouse's

stores, some into Wood's _baglio_ (factory), and one

actually over our heads here on the _baglio_ terrace,

which fell into the sea beyond the Salinella.

"Our Vice-Consul, with the captains of the Intrepid and

Argus (both here fortunately for us at the time), went

on board the frigate during the firing to inquire into

the meaning of their missiles, so capriciously injuring

our factories, on each of which the English flag was

flying, and to inculcate more caution and accuracy in

their operations. The Neapolitan commanders, wisely

considering that it was their duty to expend a certain

quantity of powder and shot on such an important

occasion, gave the town the benefit of the residuary

dose, after the enemy was snug within the walls, and

laughing at this exhibition of impotent rage. It was,

however, no laughing matter to the poor inhabitants,

who, not accustomed to such phenomena, took to flight in

all directions to avoid the effects of the shell, which

did considerable damage about the Porta di Mare and the

Grazzia Vecchia, but fortunately without loss of life,

as many families were in the country for their spring

trip. A considerable number, high and low, flocked under

the protection of our flag here, and the old _baglio_ is

as crowded as Noah's Ark, only the animals are all

human."

MARCH INTO THE INTERIOR.

"In the morning the whole of Garibaldi's party set off

for Salemi, reinforced by a good many Marsalese

volunteers, and well provided with horses for the

officers, carts for their spare arms and ammunition, and

mules for the few field-pieces they brought with them.

Everything was managed with admirable order, and

apparently to the satisfaction of General Garibaldi;

though under the effect of the bombardment from the

Neapolitan vessels the poor Marsalese did not show an

enthusiastic welcome to their unexpected visitors.

"MAY 14.—At Salemi they were received with open arms,

after having been joined on their march by several

large armed bands under Coppola, of the Monte, Baron

Sant Anna, of Alcamo, etc. Other two bands of armed

countrymen have set off from this place to join the

brave general, and with the reinforcements expected

from Castelvetrano, Santa Ninfa, and other neighboring

towns, they will soon muster a very formidable force.

Even their artillery is increasing, as some light

brass field-pieces, buried since 1849, have been

brought out, and found in good condition. Several

Franciscan monks have put themselves at the head, with

the cross in one hand and the sword in the other."

FIRST EFFECTS OF THE ARRIVAL OF GARIBALDI.

"The arrival of Garibaldi changed the nature of the

insurrection in Sicily completely. Until then the

different _squadre_ (bands) of _picciotti_ (youngsters)

had carried on a kind of desultory guerrilla warfare

without much connection between them. The landowner, if

influential enough, or else some popular man more

energetic than the rest, collected for this purpose

whoever wanted to come and had some sort or other of

arms. Their tactics were to appear and disappear in

different parts of the country, and harass from safe

places the royal troops passing through the interior,

but as for concerting a plan or meeting the royalists in

the open field, no one would ever have dreamed of it.

The mountainous country, and the want of roads, greatly

facilitated this kind of warfare, while the absence of

danger and fatigue was sufficient inducement even for

those who were not driven there by their hatred against

the Neapolitans. The country between Palermo, Trapani,

Marsala, and Corleone was the chief seat of these

_squadre_, not a few of which were collected at the time

in the mountain chain above Palermo.

"Garibaldi's name and prestige, and the succors which he

brought, became a link between these different squadre,

which placed themselves under his orders. Scarce had the

news of his landing spread, when the bands from Trapani,

Corleone, and one or two other places joined. It was to

meet this force, which was every day swelling, that

Brigadier-General Landi was sent in the direction of

Marsala and Trapani. The road to these places is the

same as far as Calata Fimi, situated on the top of an

elevated plateau; from thence it separates. A force,

therefore, stationed at the intersection, shuts off all

communication by regular roads from Palermo to Trapani

and Marsala. It was on the lower slopes of the plateau

that General Landi had taken his position, with four

battalions, one of them riflemen, and four mountain

guns. The road from Marsala, after passing Salemi,

descends one of those long terraced plateaus which are a

characteristic feature of this part of Sicily, and after

crossing a little valley, rises up to the other plateau,

where Calata Fimi is situate. The position was,

therefore, one of the most difficult to carry. Like all

soldiers of the same kind, the Neapolitans, whose

muskets are excellent, rely altogether on their fire,

especially if it can be carried on from afar. The

reception, therefore, of Garibaldi and his troops was so

hot that the _squadre_ soon sought shelter where they

could, leaving all the work to the troops Garibaldi had

brought with him. The Cacciatori delle Alpi justified

their renown, and in spite of the heat of the day,

the advantage of position and numbers, drove the

Neapolitans, at the point of the bayonet, from one

position to another, taking one of the mountain guns.

One of the students from Pavia, a youth certainly not

more than eighteen, was the first to lay hands on it. In

less than two hours, the Neapolitans were driven from

all their positions and flying back toward Palermo. A

letter, written by General Landi, was found in the

village. In it he writes to the commander of Palermo to

send him reinforcements, as he could not hold the place.

He excuses at the same time the loss of the gun, by

saying that the mule which carried it was shot—a

falsehood, for the gun carriage was taken with it, as

well as the two mules, which are in perfect health.

"The retreat of the brigade, which had lost

considerably, was not molested at first, and they passed

Alcamo without being attacked, but at Partenico, where

they had sacked, burned, and murdered promiscuously,

throwing women and children into the fire, the people

were up and had occupied the houses, from which they

fired on the troops, converting their flight into a

regular rout, the eleventh regiment losing its colors.

Garibaldi is not the man to lose much time, but still

the necessity of concerting a common action with the

bands in the neighborhood of Palermo, prevented him from

taking the position of Monreale by surprise."

PALERMO.

"In order to understand the importance of this position,

as well as the rest of the operations, I must say

something about the topography of the basin of Palermo.

Long before you arrive at Palermo by sea, you have

before you a bold limestone mountain, standing there

isolated, and resembling somewhat the rock of Gibraltar,

but not so lofty. This rock forms the northern limit of

the Bay of Palermo and of the Conca d'Oro (Gold Shell),

the fertile plain in which the town lies. The plain

stretches out in a northwesterly and southeasterly

direction, which is likewise followed in a circular

sweep by the mountain chain.

"The plain may be about twelve miles in its greatest

length, and from four to five in its greatest width.

Between the isolated Monte Pellegrino and the rest of

the chain the plain runs up to La Favorita, over which a

carriage road goes to Carini; on the opposite side of

the plain, skirting the sea-shore runs the highroad to

Messina, passing through Bazaria, and close to the ruins

of Solento. These are the two easiest outlets of the

plain. Everywhere else a continued chain of mountains

seems to close all outlet. Nearest to La Favorita a bad

mountain road leads in a straight line by San Martino to

Carini. To the left of this road rises a rugged,

magnificent mountain, looking like the worn side of an

extinct crater; it protrudes somewhat into the plain,

and throws out a high spur in the same direction as the

main chain. This spur is Monreale, and you can see the

famous convent and church, as well as the greatest part

of the village. Over this plateau passes the high road

to Trapani. Behind the spur and plateau of Monreale, the

mountain forms a kind of amphitheatre on a colossal

scale, the terraced cultivation helping to keep up the

illusion. Where it ends, and the mountain begins again

to protrude into the plain, you can see on the slopes

two white villages; they are Parco and Madonna delle

Grazie, over which a carriage road leads to the Piana

del Greci and Corleone, two old Albanian colonies,

established, like a good number in this part of Sicily

by emigration after the death of Skandorbeg. Another

spur runs out into the plain, and forms another

amphitheatre, more rugged and picturesque than that of

Monreale, and dominated by the Gebel Rosso. In the dip a

rugged horse-path ascends, called the Passo della

Mezzagna, leading down to the village of Misilmeri,

situate on the only highroad into the interior and to

Catania. The Gebel Rosso toward the sea and Cape

Zaffarano, and in the lower depression is the highroad

from Palermo to Catania. It runs almost parallel to the

road on the sea-shore as far as Abate, and then cuts

across to the south. From this description you will see

that the Neapolitans, possessing the command of the sea,

had all the advantages of a concentric position,

especially with an enemy who was weak in artillery, and

who was chiefly formidable in the mountains. A general

concentration of their forces in the plain was clearly

indicated, with the single exception of the plateau of

Monreale, which is a position in itself, and commands

the road from the interior for some distance. The

disadvantage of him who attacked was considerably

increased by the difficult nature of the mountains,

which makes all lateral communication between the roads

almost impossible, so that any change of the attack

implied a great circuit. The Neapolitans, who had

studied the thing for years, were fully aware of these

advantages, and concentrated their forces in the plain,

merely occupying the plateau of Monreale.

