CHAPTER XXXI.

I RETURN TO MONTEVIDEO, WITH THE FLOTILLA—ROSAS

GAINS STRENGTH—THE ARMY OF CORRIENTES DESTROYED BY

URQUIZA—RIVERA'S MISMANAGEMENT—THE INTERVENTION

MISDIRECTED—FALL OF SALTO—DEFENCE AGAIN REDUCED TO

MONTEVIDEO—HIGH DESERTS OF ITS DEFENDERS, NATIVES AND

FOREIGNERS, NOT YET APPRECIATED—AN INTERVAL OCCURS, NOT

MARKED BY IMPORTANT EVENTS—THE REVOLUTIONS IN EUROPE.

After the battle of the 20th of May, at Dayman, nothing important

occurred in the campaign of Uruguay. I received orders from the

government to return to Montevideo, with the vessels of the flotilla,

and the detachment of the Italian Legion. A few of the smaller vessels

remained at Salto, and the place was left under the command of

Commandant Artigos, a brave officer, who distinguished himself in the

battle on the 20th of May. A few days after my departure, Colonel Blanco

arrived, and took command of the place at the orders of General Rivera.

In consequence of errors committed at Corrientes and Montevideo, the

cause of Rosas gained strength very rapidly, and that of the people of

the Plata sunk into a desperate condition. The army of Corrientes was

destroyed by Urquiza in a battle; and that unfortunate people, after

swimming in blood, languished under despotism. Rivera, not profiting by

the lessons of misfortune, ended as he had begun, by removing from

office men who had executed their duties with faithfulness, and

substituting his partisans, destroying the materials of an army of

operations, which the courage and constancy of the people had created

and maintained with incorruptible heroism, and expatriating himself

under the contempt and malediction of all. The English and French

intervention was watched by intriguers and faithless men. The positions

in the interior fell, one after another, into the power of the enemy.

Salto, which had been so honorably acquired and maintained, was taken by

assault by Sevando Gomez, and Colonel Gomez perished in the defence—an

old and brave soldier—with a considerable number of men. At length the

defence of the generous Oriental people was once more reduced to

Montevideo; and there were collected all the men who had become bound

together like brothers, by six years of danger, exploits and

misfortunes. There they had again to erect an edifice, which had been

destroyed by mismanagement, almost to its foundations.

Villagran, a veteran of forty years of war, a man of virtue, of the

greatest bravery, and reïnvigorated by fighting; Diaz Bojes, shamefully

banished by Rivera, because he would not serve him, but his country; and

many other young officers, who have been dismissed by him, returned to

their posts, with the conscience and the readiness of good men; and with

them the resolute and the faithful returned to the files of the

defenders.

Orientals, French and Italians marched to the succor of the country with

alacrity; and not a word of discouragement was heard from any one. The

siege of Montevideo, when better known in its details, will be counted

among the noble defences of a people fighting for independence, for

courage, constancy, and sacrifices of all kinds. It will prove the power

of a nation resolved not to submit to the will of a tyrant; and,

whatever their fate may be, they merit the applause and the

commiseration of the world.

From the time of my return to Montevideo, to that of my departure for

Italy, in 1848, a period intervened marked by no important event.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

OUTLINES

OF

GENERAL GARIBALDI'S CAREER IN ITALY

During the Years 1848 & '9;

CHIEFLY GIVEN IN OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS, COLLECTED AND

TRANSLATED BY THEODORE DWIGHT.

The translator of the preceding pages applied to General Garibaldi,

while in New York, to write an account of the Roman Republic; and

afterwards requested several of the most intelligent Italian exiles here

to perform the task. They all declined, partly for the want of leisure,

being all engaged in daily business for their own support. They,

however, furnished valuable communications, some of which were embodied

in "_The Roman Republic of 1849_." The following pages are chiefly

occupied by official documents, which have been collected and translated

for this work, in order to present an authentic documentary history of

the great events in which General Garibaldi performed conspicuous parts,

through the momentous struggle for liberty in Rome, in the year 1849.