"Garibaldi could not unite his forces in time to arrive

at Monreale before the Neapolitans had occupied it in

great force, and when he arrived in the neighborhood of

the position, four days after the victory of Calata

Fimi, he saw that the taking of Monreale could only be

effected with great loss. He therefore determined to

change his plans. The first thing was to surround and

watch all the outlets, and for this purpose the

different _squadri_ of the insurgents took up positions

all round the chain of mountains which inclose the bay.

It was one of the finest sights you could see when their

fires blazed up at night, and mingled their red glare

with the pale light of the moon. They were watched by

the inhabitants like the holy fire by the Parsee, and

the sole occupation during the last eight days or so

seemed to be to observe and comment on their meaning.

Now they seemed stronger on one peak, now more spread

and continuous on the slope of another mountain, and on

the hope kindled by these fires the uninitiated lived.

Palermo was in a state of excitement and ferment

impossible to describe, and strong enough to brave the

state of siege which had been proclaimed. The Secret

Committee, which had maintained itself in spite of the

vigilance and suspicion of the police, always found

means to communicate with Garibaldi, in spite of the

military authorities. The committee was known to exist,

and it circulated printed bulletins almost daily, but it

was so organized that the police, although aware of its

existence, could never discover the members. It was

a kind of freemasonry, with different degrees of

initiation. No one not a member knew more than one

member. The houses where the meetings were held were

continually changed, and all obeyed blindly.

"The committee informed Garibaldi that Palermo was ready

to rise, but it imposed the condition that he should

appear before the gates of the town. He accepted this

condition, and made his plans accordingly. Seeing that

he had come too late for Monreale, he left a party of

the native insurgents to keep up the fires and engage

the Neapolitans, while he took off the mass of the

force, and, by an almost incredible march along the

mountain chain, where the guns had to be carried by the

men, he appeared all at once at Parco, on the road to

Piana, on the 23d. As soon as the Neapolitans saw their

mistake, they sent up in hot haste toward Parco

whatever they could muster of forces without exposing

their position in the town. They did not think them

sufficient; for, after some skirmishing on that day,

they withdrew again to their position on two lower

plateaus, the Piana Borazzo and Santa Theresa. The next

day, 24th, they got up some of the troops from Monreale,

and thus strengthened, made another attack—the same I

witnessed from on board ship. The purpose was gained;

they had got another change. Garibaldi withdrew, leaving

just a few of the bands behind. These latter did not

wait long to follow, and the 'Regii,' as the soldiers

are called, entered both Madonna delle Grazie and Parco

the same afternoon, and pillaged and burned the place,

according to time-honored custom, killing a number of

the peaceful inhabitants, and publishing as usual next

day, a splendid bulletin, announcing the defeat of

the bands of Garibaldi, and promising their speedy

subjection. Although Neapolitan bulletins are not much

believed, yet there were many in the town whose hearts

sank when they saw Garibaldi retire a second time.

"They little knew the man with whom they had to do, nor

did the Neapolitans either—although they ought to have

remembered Velletri. It was _reculer pour mieux sauter_.

In order the better to deceive the Neapolitans, he went

back to Piana, and sent his artillery even farther back,

while he himself, with his chosen band, made his way

over the mountains again, and, while the Neapolitans

followed his track to Piana, he had arrived yesterday

morning at Misilmeri, on the highroad to Catania, where

he had given rendezvous to all the chieftains or

captains on that side of the mountain chain.

"I was sick of uncertain rumors, which alone were to be

got at in town, and which would leave your readers in

darkness about the true state of things. Besides knowing

a little of the gallant general's tactics, I had a

strong suspicion that something was impending which

could be better seen from without than from inside the

town, so I determined to see whether I could not get

there. Some English and American officers had been out

in that direction, and had seen one of the captains, a

popular man of this place, called La Maza, so I

determined likewise to have a trial. Some friends in the

town indicated the way, and I set off in the carriage of

one of them. The road to Messina, starting from the

Marina and the Villa Giulia at the end of it, skirts the

sea as far as Abate, where it unites with the highroad

to Misilmeri and Catania. I was advised to take this

last, as the least infested by soldiers. What with their

confidence in their navy, and what with the stratagem of

Garibaldi, the Neapolitans had paid little attention to

this road and the southeasterly side in general. Two

sentries before the corner of the Villa Giulia, and a

post of a score of men a little further, in the _octroi_

building, were all that were in the neighborhood of the

town. Straggling houses continue for some distance up to

a bridge leading over a little stream or torrent called

Orveto, which flows into the sea about a quarter of a

mile further on. All along these houses there is a chain

of sentries, and in the vicinity of the bridge a post of

perhaps eighty men who furnish these sentries.

"I passed them without an inquiry, and was free. There

had been the Neapolitan steamers cruising about every

day all along this coast; no necessity was therefore

felt for any further precaution. I rolled along fast

enough with my two Calabrese horses, and passed some

American officers, probably bound for Solento. At the

very gates of the town the people had joined the

insurrection, but there was a kind of neutral ground

between the two, which ended in a village beyond Abate,

the name of which I cannot recollect. If the Regii were

careless, the insurgents were not, and at the entrance

of the village one of their armed men asked me for

permission to be my guide, a thing which exactly suited

me. As we drove through the village the people rushed

forward, and trying to kiss my hands, asked me for arms.

They were all ready to join, but had no arms, which did

not prevent their raising shouts for Italy, Victor

Emanuel, and Garibaldi. We had to gallop off in order

not to be stopped at every step. A drive of half an hour

or more in a gentle descent, with a lovely valley

beneath, and beautiful mountain scenery in front,

brought me to the town of Misilmeri, a wretched little

place, altogether wanting in character. In the little

square held out on one side the committee, which forms a

kind of provisional government, and on the other, up

some wooden steps fixed outside, was enthroned the chief

of the staff of Garibaldi's expedition in primitive

simplicity. Colonel Sirtori was just giving a pass to

two young American officers from the United State's

steamship Iroquois, without which no one was allowed to

enter the camp. As he had likewise given them an officer

as guide, I joined them, and up we sauntered toward the

heights leading to the Gebel Rosso and the pass the

Mezzagna. We had soon left behind us the few remaining

houses, and the ruins of the feudal castle to the left,

the white limestone walls of which had something in them

which reminded you of a skeleton. The ground all about

is planted with olive-trees, vines, and different sorts

of grain, which all grow luxuriantly in spite of the

stony nature of the place. The general had pitched his

camp on a tolerably extensive plateau just above the

ruins, looking down on one side toward the plain and the

range which ends at Cape Zaffarana, while on the other

the peaks of the Gebel Rosso and the pass of Mezzagna

were visible across a depression in the ground, looking

very much like an extinct crater, and now partially

filled with water, owing to the copious rains which had

fallen during the last few days. It was one of those

panoramas which suggest naturally your pitching your

tent there—that is, if you have one. The word tent is

erased from the military dictionary of Garibaldi.

However, a popular general has to yield at times to his

soldiers, and so he could not prevent them from sticking

into the ground four of the lances with which the

squadron, who have no muskets, are armed, and from

throwing over them a blanket. Under the tent you could

see the guacha saddle arranged as a pillow, and the

black sheepskin covering as a bed. As for every one

else, there were the olive-trees affording shade, plenty

of stones for pillows, and perhaps for every tenth man a

cloak or blanket. All around were picketed the horses,

most of them entire, and behaving accordingly. The

general himself was not there when we arrived; he had

taken one of his morning strolls, but in front of his

tent there were all his trusty followers—Colonel Turr,

the Hungarian, although still suffering from the shot in

his arm, received in last year's campaign, yet always

ready where there is danger; Colonel Bixio, another

trusty follower and well-known officer of the Cacciatori

delle Alpi; Colonel Carini, the bravest of Sicilians,

likewise an officer of that corps, besides a number of

others, all brave like him, among them Garibaldi's young

son, with a shot wound in his wrist, received at Calata

Fimi, and the son of Daniel Manin, wounded in the thigh.

There was the ex-priest Guzmaroli, a Romagnole, who has

vowed the most enthusiastic worship to his hero, and

follows him like his shadow, providing for his comforts,

and watching his person in the moment of danger. There

was a small cluster of guides, most of them of good

Lombard families, meant to serve on horseback, but now

on foot, and the foremost in the battle. Not the least

remarkable among all these figures was the Sicilian

monk, Frate Pantaleone—jolly, like the picture of a monk

of the middle ages, but full of fire and patriotism, and

as brave as any of the others. He had joined the force

at Salemi, and did his best to encourage and comfort

them. Several among the leading men from Palermo and its

vicinity were likewise present among them, with several

priests and monks, who are among the most sincere and

energetic promoters of the movement. They were a strange

sight, indeed, in this by no means very Catholic army;

but I assure you their behavior has been such that the

wildest among these youths honor and respect them, and

in them their order.

"Well, all this motley crowd, increased now by the two

young American naval men, and soon after joined by three

British naval officers, was collected around a common

nucleus—a smoking kettle, with the larger part of a calf

in it, and a liberal allowance of onions, a basket with

heaps of fresh bread, and a barrel containing Marsala.

Every one helped himself in the most communistic manner,

using fingers and knife, and drinking out of the

solitary tin pot. It is only in this irregular warfare

that you see these scenes in their greatest perfection.

The long marches and countermarches, rains, fights, and

sleeping on the ground, had made almost every one worthy

to figure in a picture by Murillo, with all those grand

Sicilian mountains, not unlike those of Greece, forming

a background such as no picture can reproduce."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

GARIBALDI IN COUNCIL.

"Soon after my arrival, Garibaldi made his appearance,

and received his foreign visitors with that charming,

quiet simplicity which characterizes him, lending

himself with great complaisance to the invariably

recurring demands of autographs, and answering the

numerous questions which were naturally put to him. It

was only after the departure of his guests that the

general resumed business. The question debated was

nothing more nor less than to venture on a _coup de

main_ on Palermo the same night. There was no doubt, all

the information went to show, that the Neapolitans had

taken the bait thrown out for them—that they had taken

a feigned retreat for a defeat, and the sending

back of the guns toward the interior as a sign of

discouragement. As to the flank movement to Misilmeri,

they seemed to have no idea of it, for men come from

Piani stated that they were in force in that place.

Another considerable body of men was at Parco, and on

the road beyond it. In Monreale, the reports spoke

likewise of several thousand. In fact, the approaches to

these two last-named places, called the Piana di Borazzo

and the Theresa, both of which are close to the Palazzo

Reale, in the southwest part of the town, were the

points of concentration, while the outlets from the

southerly and the southeasterly parts of the town were

comparatively undefended. Former events had forced the

Neapolitans to pay attention to the topography of the

town, so as to remain masters of it in case of a popular

rising. This was not very easy in such a town as

Palermo, which, like a true southern town, forms a

labyrinth of small and tortuous streets, flanked by

high houses all provided with balconies. This was a

serious drawback for the troops in a street fight. The

Neapolitans did their best to repair the disadvantage.

There are two streets, evidently of Spanish origin,

which form the main arteries of the town. The first,

called Via di Toledo, starting from the Marina at Porta

Felice, traverses the town in a straight line from

northeast to southwest, passing close to the Cathedral

of Santa Rosalia, and ending at the Piazza Reale, the

largest square of Palermo, on the opposite side of the

town from which the roads start to Monreale and Parco.

Besides the royal palace, supposed to be on the site of

the old palace of the Emirs of Sicily, there are several

large public buildings which line the square, the

Archivescovado forming one corner, and the large convent

of St. Elizabetha the other. The ground rises gently

toward this part, which commands the whole town. At

right angles to the Via di Toledo runs another street

equally straight, the Strada Moquerada, which, starting

from the Porto San Antonino, and traversing the whole

town, leads out the road to La Favorita and to the Mole.

The two intersect each other right in the centre of the

town, where the octagonal place is called the Piazzi

Bologni. The lower half of the town, from the sea to

this place, had been almost abandoned, or rather

committed to the tender care of the shipping and the

Castello, which occupies a projecting height on the

seashore, near the northeasterly corner of the town. A

few posts at the gates of the town on this side, rather

points of observation than of action, and a company or

so in the building of the Finanze, situated in this part

of the town, were all that remained of troops on that

side.

"In order to establish and keep up the communication

between the upper half of the town, the real point of

defence, and the sea-shore, two large _stradoni_ have

been opened outside of the town, both of them starting

from the neighborhood of the royal palace, and running

down to the sea, near to the Villa Giulia, a large

public garden adjoining the Marina, and the other

passing through the Quartiere dei Quatri Venti, to the

Mole. This latter _stradone_ has always been considered

as the line of retreat to the place of embarkation, and

is flanked by large buildings, the political prison,

some barracks, the criminal prison, and finally the

works on the Mole itself.

"The plan which Garibaldi conceived from these

dispositions, was to surprise the posts in the lower and

comparatively ill-defended part of the town, to throw

himself into the town, and then gradually work his way

from street to street. The two roads leading to this

part of the town run almost parallel, and not far from

each other. That close to the sea-shore was the least

guarded, containing merely a company or so, altogether

cut off from all communication. The task would have been

easier from this side, had it not been for the fear of

the march of a long column being discovered, and thus an

alarm given. The second, the highroad from the interior,

was therefore chosen as the line of operations. It

crosses, about half a mile from the town, the route Del

Ammiraglio, leads through a large open street to the

_stradone_ on this side of the town, and enters the town

at the Porta di Termini. At this gate the Neapolitans

had made a sandbag barricade, which was occupied by two

companies. The _stradone_ before it was enfiladed by a

couple of mountain guns, placed at the gate of Sant'

Antonino. Beyond the _stradone_ small forts extended all

along the road up to the bridge, and the outposts were

just on the other side of the bridge.

"With that just _coup d'œil_ which Garibaldi certainly

possesses, he had singled out this point as the most

practicable. Having, with the exception of the troops

he had brought with him, but rough, undisciplined

guerrillas at his disposal, he saw that the best

chance was to concentrate all his forces, and surprise

or break through by main force. The operation was to

be assisted by a general rise of the people in the

town.

"Having sketched out his plan, he convoked the different

guerrilla chiefs and informed them of his intention. He

told them that it was not his custom to have councils of

war, but he thought it for once good to consult them, as

upon the resolution taken must depend the fate of

Sicily, and perhaps of Italy. There were only two things

to be done—either to try and get possession of Palermo

by a _coup de main_, or else to withdraw and begin a

regular organization in the interior, and form an army.

He, for his part, was for a _coup de main_, which would

at once settle the fate of the island. He told them to

be brief in their remarks, and not deliberate long. Most

were utterly astonished at the boldness of this plan,

and some made remarks about the want of ammunition for

their men. They were told for the hundredth time, that

it was not long shots which imposed on the well-armed

Neapolitans, but a determined rush in advance—that they

ought not to waste their ammunition and fire off their

guns for sport, and were promised whatever could be

spared. This objection being waived, all expressed more

or less loudly their approbation of the plan, and were

dismissed with the injunction to animate their people

and keep up their courage."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER VIII.

"I saw Garibaldi, and watch'd him nigh;

I saw the lightnings that flash from his eye:

He's not of the dust of which mortals are made,

And what reaches his heart will not be of lead."

_Dall'Ongaro._ T. D.

PREPARATIONS TO ATTACK PALERMO—NIGHT

MARCH—ATTACK—BATTLE—THE BOMBARDMENT.

"The first idea was to make the attack in the middle of

the night—the Neapolitans don't like to stir at night,

and there was every chance of a panic among them; but

there was some danger that way likewise for the Sicilian

insurgents, and it was thought best to make such

arrangements as would bring the force at dawn to the

gates of the town. According to the original and better

plan of the general himself and his adjutant-general,

Colonel Turr, the movement was to have been made along

the main road from Misilmeri, broad enough to admit of

considerable development of the columns, and commodious

in every respect. The native captains, however,

suggested the Pass of Mezzagna, which descends from the

heights behind Gebel Rosso into the plain of Palermo.