GARIBALDI'S RETURN TO ITALY FROM SOUTH AMERICA, IN 1848.

The following brief outline of General Garibaldi's movements, after the

period terminating with the close of his "Autobiography," and previous

to the first French attack on Rome, on the 30th of April, 1849, has been

furnished for publication here by Dr. G. Gajani, now a citizen of New

York, and then a member of the Roman Constituent Assembly, the author of

that highly interesting and instructive work, "The Roman Exile."

In 1848, when the news of the Italian revolution reached Montevideo,

General Garibaldi gathered his Italian friends and sailed for Italy.

They had arrived in sight of Nice (the native city of Garibaldi), when

Colonel Anzani, the most intimate friend of Garibaldi, breathed his

last. Colonel Anzani was consumptive, and the emotion excited by seeing

Italy again proved too powerful for him.

Garibaldi with his friends proceeded to the field of battle in Lombardy,

and offered his services to King Charles Albert, who received him

coolly. A few days after, the king was defeated, and signed an armistice

with the Austrians. Garibaldi was not included in that armistice, and

did not choose to lay down his arms. Pursued by the Austrians, he fought

several skirmishes at Como, Varese, Laveno, and other places; but his

troops, being overwhelmed by numbers, disbanded, and he retired into

Switzerland—and, after much suffering, finally made good his retreat

across the Po, into the Papal State, in October, 1848. General Zucchi,

the Minister of War of the Pope, happened to be at Bologna, and wrote to

Count Rossi, Secretary of State of Pius IX., that Zucchi had ordered two

Swiss regiments (which were at the service of the Pope) to march against

Garibaldi, who was then at Ravenna, and "throw him and his followers

_into the sea_"—meaning, probably, to compel them to embark. But, before

this order was executed, the Pope had fled from Rome, and the popular

government which undertook to govern the State, enrolled Garibaldi and

his followers, and gave him a commission to increase his band, and

protect the eastern boundaries of the Roman State against the King of

Naples.

A short time afterwards the elections for the Roman Constituent Assembly

took place, and Garibaldi was elected at Macerata, and went to Rome to

take his seat in the Assembly, at its opening, on February 9th, 1849.

After that day Garibaldi put himself again at the head of his troops, on

the boundaries of Naples, and returned with them to Rome, when the

French had landed at Civitavecchia.

PRINCIPLES OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLICANS, IN OPPOSITION

TO THE CLAIMS OF POPERY.

The Pope at this time published a long and tiresome "_Encyclic_" filled

with true Popish arrogance and subtleties, to which pungent replies were

made,—one entitled, "_The Pope Excommunicated._"

_Brief extracts from "Thoughts addressed to the Archbishops and

Bishops of Italy," "on the Encyclical Letter of Pope Pius IX.,"

by Mazzini._

The divorce between the world and him (Pius IX.), between believing

people, who are the true Church, and the fornicating aristocracy who

usurp its name, is impressed on every syllable of the Pope's letter. For

many years the Pope has lost the power to love and bless. Excited for a

moment by the immense spectacle of the resurrection of a people, Pius

IX., two years ago, murmured a benediction upon Italy; and that accent

of love sounded so new and unusual on the lips of a Pope, that all

Europe imagined a second era for the Papacy, and became intoxicated with

enthusiasm, ignorant of the history of past ages respecting him who had

pronounced it. Now the monarchs have been paid....

The few important points which the Pope's letter contains, are:

1st, _A theory_ on authority: and 2nd, _A doctrine_ respecting the evils

of the poverty and ignorance which afflict the people in Italy, and in a

great degree elsewhere. Both these deny God, the Word of Christ, and

human nature.

... The Israel (of Italy) is the revolutionary party, the national

party, who say to Italians, _You are not a race born to be slaves_ of

the Pope, or of the Austrian whip; _you are twenty-six millions of

people_, created free, equal, brethren, all children of God, and

servants of nothing but his law.