According to their statements, it was much shorter and

by no means difficult. Their statements were believed,

and the whole force received orders to be concentrated

by nightfall on the summit of the pass, crowned with a

church.

"According to the first disposition, the troops brought

by the general himself were to lead the way, and the

_squadre_ to follow; but some of the chiefs begged it as

a favor for their corps to have the honor of being first

in the town—a claim which could not be very well

refused. The plan was, therefore, modified. The guides

and three men from each company of the Cacciatori delle

Alpi, were formed into an _avant-garde_, confided to

Major Tüköri, a Hungarian, an officer who distinguished

himself under General Kméty on the 29th of September, at

Kars. Behind this _avant-garde_ followed the Sicilians,

commanded by La Maga, an emigrant, who had come over

with Garibaldi. The second line was led by the riflemen

of Genoa—excellent shots, all armed with the Swiss

carbine. Behind them came the two battalions of

Cacciatori delle Alpi, and in the rear the rest of the

Sicilians.

"The order having been distributed, the different bands

gradually worked their way toward the summit of the

pass. The packing up at headquarters did not take much

time; it soon after broke up its camp and followed the

troops. I was mounted on a regular Rosinante, with a

halter passed round the jaw, and provided with a saddle

which seemed to have been formed to fit on the vertebræ

of my lean black charger. A blanket was, however, found

in due time, and on the whole I cannot complain. The

road up to the pass winds along rows of gigantic cactus

hedges, which give a thoroughly eastern character to the

country. It was just sunset when we arrived on the top,

where, through a gap, we could see the bay and town of

Palermo and the sea beyond, looking more like a fairy

picture than reality. All the mountains, with their

rugged points naturally of a reddish tint, seemed to

have drunk in the rays of the setting sun, and exhibited

that rosy color which I had thought hitherto a special

gift of the plain of Attica. While you had this charming

scene before you, you looked behind, as it were, into

the hearts of the mountains. It was one of the finest

spots I ever saw, and all the country was fragrant with

spring flowers, the perfume of which came out with

redoubled vigor as soon as the sun had set. It proved a

bad road for the expedition, that mountain pass, but it

was lovely to look upon.

"In order to entertain the Neapolitans with the idea

that all was safe on that side, the usual large fires

were kindled on the tops of the mountains, and kept up

long after our departure by men left behind for that

purpose. Garibaldi went up to look at the position

underneath, or, perhaps, to indulge in that kind of

reverie to which he is subject in such solemn moments,

and which ends in a concentration of all his faculties

on the sole aim he has before him.

"The evening gun in the fort had been long reëchoed by

the mountains, and the moon had risen clear and bright

above our heads, giving a new charm to this lovely

scenery, before we stirred."

THE NIGHT MARCH.

"During this interval the _picciotti_ (youngsters), as

the patriots are called, were put into some kind of

order, which, you will believe me, was no easy matter in

the comparative darkness which prevailed; no chief

knowing his men, and the men not recognizing their

chief—every one acting for some one else, and no one

able to give an answer. With the exception of the troops

brought over by Garibaldi, all the rest seemed an

entangled mass almost impossible to unravel. However, by

degrees, those belonging to the same chief found

themselves together, and the march began about ten, P.M.

Either the Sicilian chieftains had never looked at the

Pass of Mezzagna, or else they have curious ideas of a

road; the whole is nothing but a track among big stones,

crossing and recrossing the bed of a mountain torrent,

following not unfrequently the bed of the torrent,

leading over smooth masses of stones and across most

awkward gaps—all this at an angle of twenty-five

degrees, to be passed on horseback at night! Even the

men could only go singly, which made our line a

frightful length, and caused continual delays and

stoppages. The general vowed never to believe another

Sicilian report on the state of a mountain road.

However, in the end, we reached the plain and came in

among the olive-trees below, with few falls among the

sure-footed horses. A halt was made until all the

columns had descended, and during this halt an incident

occurred which did not promise much for the future

behavior of our _picciotti_. The horses in Sicily are

left for the most part entire, hence continual fighting

and considerable neighing, which was so inconvenient in

a night expedition of this kind that several of the most

vicious steeds had to be sent back. One of them still

remained, and began its antics; the rider lost patience,

which made matters worse. Those nearest threw themselves

back in haste, and communicated the movement to those

behind. These, many of whom had sat down and began to

doze, mistook in their dreams, probably, the trees for

Neapolitans, the stars for so many shells, and the moon

for a colossal fireball; at any rate, the majority of

them were, with one bound, in the thickets on both sides

of the road, several fired off their muskets in

their fright, and very little was wanting to cause a

general panic. Every one did what he could to restore

confidence, but the effect was produced and reacted, as

you will see by and by. Another incident occurred, which

might have led to the failure of the whole expedition.

The Sicilian guides who were with the _avant-garde_

missed the road, and instead of taking a by-road which

led into the main road we had to pursue, they continued

on the road near the hill-side, which would have brought

us just where the Neapolitans were in the greatest

strength. The mistake was perceived in time and

repaired, but not without considerable loss of time. At

last the column emerged on to the main road, which is

broad and skirted by high garden walls. As we had lost

considerable time with all these _contretemps_, and as

dawn was approaching, we had to make haste, but whether

from fatigue or the impression of the night panic, the

_picciotti_ could not be brought to move very fast. It

was just the first glimmer of dawn when we passed the

first houses, which extend in this direction a long way

out of the town of Palermo. The _squadre_, who ought to

have known the locality better, began shouting and

'evvivaing,' just as if we had been close to the gates.

Had it not been for this blunder, the _avant-garde_

might have surprised the post on the bridge of the

Ammiragliato, and probably penetrated into the town

without the loss of a man. As it was, the shouting not

only roused those on guard on the bridge, but likewise

gave an opportunity to the Neapolitans to strengthen the

force at the gate of Termini, and to make all their

dispositions for a defence from the flank.

"Instead, therefore, of surprising the post on the

bridge, the _avant-garde_ was received by a

well-sustained fire, not only in front, but from the

houses in their flanks. At the first sound of the

musketry, most of the _picciotti_ were across the garden

walls, but not with the view of firing from behind them,

leaving thus the 30 or 40 men of the _avant-garde_ all

isolated in the large exposed street which leads to the

bridge. The first battalion of the Cacciatori was sent

up, and as it did not carry the position fast enough,

the second was sent after it soon after. While these

were driving back the Neapolitans, every one did his

best to drive the _picciotti_ forward. It was not so

easy, in the beginning especially, when the sound of

cannon was heard in front, although its effects were

scarcely visible. However, the _picciotti_, who remind

me very much of Arnout Bashibazouks, can be led on after

the first unpleasant sensation has passed away,

especially when they see that it is not all shots that

kill or wound—not even the cannon-shots, which make so

formidable a noise. They could see this to perfection

this morning, for although the Neapolitan rifles are

scarcely inferior to the best fire-arms, I never saw so

little damage done by so much shooting. Every one put

himself, therefore, to work to lead and urge on the

_picciotti_, driving them out of the sheltered places by

all kinds of contrivances, and often by blows and main

force. After some trouble, most of them were safely

brought through the open space before the bridge, but

the general tendency was to go under rather than above

the bridge, which is, like all bridges over torrents,

high, and was, in this instance, exposed to a heavy

cross fire from the Piana di Borazzo, where the

Neapolitans had a loopholed wall and some guns mounted,

which threw a few ill-aimed shells. While the general

himself, and many of his staff, did their best to make

them leave this shelter again and proceed, the

_avant-garde_ had chased back the Neapolitans to the

_stradone_ which runs down to the sea just in front of

the Porta di Termini. The Neapolitan fort at the gate,

considerably reinforced, opened a hot fire, which swept

down the long avenue of houses leading to the bridge,

while at the same time the two guns and the troops

posted at the Porta Sant' Antonino, brought a cross fire

to bear on the attackers. But this was no obstacle to

the brave fellows who led the way. They did not lose

time with firing, but rushed on with the bayonet. The

commander of the _avant-garde_, who was a Hungarian

major, and three of the guides, were the first across

the sand-bag barricade in the town, but the leader was

wounded by a shot which shattered his left knee.

Otherwise the loss had been trifling. While the

_avant-garde_ and the Cacciatori chased the Neapolitans

from spot to spot, the Palermitans began likewise to

stir, but, justice compels me to say, only in the parts

which the troops had left.

"The same scene as at the bridge was repeated at the

crossing of the _stradone_ by the _picciotti_, who

followed in a straggling movement. And yet it was

important to get into the town, in order not to be

outflanked or taken in the rear by the Neapolitans

holding the Piana di Borazzo. In order to avert this

danger, the order was given to some of the bands to get

behind the garden walls which line the road by which the

Neapolitans might have come down on our left. These

diversions, and probably the dislike to fight in open

field, were sufficient to parry this danger until the

greatest part of the stragglers had passed. At the same

time a barricade was thrown up in the rear with anything

which could be laid hold of. This work pleased the

_picciotti_ so well, that they began throwing up a

barricade in front likewise. At any rate, they blocked

up a part of the road before they could be prevented.

"But the most critical thing was decidedly the crossing

of the _stradone_, where the cross fire was kept up, and

all kinds of dodges were resorted to to make them risk

this _salto_, which they thought mortal. I and one of

the followers of Garibaldi held out one of the men by

main force exposed to the fire, which soon made him run

across. It was here, above all, that the bad firing of

the Neapolitans told. I was looking on for some time,

and did not see a single man even wounded. In order to

encourage the _picciotti_, one of the Genoese riflemen

took four or five chairs, planted the tricolor on one of

them, and sat down upon it for some time. The thing took

at last decidedly, and you saw the _picciotti_ stopping

on the road to fire off their muskets.

"Close to the Porta di Termini is the Vecchia Fiera—the

old market-place. One must know these Sicilians to have

an idea of the frenzy, screaming, shouting, crying, and

hugging: all would kiss Garibaldi's hand and embrace his

knees. Every moment brought new masses, which debouched

in troops from one of the streets, anxious to have their

turn. As the Cacciatori gradually cleared the lower part

of the town, most of the inhabitants came to have a

look, and give a greeting to the Liberator of Palermo

and Sicily. The entrance was effected about half-past 5

A.M., and by noon more than one-half of the town was

clear of the troops. But two hours before this was

effected, the citadel had opened its fire on the town,

at first moderately enough, but soon after with great

vigor, firing large 13-inch shell, red-hot shot, and

every other projectile calculated to do the greatest

possible damage. About noon or so, the ships in the

harbor opened their fire, and between the two they

contrived to destroy a great number of houses in the

lower part of the town, killing and wounding a great

number of people of all ages and both sexes. Two of the

large shells were sent right into the hospital, and

exploded in one of the wards. Everywhere you perceived

ruins and conflagrations, dead and wounded, not a few of

whom must have perished among the ruins of their houses.

It was especially the part of the town near the Piazzi

Bologni, and some of the adjoining streets which was

ill-treated. If the object of the Neapolitans was to

inspire terror, they certainly succeeded. Whoever could,

took refuge in whatever he thought the most bomb-proof

place, and those who could not, you saw crying, praying,

and wringing their hands in the streets. It was a

pitiable sight, indeed, and it did more harm to

inoffensive people than to those who might have

retaliated. Before opening the fire, the commodore sent

a polite message to all the men-of-war which were in the

way to get out of it, and all the vessels which were

moored inside the Mole had to shift their berths and

take up positions outside."

THE BOMBARDMENT.

"EVENING.

"The bombardment is still kept up, with only short

intervals, especially from the Castle, where the _alter

ego_ of King Bomba II. reigns. There is no doubt that

Admiral Mundy made very strong representations to the

Neapolitan commodore about the bombardment, but they

have not been listened to. Some parts of the town will

have to be entirely rebuilt, the large shells having

passed right through from top to bottom, shaking those

ill-built constructions. Several of the churches have

come in for their share; yet all this useless

bombardment has not prevented the soldiers from being,

by degrees dislodged from all their positions in the

town, with the exception of the parts about the royal

palace and their line of communication with the Mole. In

the lower part of the town they possess only the

Castello Amare and the Finanze, which is held by a

company or so of soldiers. Most of the foreign subjects

have taken refuge on board the men-of-war, and all the

consuls, with the exception of Mr. Goodwin, our own, who

sticks like a true Briton to his consular flag.

According to all accounts, there is no comparison,

between the bombardment in 1848 and the present one.

Then the Neapolitans were satisfied with sending one or

two shells every half hour, while now they take just

time enough to let their guns and mortars cool.

"All those who came in this morning with Garibaldi are

dead beat, having had no sleep last night, and plenty of

work since. The general himself is reposing on the

platform which surrounds the large fountain in the

Piazza del Pretorio, where the committee is sitting

_en permanence_. This committee, the same which

carried on the whole movement from the beginning, has

constituted itself as a provisional government, under

the dictatorship of Garibaldi. It has appointed several

special committees for the different branches of its

operations, and provides as well as possible for the

many wants which occur every moment. Considering the

oppression under which the people have been, very

little preparation could be made for the emergency,

and everything has to be provided now under the

pressure of the moment—arms, as far as possible,

ammunition, provisions for the troops, hospital wants

and arrangements, besides the great fact of satisfying

every one who wants, or thinks he wants, something, and

listening to every one who has something to say, or

thinks he has. There is a great deal of good-will on the

part of the committee, but I must say it is not so

energetically seconded by the Palermitans as one could

have expected from their enthusiasm. There is a

semi-oriental _laissez aller_ about them, which only

produces fits of activity scarcely equal to the moment.

"At our first entrance into the town, there was a good

deal of haste made about the barricades, but as the

extension of the occupation constantly requires new

barricades, there is some difficulty in keeping them up

to the work; a great many _evvivas_, but all preferred

to run about the streets to laying hand to the work.

Even the ringing of the bells, the most demoralizing

sound to an army in a populous town, can, in spite of

all injunctions, be only kept up in fits and starts. It

is the southern indolence, which soon gets the better of

all good dispositions.

"The town is illuminated, and presents, during the

intervals of the bombardment, an animated appearance;

but all the shops are still closed. The illumination,

with the antique-shaped glass lamps suspended from the

balconies, presents a very pretty effect, rather

heightened by the shells flying through the clear sky."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER IX.

"A nun of Sicily said to me:

'He must brother be to Saint Rosalie:

For there's a wild brilliancy beams in his eyes,

Sent down by his sister from Paradise.'"

_Dall'Ongaro's lines on Garibaldi._ T. D.

JOURNAL OF AN EYE-WITNESS CONTINUED—PALERMO AFTER THE

CAPTURE—GARIBALDI IN A DANGEROUS CRISIS—THE ARCHBISHOP

OF PALERMO AND MANY OF THE HEADS OF CONVENTS WITH

GARIBALDI—ADDRESS OF THE CORPORATION—INCIDENTS IN

PALERMO—GARIBALDI'S DECREE FOR POOR SOLDIERS AND THEIR

FAMILIES.

"THE taking of Palermo has had decidedly its effect on

the country around. There is no end of the _squadre_

which are approaching in all directions and hovering

about the Regii. As soon as these latter had left

Monreale, the insurgents in the neighborhood descended

to occupy it as well as San Martino. All about Piana and

Corleone they are swarming and skirmishing, so that the

column of 1,500 or 1,600 men which has been sent in that

direction is rather compromised. They hoped to destroy

Garibaldi and his partisans, and the fate they prepared

for them may await themselves.

"But while thus the general march of events is decidedly

favorable, I must say the Palermitans are scarcely up to

the mark. They are all well-intentioned, but they

are distressingly indolent, and want that general

coöperation which is most calculated to insure success.

There is no initiative or activity on their part, and

their sole occupation seems to be to invent and spread

rumors. Not a quarter of an hour passes without some

fellow or other coming in out of breath and announcing

the advance of the royal troops; now they are from one,

now from the other side. Above all, horses and cavalry

seem to be the nightmare of the Palermitans. They see

the solitary regiment of Neapolitan cavalry everywhere.