The _theory_ of the Pope's letter is this: "That the poor exist in

consequence of things which cannot and ought not to be changed; that the

Catholic religion preaches to the rich to have charity, which will

obtain from God treasures of grace and eternal rewards; that the poor

should thank the Providence which keeps them in misery, and that they

know how to bear it in peace and a light mind, as an easier way of

salvation in heaven."...

And to this _theory_ is superadded _the other_, respecting authority:

"Every authority comes from God; every government, _de facto_, is a

government of right. Obey, or, resisting, be condemned."

In other words, or comprehending the two theories in one: Earth and

heaven constitute a perpetual antagonism—-Right, equality and truth

reign in heaven; fact, force and inevitable evil reign upon earth. There

are two human races: the race of the rich and powerful, and the race of

the poor and servants. The poor exist for the benefit of the rich, in

order that the latter may obtain heaven by exercising charity; and the

servants, in order that the masters can govern with clemency and the

spirit of love. When this is not done, God will give punishments and

rewards in heaven; but, every attempt at melioration on earth, by the

efforts of the poor and servile race, _is sin_.

And this is the religious doctrine which the church of the Pope teaches

to mankind in the nineteenth century; and she teaches it in the name of

the Gospel of Christ, confronting it to the words—

"Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven:"

the only prayer which Jesus taught to believers; confronting it to the

command, "Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou

serve;" confronting it to, "That all may be one, as thou, Father, art in

me and I in thee."

No—it is not true that heaven and earth are in antagonism; it is not

true, that, while in heaven the truth and justice of God reign,

submission to fact and reverence for brute force are a law of the earth.

It is not true that the salvation of human creatures is secured, as if

by expiation, by means of resignation or indifference. The earth is the

Lord's; the earth, on which, and for which, Jesus, first, and after him

all the holy martyrs of mankind, shed their tears and their blood.

THE CONDITION OF ROME.

The time approached when all eyes were to be opened to the real designs

of the French. A crisis was near, when all the charitable hopes of the

sincerity of their amicable professions were to be dispelled. The city

was to be attacked by a foreign army for the first time since the days

of Charles V., in the period of the Reformation, and for the second time

since that of the Northern invasions. In looking back for preceding

events of the same kind, the mind had but a single step more to make—the

attempt by the Gauls. How different the state of the world since those

times! How different the condition of the city; the mode and means of

warfare; the principles engaged; the effect to be anticipated on the

world!

Never before had the city of Rome been voluntarily deserted by a pope,

and brought to a state of order and tranquility by a mere declaration of

a republic, and become practically and truly a Protestant city. Never

had she been, in the judgment of the world, more certain to be overawed

by a powerful host, and more unable to resist. Deeply interesting must

have been the situation of many a family.

The negotiations which had been carried on with the Triumvirate, by M.

Lesseps, the French agent, had resulted in nothing but the manifest

exposure of the double-dealing of Louis Napoleon, and a display of the

integrity, ability and patriotism of the Romans.

There was a mixed multitude within the walls, but most of them belonging

to the city, or other parts of the Roman States, and many of them

soldiers who had been engaged in one or more battles in other parts of

Italy. The whole number of Polanders and other foreigners was trifling.

Volunteers had been hourly arriving for several weeks, some in regular

corps, or companies, others in small bands, and some alone. Col. Manara

had entered the city, at the head of his legion of Lombards, raised and

paid out of his princely fortune, all which, with his services and his

life, he gave an offering to his country.

The following extract from the Roman _Monitore_, the official journal,

of June 28th, will give a specimen of the style, and the dignity and

intelligence with which the people were daily addressed by the

government. After denying, in such terms, and by such arguments as have

been used in the preceding pages, the calumnious charges against the

character and origin of the defenders of Rome, the _Monitore_ enumerates

the troops in the city, as follows: "The army of the Republic being ten

regiments of infantry, and two of cavalry—_all of them from the Roman

States_; the Medici Legion, of 300 Tuscans; the Foreign Legion, of 250

men, French and Poles; the Italian Legion of Garibaldi, about 2,000,

_all except_ 300 belonging to _the Roman States_; and, finally, several

battalions of the Military Guard Mobile, some of Rome, some of the

provinces.... The pretended _foreign banditti_, then, who _oppress_ the

Roman people, amount to 1,650 men, in a city of 150,000 inhabitants, and

with 14,000 National Guards. These are the men, too, who for a month

have repelled 30,000 French troops, not only from the city, but from the

country-seats around it, and defended a circuit of 40 miles! The most

solemn denial that can be given to the accumulated falsehoods of our

enemies, is to say to all the people of Europe, "Look, and judge!