It is in vain that their noses are thrust against the

barricades with which the whole town is blocked up, they

_will_ see the cavalry. But, although they are thus

haunted by the royal troops, few seem to think that

they ought to do some thing for themselves—making

preparations for the defence of their houses and

streets, and being always ready to meet an attack. It

never occurs to them, as it did to the Lombards last

year, that it is their duty to think day and night how

to alleviate the sufferings of those who bleed in their

cause. It is not the want of will, but a deficiency in

acting otherwise than by order. The only thing which

they do spontaneously, is to cry "Evviva," and promenade

the streets, eager for news and gossip.

"The irregulars are decidedly improving. They are

getting a taste for barricade and street fighting; they

still blaze away their ammunition in a frantic manner,

but they are beginning to keep to their posts and even

to advance, if not too much exposed. This is our

advantage in these street fights; the longer they last,

the more they increase the confidence of the irregulars,

and destroy the discipline of the regular troops.

"Every hour brings new proofs of this in the shape of

prisoners and deserters from the Neapolitan forces.

With those taken in the hospitals, there must be above

1,000. There is an order from the general to treat

them well, and there is no animosity prevailing

against them, but so much the greater is that against

the _sbirri_ and '_compagni d'armi_,' a kind of local

police, who have committed great horrors. They are

picked out everywhere, and brought up in gangs of five

and six to the committee, trembling for their lives;

but only one of them has been killed hitherto, having

been taken in the act of firing at those who wanted to

arrest him.

"The ceasing of the bombardment, or rather the

diminishing of it, has brought people out into the

streets again."

GARIBALDI IN A DANGEROUS CRISIS.

"_May 29_—6 P.M.

"About 3 P.M. one of those panics suddenly broke out

again which occur every moment, and serve more than

anything else to demoralize the town and the _squadre_.

The steamers which had gone off yesterday came back, and

the rumor was that they were disembarking their troops

before the Porta dei Greci;—great running and movement,

great confusion, all caused by a column of dust on the

road running along the sea-shore. In the afternoon there

was some heavy firing, both toward the Piazza Reale and

on the left of it, where the Neapolitans have a bastion

which flanks the palace and is itself defended from the

Castello. All yesterday and to-day the object on that

side was to get possession of a cluster of houses, so as

to isolate that bastion, and force them out of this, as

from that of Sant' Agata. The town is too large, and

Garibaldi's immediate followers are too few to be sent

everywhere, and too precious to be exposed, except in

the greatest necessity. Thus it is the _squadre_ who

form the mass in most places.

"The Archbishop of Palermo, and many heads of religious

orders, paid a visit to Garibaldi, and returned,

delighted with the simplicity and modesty of his

bearing. Garibaldi finds himself more at home with the

Sicilian clergy than with any other, because it has

never made common cause with tyranny, or lost the manly

virtues of the citizen. 'It was worth while to come to

Sicily,' he said, 'if only to find out that there is

still an Italian clergy.' Garibaldi, on the other

hand, must contrast favorably in their eyes with the

Neapolitan generals who have profaned their churches and

plundered them of their sacred vessels, as General Clary

did at the sack of Catania, in the confident expectation

that the Pope would absolve him as he absolved the

Swiss, who, in sacking Perugia, laid ecclesiastical as

well as lay property under contribution."

ADDRESS OF THE PALERMO CORPORATION TO GARIBALDI.

"A deputation of the municipality of Palermo presented

an address to Garibaldi, expressing its thanks to the

liberator of Sicily. The address contains the resolution

that the Porta Termini, by which the forces of Garibaldi

entered, is to be called henceforth Porta Garibaldi, and

the Piazza Vecchia the Piazza di Vittorio Emmanuell. A

statue has been likewise decreed to Garibaldi. It is to

be erected by subscription.

"Garibaldi answered the deputation by one of those

heart-stirring speeches that he knows how to make,

reminding them that all was not done, and that every

effort must be concentrated to complete the work. He

gave them good advice about their duty to organize the

people; that there was but one choice between the

Neapolitans and a general armament; that Sicily could

only be free as part of Italy. He told them that they

ought to work for this, but that the time for annexation

had not come. It would lead to foreign interference,

which ought to be avoided. When the time came, he would

be the first to lead in this matter, to which he

had devoted his life. Cheering and an enthusiastic

expression of thorough confidence was the answer."

Thus it was that Garibaldi, after a brief career, marked by wonderful

success at every step, entered Palermo by the eastern gates, and between

daybreak and ten o'clock in the morning, had possession of the greater

part of the city.

The Neapolitans were driven into a number of strong positions round the

royal palace, to the southwest of the town, and to the northwest toward

the Mole, their line of retreat, and, not being able to do anything

more, the ships opened their fire, always the last remedy. Almost all

the civilized nations had representatives of their fleets on the spot to

witness and approve by their presence this noble proceeding—English,

French, American, Sardinian, Austrian—none of them were wanting; nay,

they anchored in a way which might not hinder the movements of the brave

Neapolitan fleet.

The young King of Naples, though only twenty-three years old, has shown

so much of the spirit of his father, recently deceased, that he has been

justly named Bomba Junior, or the young Bomb-shell. When the landing of

Garibaldi produced the first fit of terror at Naples, the youthful

Bourbon sent to his brave fleet concentrated in the Bay of Palermo the

order to bombard his faithful Palermitans, and reduce their town to

ashes if they should dare to rise against his paternal authority. The

Palermitans had been treated once already in this paternal manner by the

illustrious father of the present sovereign, who figures in history as

King Bomba, for having given these souvenirs of his love to every large

town of his kingdom.

During the latter part of the fighting between Garibaldi's troops and

those of the king, when the latter were nearly driven from the streets

of Palermo, the ammunition of the _picciotti_ (or little boys, as the

patriot recruits were called) was exhausted at that point, one party of

them fell back in one of the streets, and thus allowed the royalists to

shut in a street of houses in which another party of them was still

holding out.

Garibaldi was at dinner when the news arrived. There had been so many

rumors of an advance of the Neapolitans during the day, that the first

impression was that this was merely another of those wild rumors; but

Captain Niva, who brought it, was one of the Garibaldians, and there

could be no doubt about its truth. Garibaldi jumped up from his chair,

saying, "Well, then, I suppose I must go there myself." He saw it was

one of those moments when the chief must be at the head of his troops to

restore their confidence. He went downstairs, and took with him whatever

troops he found on the road to that exposed point, and proceeded to

retake the lost ground.

"His presence (wrote a person who was in the city at the time), not only

soon checked the advance of the royalists, but made them likewise lose

the advantage they had gained a moment before. With that marvellous

ascendency which he exercises over those around him, he succeeded in a

short time in making the _picciotti_ fight, and even in animating the

population which had remained in the houses."

In spite of the urgent entreaties of his followers not to expose

himself, he remained in the open street, without any shelter, haranguing

and encouraging the men; the enemy seeing this, issued out from the

houses and from behind the barricade. One of the _picciotti_ was shot

through the head just before Garibaldi, who, seeing him falling, held

him up for a moment; and Colonel Turr, at his side, got a ricochet ball

against his leg as he took hold of the general and dragged him by main

force under shelter. But the effect was produced. One rush brought the

party close enough to throw one of Orsini's shells, which prostrated

seven or eight men. The bugler, who is always at Garibaldi's side,

sounded the charge, and the Neapolitans ran. The sound of this bugle

seems to act formidably on the nerves of the Neapolitan troops; they

know they have to do with Garibaldi's men, and at Calata Fimi they ran

before even the charge took place.

Royal troops were disembarked in the night of the 29th of May, went out

of the Castello toward the Mole, and then by a circuit, rejoined the

troops on the other side, anxious to hold their ground in and about the

royal palace, rather than to make an attack on the town.

The news from the country could not have been better. Everywhere the

people were rising and the troops withdrawing. On the evening of the

23d, General Alfan di Heisia abandoned Girgenti. As soon as the troops

left, the population hoisted the Italian flag. A committee was formed,

and a national guard. The cries were, as everywhere else, "_Viva

l'Italia_," "_Viva Vittorio Emmanuele_," and "_Viva Garibaldi_." The

civil authorities were respected, and although the prisoners, two

hundred in number, were let out, no disturbance occurred. The whole

province there, as everywhere else, followed the example, rising,

instituting a committee, and arming itself. The province of Catania

rose, with the exception of the town, which was still held by the

military, as well as that of Trapani. And all this occurred before the

taking of Palermo.