Assaulted by four armies at once, in the rushing ruin of Italian

misfortunes, the Roman Republic raised her sacred standard on the towers

of the Capitol, and guards the sacred fire of liberty."

Day broke on Rome, on the morning of April 30th, 1849, upon a scene

which no human foresight could have anticipated, even a few weeks

before, and which human ingenuity could scarcely have imagined, even in

its principal features. The whole city was in solemn expectation of the

arrival of a large French force, which was known to be on the march from

Civita Vecchia, and near enough to arrive at the walls in a few hours.

Arrangements had been made, and publicly announced, to apprise the

inhabitants of their first appearance in sight, by the striking of

bells. Preparations for defence had been made, and were still making, by

the erecting of works in various places in the squares and streets, to

oppose the French if they should enter the walls; while the troops were

prepared to fight them from the walls and the ground outside. The

elevated positions and buildings were crowded by spectators, some of

them foreigners, of different classes, and from different countries. The

French had pretended to come as friends and protectors, but persisted in

advancing, even after being assured by the Romans that they neither

needed nor desired their assistance. The French, then assuming a tone of

disdain, had plainly expressed their belief that _the Romans would not

fight_. The world was waiting, with anxiety, the result of that day's

movements; and, probably, very few men believed that the French would

meet with any great obstacle. They expected to dine that day in Rome,

and to remain masters of it as long as they pleased.

Perhaps no news has ever been more unexpected, than that which was that

day sent from Rome to all parts of the world: that the Romans had fought

the French gallantly, with far inferior forces, for several hours, and

driven them twelve miles back towards Civita Vecchia. Such, however, was

the surprising truth; and, had not the Triumvirate peremptorily ordered

Garibaldi to pursue them no further, he would have continued to press

them, with the resolution which he had formed, of driving them into the

sea.

Among the spectators who wrote accounts of what occurred that day, were

several intelligent men of different nations, who described the defence

as conducted with superior skill, and performed with the greatest vigor

and valor by the Roman officers and soldiers. Interesting letters from

some of these witnesses may be found in the newspapers of different

countries, published soon after; and many concurrent accounts in various

other publications, particularly "Italia del Popolo," a monthly

magazine, published by the exiled patriot leaders. We give below the

official reports of the principal events, during the period of Roman

liberty, in all of which Garibaldi was a conspicuous actor.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

OFFICIAL REPORT

OF THE REPULSE OF THE FRENCH ADVANCE OF 8,000 MEN UNDER

GENERAL OUDINOT, UNDER THE WALLS OF ROME—THE FIRST

BATTLE: APRIL 30TH, 1849.

(Translated for the present work.)

ARRANGEMENTS OF THE BATTLE OF THE 30TH OF APRIL.

The Triumvirate, with information furnished by the Minister of War,

Citizen General Avezzana, publishes the following report:

The time necessary to collect, from the different military chiefs, the

particulars relative to the engagement of April 30th, has prevented us

from publishing earlier a precise relation. Now, since such particulars

have been minutely transmitted, we fulfil that duty with such scrupulous

exactness, as is demanded by the truth of history and the just desires

of the public.

From the 29th, the commander in chief of the arms of the Republic,

General Avezzana, who is also the Minister of War, was fully informed of

the enemy's approach by the numerous scouting parties, whose reports

were confirmed by a French prisoner, who, the same day, fell into an

ambush of our advance-posts.

On the morning of the 30th, the telegraph giving notice of the advance

of the enemy's forces, announced at nine o'clock, that they were within

five miles of Rome; and the Minister of War sent a captain of the

general staff to the cupola of St. Peter's, to remain there until the

firing should commence, to observe all the movements of the enemy, and

discover their numbers and their intentions.

In the meantime all measures were taken in the city to repel the

aggression, with such desperate energy as is inspired by the holiness of

right and the justice of the cause. Strong and numerous barricades, at

all the gates and in all the principal streets, especially on the right

side of the Tiber, forbade all access into the city; the bastions,

rising above, crowned with cannon, were prepared to fire upon the enemy;

and the young army, impatient with warlike ardor, placed at the

different points where the attack was expected, was disposed in the

following order: The first brigade, commanded by General Garibaldi, and

composed of the first Italian Legion, the battalion of the University,

the battalion of the Reduced, the Legion of Exiles, and the Mobilized

Finanzieri, occupied, outside of the walls, the whole line from the

Portese Gate to the gate of San Pancrazio; the second brigade, composed

of two battalions of the Mobilized Civic Troops and the First Light,

commanded by Col. Masi, occupied the wall of the Gates Cavalleggieri,

Vatican and Angelica; and finally, the third brigade, commanded by Col.

Savini, and composed of the first and second regiments of Mounted

Dragoons, formed the reserve in Piazza Navona. The fourth brigade,

consisting of the first and second regiments of the line, commanded by

Colonel Galletti, was in reserve at the Chiesa Nuova and Piazza

Cesarini, with all the field cannon not in position. General Giuseppe

Galletti, commander of Carabiniers, and Major Manara, with the Lombard

battalion, forming separate corps, were held ready to proceed wherever

necessity might require.

Everything concurred to indicate that the enemy, who were eight thousand

men, with two squadrons of cavalry and twelve field-pieces, divided in

two columns, intended to make a double and simultaneous attack at the

gates Cavalleggieri and Angelica. In fact, about eleven o'clock in the

morning, proceeding by Villa Pamfili, they occupied two houses, from

which they commenced an active fire of musketry and artillery against

the Cavalleggieri gate. The valiant General Garibaldi moved from the

gate of San Pancrazio, to attack them in flank, with all his troops and

the University battalion; and there commenced a murderous and obstinate

battle, in which a hundred deeds of personal bravery proved, that the

modern Italians are prepared to imitate the ancient glories of their

fathers. The French made a determined resistance to the onset of

Garibaldi; and even repulsed their assailants, favored by their superior

numbers and by their artillery, which they fired briskly. But, being

reinforced by the Legion of Exiles, the Reduced battalion, the Roman

Legion, commanded by Col. Galletti, and two companies of the first

regiment of the line, charging simultaneously, with the bayonet, they

compelled the enemy to retire precipitately, leaving in the hands of our

troops about three hundred prisoners, among whom were six officers, with

the commander of a battalion, and a great number of killed.

While they were fighting thus at San Pancrazio, other attacks were made

on the gardens of the Vatican, and along the entire line, from the

Cavalleggieri gate to that of Santa Marta, where the enemy endeavored,

with all their power, to silence our artillery, and where they made two

furious assaults, but were bravely repulsed by the Masi Brigade and the

Mobilized Civic, assisted in good time by the brave and ardent

Carabiniers. At all those points our troops sustained the attacks of the

enemy with admirable firmness and coolness, and, by fighting with the

bravery of veteran soldiers, compelled them to make a precipitate

retreat. In that encounter the National Artillery deserve special

commemoration, under the command of Colonel Calandrelli, who lost two

distinguished officers, besides wounded; and also the Civic Artillery,

who rivalled the former in zeal and ardor.

Thus repulsed on the whole line, the French retired first to Bravella,

three miles from the city, whence, after a short stop, they continued

their retreat towards Castel di Guido, from which, doubtless, they will

go to Civitavecchia.

This battle, which wonderfully consolidated the foundation of our

Republic, lasted about seven hours, beginning at ten in the morning and

ending at three in the afternoon, without including, as a part of the

contest, the little skirmishes which were continued until evening,

between our ardent soldiers and the bands of the enemy who were pursued

without ceasing. According to facts collected, and the statements made

by the prisoners, it appears that the enemy lost more than fifteen

hundred men, including killed, wounded and prisoners. On our part we

have to lament only fifty killed and two hundred wounded, among whom are

many officers, subaltern and superior.