GARIBALDI'S PROCLAMATION IN PALERMO, AS DICTATOR, JUNE 2.

"_Italy and Victor Emanuel!_

"JOSEPH GARIBALDI,

"Commander-in-Chief of the national forces in Italy,

"In virtue of the power conferred on him, decrees:

"Art. 1.—Whoever shall have fought for the country shall

have a certain quota of land from the communal national

domain, to be divided by law among the citizens of the

commune. In case of the death of a soldier, this right

shall belong to his heirs.

"Art. 2.—The said quota shall be equal to that which

shall be established for all heads of poor families not

proprietors, and said quotas shall be drawn by lot. If,

however, the lands of the commune are more than

sufficient for the wants of the population, the soldiers

and their heirs shall receive a quota double that of

other participants.

"Art. 3.—Where the communes shall not have a domain of

their own, they shall be supplied with lands belonging

to the domain of the state or the crown.

"Art. 4.—The Secretary of State shall be charged with

the execution of this decree.

"The Dictator, GIUSEPPE GARIBALDI.

"Secretary of State—(Signed)—FRANCESCO CRISPI.

"PALERMO, _June 2, 1860_."

This is a characteristic act of Garibaldi, in whom sympathy and

compassion for the poor, weak, and defenceless, form the basis of his

character, and have ever given the impulse to his great enterprises, his

perseverance, dauntless heroism, splendid successes, and disinterested

rejection of honors and rewards. (See these traits, as displayed in

childhood, on pages 14 and 15 of this volume, and recorded by his own

pen.) Oh, when shall we see such principles ruling our legislators and

our citizens? When will they rule in the early education of our

families? When all our mothers and fathers are more like Garibaldi's!

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CHAPTER X.

"There are some good priests in Italy, but so few,

that we call them _Mosche Bianche_ (White

Flies)."—_Adventures of Rinaldo._

GARIBALDI SOLICITED BY THE SICILIANS TO ACCEPT THE

DICTATORSHIP—DEMAND FOR ARMS—GARIBALDI'S PROCLAMATIONS

ESTABLISHING A GOVERNMENT, ETC.—HIS DIFFERENT WAYS OF

TREATING GOOD PRIESTS AND JESUITS—REASONS—THE KING OF

NAPLES' LIBERAL DECREE—REJECTED.

As soon as Garibaldi landed and went a little way into the interior, all

the most influential members of the aristocracy, as well as the free

communities, asked him to assume the dictatorship in the name of Victor

Emanuel, king of Italy, and the command in chief of the national army.

The first thing, of course, was to organize the military forces. Until

then it was an affair of volunteers, who collected round one or another

influential man of their town or district, all independent of each

other, and remaining together or going home, as they pleased. A decree

of the 19th May, from Salemi, instituted a militia, to which all belong

from 17 to 50; those from 17 to 30 for active service in the field all

over the country; those from 30 to 40 in their provinces, and those from

40 to 50 in their communes. The officers for the active army are named

by the commander-in-chief, on the proposal of the commanders of the

battalions; those of the second and third categories, only liable to

local service, are chosen by the men themselves. But it is rather

difficult to act up to this decree under the circumstances. Still, the

thing in and about Palermo made progress. The _squadre_ were now

regularly paid, and probably they could not be kept together if they

were not. They are called "Cacciatori del Etna" (Hunters of Etna).

The Sicilian patriots received pay, while the enthusiastic North

Italians, who came to help, had not received a farthing, and did not

expect to receive anything.

The native militia wore their brown fustian suit, which is generally

worn all over the country, and is so alike that it made a very good

uniform.

Not two months after the last disarmament took place, it was astonishing

what a quantity of guns seemed to be still in the country. They were,

for the most part, short guns, looking rather like old-fashioned

single-barrelled fowling pieces than muskets. Most of them were

percussion, however, and only a few with the old flint-lock. The longing

for arms was extraordinary.

It might be said of Sicily, at that time, as was said of Piedmont in

central Italy about the same time, by a writer in Turin:

"There is no pen able to describe, nor imagination

strong enough to conceive, the nature of the present

Italian movement. It is a nation in the struggles of its

second birth. Half the youth of the towns are under

arms; young boys of 12 or 13 break their parents'

hearts by declaring themselves, every one of them,

irrevocably bent on becoming soldiers. There are

fourteen universities, and at least four times as many

lyceums in the North Italy kingdom, and all of them are

virtually closed, for nearly all the students, and many

of the professors, are under arms. Those scholars whom

mature age unfits for warlike purposes, either sit in

parliament, or go out to Palermo to lend a hand to the

provisional Italian government. They are everywhere

organizing themselves into committees, instituting

clubs, or '_circoli_,' and other political associations,

inundating the country with an evanescent but not

inefficient press. There is a universal migration and

transmigration. Venetia and the Marches pour into the

Emilia and Lombardy. The freed provinces muster up

volunteers for Sicily. From Sicily ghost-like or

corpse-like state prisoners—the victims of Bourbon

tyranny, the remnants of the wholesale batches of 1844

and 1848, the old, long-forgotten companions of the

Bandiera, the friends of Poerio, the adventurers of the

ill-fated Pisacane's expedition—creep forth from

the battered doors of their prison, stretch their

long-numbed limbs in the sun, gasp in their first

inhalations of free air; then they embark for Genoa,

where the warm sympathy of an applauding multitude

awaiting them at their landing greets their ears, still

stunned with the yells and curses of the fellow

galley-slaves they have left behind. Such a sudden and

universal swarming and blending together of the

long-severed tribes of the same race the world never

witnessed. Under the Turin porticoes you hear the pure,

sharp Tuscan, the rich, drawling Roman, the lisping

Venetian, the close ringing Neapolitan, as often as the

harsh, guttural, vernacular Piedmontese."

GARIBALDI'S PROCLAMATIONS ESTABLISHING

A PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT, ETC.

"_Italy and Victor Emanuel!_

"JOSEPH GARIBALDI, Commander-in-Chief of the National

forces in Sicily, etc., considering the decree of May

14, on the Dictatorship, decrees:

"ART. 1.—A governor is instituted for each of the 24

districts of Sicily.

"ART. 2.—The governor will reside in the chief place of

the district, and wherever circumstances may require his

presence in the commune that shall be deemed by him best

adapted for serving as a centre of his operations.

"ART. 3.—The governor will reëstablish in every commune

the Council and all the functionaries, such as they were

before the Bourbonic occupation. He will replace by

other individuals such as are deceased, or who from

other causes may not appear.

"ART. 4.—The following will be excluded from the civic

council, and cannot be members of the corporation, or

communal judges, or agents of the public administration:

"(_a._) All such as shall favor, directly or indirectly,

the restoration of the Bourbons.

"(_b._) All such as have filled or do fill public

situations in the name of the Power now tormenting

Sicily.

"(_c._) All such as are notoriously opposed to the

emancipation of the country.

"ART. 5.—The governor will have to decide on the grounds

of incapacity as stated in the foregoing article, and in

case of need will exercise the powers conferred on the

district committees by the decrees of July 22, 1848, and

Feb. 22, 1849.

"ART. 6.—The governor will appoint in each chief place

of the district a quæstor, and in each commune a

delegate for the public safety; in the cities of

Palermo, Messina, and Catania, an assessor for each

quarter.

"The delegates and assessors will be, in the exercise of

their functions, dependent on the quæstor, and the

quæstor on the governor.

"ART. 7.—The governor will preside over all the public

branches of the administration, and direct their

proceedings.

"ART. 8.—The sentences, decisions and public acts will

be headed with the phrase, 'In the name of VICTOR

EMANUEL, King of Italy.'

"ART. 9.—The laws, decrees and regulations, as they

existed down to the 15th of May, 1859, will continue in

force.

"ART. 10.—All regulations contrary to the present one

are cancelled.

"G. GARIBALDI,

"F. CRISPI, Secretary of State.

"ALCAMO, _May 17, 1860_."

-------

"_Italy and Victor Emanuel!_

"JOSEPH GARIBALDI, Commander-in-Chief, etc., decrees:

"1. In every free commune of Sicily the municipality

will have to ascertain the state of the local

treasuries, and what small sums are there. A report of

the same, signed by the Municipal Chief, the Treasurer,

and Municipal Chancellor, will have to be drawn up.