We have only a sentiment of admiration and a word of praise, equal for

all, officers, soldiers and people, who took part in the combat of the

30th. All fought like heroes; all showed that when the love of country

is living and ardent, the sacrifice of life is sweet. In such a case we

cannot make a better eulogium on the valor of our brave men, than by

repeating an extract of a letter written by General Garibaldi to the

Minister of War:

"All the corps which have fought this day are extremely well-deserving

of the country. A detachment of the line, the first Roman Legion, the

University battalion, the Arcioni Legion, the battalion of the Reduced,

and the first Italian Legion have been rivals in valor. The chief

officers and the soldiers of those corps have merited the gratitude of

Italy and the title of valiant men. Many arms, drums and other articles

of war have remained in our power."

The merits of the sanitary officers of our ambulances ought not to be

forgotten, who were diligent in collecting on the field, the wounded, on

whom were lavished, as is done in the hospitals, by the ladies, services

truly fraternal; and in mourning over losses, it is grateful to say,

that among the French themselves, many declared, before dying, that they

left life with remorse for having fought against brother-republicans;

while those who were saved, imprecating their government, know not how

to thank us for the assiduous cares of which they have been the objects,

but by repeating as often as their countrymen are made prisoners, '_Viva

la Republica Romana!_'

In short, a profound sentiment of gratitude requires us to give to that

most truly Italian General, Avezzana, a word of encomium, though far

inferior to that great love of country which impels him to provide for

every exigency of the onerous ministry entrusted to him, with a

tenacious perseverance, and an indefatigable alacrity, which would have

been prodigious in a young man. From the first approach of the enemy,

followed by a portion of his staff, (for many other officers belonging

to it were appointed to the gates, to direct the corps which defended

them,) General Avezzana visited in succession the places attacked, and

by his voice and his example, raising to the highest degree the

enthusiasm of the people, until they asked for arms, and with the

soldiers who were fighting bravely, secured the triumph of the day and

the honor of the country.

In this aggression, France, sacrificed by a government, the enemy of the

true interests of their country, has suffered immense losses, more moral

than material; she has lost all political influence; she has no right to

our sympathies; and if the justice of our cause has given so much energy

to conquer the most warlike soldier, we have now the profound conviction

of being able to contest, with glory and success, against all the

enemies of the Republic and of Italy.

The Triumvirs,

CARLO ARMELLINI,

GIUSEPPE MAZZINI,

AURELIO SAFFI.

-------

FROM AN ACCOUNT OF THE SAME BATTLE OF APRIL 30TH,

BY CARLO RUSCONI.

General Oudinot, who, with 8,000 men and 12 field pieces, wished to raze

Rome to the ground, ordered a simultaneous attack on Porta Cavalleggieri

and Porta Angelica, and occupied two houses of Villa Pamfili, from which

he opened an active fire of musketry and artillery. He presented himself

against General Garibaldi, one of those men who serve as types in the

creations of art. Beautiful in person, simple in habits, frugal in

living, courageous as the heroes celebrated in chivalry, he exerted a

fascination on all who surrounded him. He had a thousand men about him,

who would have allowed themselves to be killed a thousand times at his

slightest command. Concise in manner, sparing of words, terrible in

wrath, you would have said that Byron must have had this extraordinary

man before his eyes, when he delineated his immortal Conrad;—Garibaldi,

who was not in his element except when balls were whistling round his

head, moved against the French, attacked them in flank, and, supported

by Col. Galleti, discomfited them, after many hours fighting.

Garibaldi, having seen that the engagement with musketry proceeded too

slowly, and impatient at that mode of fighting, made a charge on the

French with the bayonet, in the most destructive manner, and which

secured him the victory. Finding that that method turned out well, he

never abandoned it in the successive conflicts; and this explains the

great number of killed in that obstinate war.