"2. The tax on the articles of food, and every kind of

tax imposed by Bourbonic authority since May 15, 1849,

are abolished.

"6. In the communes occupied by the enemy's forces,

every citizen is bound to refuse to the Bourbonic

government payment of the taxes, which taxes from this

day henceforth belong to the nation.

"G. GARIBALDI.

"FRANCESCO CRISPI, Secretary of State.

"ALCAMO, _May 19, 1860_."

To account for the different ways in which Garibaldi treated some of the

ecclesiastics in Sicily, two or three facts should be borne in mind.

Innumerable instances have proved, in our day, as well as in various

past ages, that some of the orders of monks and nuns are naturally

predisposed to be liberal, humane and inoffensive, by the doctrines

which they are taught, their inert state of life, the manner in which

they are brought into partial contact with the world, or the oppression

which they endure from their superiors, while other classes are inclined

in opposite directions by influences of a contrary nature. Luther

probably owed some of his freedom of thought, and his attachment to the

doctrine of justification by faith, to the system to which he was

trained in his convent, and became acquainted with some of the good

traits of common people, by receiving their daily charity when a poor

boy. The mendicant monks in Palermo, because they daily mingled with the

people and received their bounty, took a leading part in the

insurrection, and were forward and faithful aids of Garibaldi. The

Italian patriots know how to discriminate between good and bad priests,

many of whom are their enemies, either open or secret, but some of whom

have always been their staunch friends. Several of the Sicilian exiles

in America have acknowledged their obligations to priests for assistance

or for life.

But the Jesuits! Of them there is never any doubt. They are always

regarded as deadly foes, and are generally treated very summarily.

Exile—immediate expulsion—is the rule toward them; and this short

method, like the suppression of their society, has been forced upon

those whom they operate against by the necessities of the Jesuits' own

creating. While, therefore, Garibaldi treated some of the clergy with

friendliness and confidence, he turned the Jesuits out of Sicily almost

the first day.

The King of Naples, as his father did in the previous revolution, issued

a decree on the 28th of June, promising privileges to his subjects, and

concord with Victor Emanuel: but his word was utterly despised by the

people.

NAPLES.

The following is the text of the royal decree:

"1. General amnesty.

"2. The formation of a new ministry which shall, in

the briefest possible time, draw up a statute on the

basis of the Italian and national representative

constitutions. The formation of this ministry is

confided to Commendatore Spinelli.

"3. Concord shall be established with the king of

Sardinia, for the interest of both crowns and of Italy.

"4. The flag of the kingdom shall be the Italian

tricolor with the royal arms of Naples in the middle.

"5. Sicily shall receive analogous institutions, capable

of satisfying the wants of the populations, and shall

have a prince of the royal house for Viceroy.

"The Commendatore Spinelli is reported to have laid down

the following conditions for his acceptance of the

Presidentship of the ministry: The immediate banishment

of the Queen Mother; impeachment of the displaced

ministry; an immediate publication of the electoral law,

in order to the prompt convocation of parliament;

lastly, an alliance offensive and defensive with

Piedmont, with reciprocal guarantees.

"On receiving the dispatches announcing that the king

had proclaimed a constitution at Naples, Garibaldi

decided that the Sicilian committee should assemble on

the 18th inst. to vote on a _plebiscitum_ (universal

suffrage,) proposing immediate annexation to Piedmont.

"The fundamental point of the programme of the commander

Spinelli, was the formation of an Italian Confederation,

as recommended by the emperor of the French. This

confederation to be essentially of a defensive

character, and the independence of every State to be

maintained, although national unity may be favored."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER XI.

"All unfurl the same bright banner,

All one army rush to form,

Pious lips shout one hozanna,

With one fire all hearts are warm."

_The Banks of Dora._

MEDICI'S EXPEDITIONS FROM PIEDMONT TO AID GARIBALDI

—PREPARATIONS, DEPARTURE, VOYAGE, ARRIVAL, ETC.

—CAPITULATION OF MESSINA, ETC.—GARIBALDI AT MESSINA—HIS

RECEPTION, MANNERS, AND SIMPLE HABITS—DIFFICULTIES IN

ARRANGING HIS GOVERNMENT—LETTER FROM VICTOR EMANUEL

FORBIDDING HIM TO INVADE NAPLES—GARIBALDI'S REPLY.

Colonel Medici, who had been an officer of Garibaldi in South America,

and afterward in Rome and Lombardy, raised and directed several corps of

volunteers, who in June enthusiastically enlisted under the country's

standard in Piedmont, and hastened to Sicily at different times. The

following account of the expedition of the 8th of that month, is

abridged from a private letter, written in the form of a journal, by one

of the volunteers. It begins on "Thursday, the 14th of June, on board

the ship Washington, lying off Cagliari," a small port of Piedmont a

little east from Genoa:

"I little thought on Friday night, as I went to

Cornigliano to witness the departure of the 1,200

volunteers, in the clipper Charles and Jane, that on the

following night we ourselves should be _en route_ to

Sicily. Yet so it was. Our intention had been to wait

for the third expedition. On the 8th of June came

dispatches from Garibaldi, quite different from any

previous ones, asking for men; so at 3, P.M., on the

9th, A—— went to Medici, and was at once accepted. I

followed, and with the same success. Our rendezvous was

for 9, P.M., at Cornigliano. Toward evening we learned

from fresh dispatches that the Neapolitan troops had

evacuated Palermo; this made us hesitate, as for a

thousand and one reasons we should prefer the third

expedition: but calculating that if there should be

nothing to do in Sicily, we could return, we took a

carriage at midnight and drove off to Cornigliano. The

gardens of the Villa della Ponsona, where was the

rendezvous for the volunteers, were deserted, and we

could see the two steamers lying at anchor off Sestri. A

little fishing-boat was lying on the shore, so we coaxed

the men to push off, and entered; we found it ankle deep

in water, and in about ten minutes were climbing up the

vessel's side. Medici had furnished us with a letter to

the commander, who gave us a first-rate cabin, and told

us that we were the first on board. Some delay had been

occasioned by the little steamer Oregon jostling against

the Washington in coming out of the port of Genoa; but

with the exception of smashing the woodwork near the

paddle-box, and breaking away a portion of the rails of

the upper deck, no great damage was done. For a while we

sat on deck, watching the volunteers coming up. Genoa

looked more beautiful than ever, the moonlight flooding

her marble palaces and spires; and almost the only

constellation visible between the fleecy clouds was

Cassiopeia, Garibaldi's star, by whose light he wended

his way at night-time across the mountains that divide

Genoa from Nice, when condemned to death by Charles

Albert, in 1834.

"The expedition was composed of—ship Charles and Jane,

of Bath (U.S.), left Genoa at midnight, 8th June, in tow

of steamer L'Utile, with 1,200 men, under command of

Major Corti.

"Steamship Franklin, left Genoa at 10, P.M., 9th June,

for Leghorn, to receive on board 800 men, under command

of Colonel Malenchini.

"Steamer Oregon, left Genoa 10th June, 4, P.M., with 200

men, under command of Major Caldesi.

"Steamship Washington, of New York, flag ship, Captain

Wm. De Rohan, of Philadelphia, with 1,400 men, under

command of Lieutenant-Colonel Baldisseratto, an officer

of the Sardinian navy, left Genoa at half-past three,

A.M., 10th June.

"Total effective force of 3,600 men, well equipped and

armed, the whole under the command of Colonel Medici,

accompanied by a full staff.

"There was plenty of food on board, but no getting

at it. No one murmured; indeed the patience and

cheerfulness of the volunteers are beyond all praise.

Some of them, many of them, are from the first Italian

families, who have never known a hardship in their

lives; here they cannot even lie down to sleep, but

huddle together, rolled up like balls; many have to

stand all night. We had a long chat with twenty of the

famous Carabinieri of Genoa, who are going out to

reinforce their company, of whom, out of thirty-five in

one attack, six were killed and fifteen wounded. These

twenty seem to dream of naught save a like fate.

The Life of General Garibaldi Translated from his private papers; with the history of his splendid exploits in Rome, Lombardy, Sicily and Naples, to the present time. · 第 32 / 34 章

"While we are discussing the progress of the plot and