-------

SPIRITED PROCLAMATION TO THE PEOPLE OF ROME, BY THEIR

REPRESENTATIVES, THE DAY AFTER THE FIRST BATTLE.

People! yesterday commenced the entrance of the French into Rome. They

entered by the Porta San Pancrazio—as prisoners! To us, people of Rome,

this does not cause much surprise; but it may excite a curious sensation

in Paris. That also will be well.

People! the attack will be renewed. Let us do as we did yesterday; and

especially do not be alarmed if a few batteries should be silenced by

their cannonade. Reports of cannon startle the ears, and somewhat shake

the houses: but, in fact, when they do not reach united masses of

people, they destroy but very few victims....

We request good shopkeepers to keep at their business constantly: that

will have a good influence and be very convenient at the same time.

To-day we have need to fortify Pincio, (the Pincian Mount;) be there

early, in goodly numbers, and let us labor together.

-------

PROCLAMATION BY THE COMMITTEE OF THE BARRICADES,

TWO DAYS AFTER THE FIRST BATTLE.

People! General Oudinot promised to pay all and all in cash. Well, let

him pay, if he can, for the Tapestries of Raffaele, shot through with

French bullets; let him pay for the losses—no, not the losses, but the

insult cast on Michael Angelo. Napoleon at least carried to Paris our

master-pieces, and in a certain way Italian genius received the

admiration of the foreigner, as a recompense for the conquest. Not so

to-day. The French government invade our territory, and carry their

singular predilection for Rome so far, as to wish to destroy her, rather

than have her exposed to the impatience of the terrible (General)

Zucchi, and the threats of Radetzky and Gioberti, who are both at

several weeks' distance from the Tiber. General Oudinot is more hasty

than our enemies. The Republic is grateful to him. Do you know why?

Because, while the Imperialists occupy Alessandria, without a blow

struck by Charles Albert, it is a great Italian glory, that the People's

Rome honorably repels the Republicans of France, whom a black government

sends against us, after calumniating us as robbers and assassins. And

the Popes? Let us preserve, in memory of them, the cannon-balls which

solemnly celebrated the anniversary of the Pontifical Encyclic. Enough!

Of kingdoms and triple kings let us talk no more. Let us now think of

the Barricades. Let us think of our honor, which we must fully

vindicate. Rome, like Scævola, has still her arm on the burning torch,

and has sworn an oath. The three hundred of Scævola routed Porsenna. The

history of Rome is not yet finished.

The Representatives of the People,

E. CARNESUCHI,

V. CATTABENI,

V. CALDESI.

_Rome_, May 2d.

-------

THE NEAPOLITAN INVASION.

On the same day the following Proclamation was published by the

Triumvirate, announcing the approach of the numerous army of the King of

Naples. Five days later they announced the arrival of the Spanish army,

of 5000 men, on the coast. Both those armies had been raised, in

obedience to the call of the Pope, as well as that of France, which had

just been so manfully driven from the walls of Rome.

-------

PROCLAMATIONS OF THE TRIUMVIRATE,

AT THE TIME OF THE NEAPOLITAN INVASION.

_Rome_, May 2d, 1849.—Romans! A corps of the Neapolitan army, having

covered the frontier, threatens to move against Rome.

Their intent is to restore the Pope, as absolute master in temporal

affairs. Their arms are persecution, ferocity, and pillage. Among their

files lurks their king, to whom Europe has decreed the name of _the

Bombarder of his own subjects_; and around him stand the most inexorable

of the conspirators of Gaeta.

Romans! We have conquered the first assailants: we will conquer the

second. The blood of the best Neapolitans, the blood of our brothers of

Sicily, lies on the head of the traitor-king. God, who blinds the

wicked, and strengthens the defenders of right, chooses you, O Romans,

for avengers. Let the will of the country and of God be done.

In the name of the rights which belong to every country; in the name of

the duties which belong to Rome, in regard to Italy and Europe; in the

name of the Roman mothers, who will bless the defenders of their

children; in the name of our liberty, our honor, and our conscience; in

the name of God and the people; let us resist, soldiers and people,

capital and province. Let Rome be as inviolable as eternal justice. We

have learned that, to conquer, it is enough not to fear death.

THE TRIUMVIRS.

-------

THE BATTLE OF PALESTRINA.

The retreat of the French army back to the seashore, and the armistice

which occurred after the first battle, of April 30th, afforded a

remarkably convenient opportunity to attend to the King of Naples and

his army, which amounted to about twenty thousand men. The following is

a description of their position, and the marching of the Roman army

against them, translated from the beginning of the report of Gen.

Roselli, then commander-in-chief. The report includes the time from his

leaving Rome, May 16th, until the occupation of Velletri, May 20th,

1849.

"The Neapolitan army occupied the position of Albano, Velletri and

Palestrina, and had their line of operations directed towards Rome.

The army of the Republic left Rome, to attack the enemy, on the 16th and

17th, and manœuvred to turn their flanks and cut off their

communications with the Neapolitan State. The point of direction of the

army was Monte Fortino, whence it might menace all the enemy's

communications.

The Neapolitans had no other way but to retreat, or come out and attack

us in the positions we had chosen. The army was composed of five

brigades, and one of cavalry, with twelve pieces of cannon. The first

brigade, with a squadron of lancers and two pieces of artillery,

commenced the march. I left Rome at five o'clock, P.M., and took the

direction of Zagarola, by the road of Campanelle, to expose the right

flank as little as possible. The march was very rapid; we reached

Zagarola at ten before noon. The vanguard passed the town rapidly, and

encamped on the hills which defend the roads of Palestrina and Albano.

According to instructions, the next day it was intended to attack

Palestrina, and then march on Velletri; but we learned, from our patrols

and information, that the enemy were no longer in Palestrina, having

concentrated their forces in Velletri. It was then immediately decided

to occupy Monte Fortino.

The order had been given to put the army in movement before daylight;

but, from misunderstanding, and insufficiency of the means of transport,

the arrival of provisions having been delayed, our brave soldiers were

compelled to lose precious time," &c., &c.

The report of the commander-in-chief being deficient in details, I

sought for more particulars from Gen. Garibaldi, and soon obtained the

following succinct account, written down from his lips, accompanied with

a hasty plan of the battle-ground, drawn by his pen. It now became

evident that the common opinion was correct, which attributed the two

remarkable victories of Palestrina and Velletri to Garibaldi; as the

vanguard, led by him, had all the fighting to do; and the main body of

the Roman army, under Roselli, did not arrive until the result was

mainly secured.

-------

GEN. GARIBALDI'S ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES

OF PALESTRINA AND VELLETRI.

"My first object," said he, "was to turn the enemy's flank; for I

thought that if the King of Naples once heard that I was in his rear, he

would be frightened; and so it proved."

The following is the substance of his account of the engagements, from

notes taken in 1850:

The Neapolitans occupied the strong positions of Tusculum mountains,

with their head-quarters at Velletri, and their advanced guard at

Albano. Their extreme left was at Castel Gondolfo, and their extreme

right a small village.

The battle of Palestrina was about ten days before that of Velletri. The

troops present at the former were a hundred cavalry, under Col. Massina;

300 Bersaglieri, under Col. Manara; 200 Finanzieri of the Nationals; 200

Students, mobilized; and the Italian Legion, of 1,000—in all, about

1,800 men.

Garibaldi was sent out to harrass and observe the Neapolitans, with his

division, and was at Palestrina, when seven thousand of the enemy were

sent against him, with the intention of attacking him.

Between the Tusculum Mount and Palestrina is a valley, in one of the

projections of the Apennines, in an amphitheatre. When Garibaldi

perceived that the enemy had arrived at Valmontone, he sent a detachment

to observe them. But it was repulsed, with the videttes, and retired

upon the corps. When the Neapolitans reached Palestrina, Garibaldi

prepared to defend himself. The enemy advanced, by two roads, against

Palestrina, when Garibaldi prepared two companies, to protect the

returning soldiers, or to harrass the enemy, if occasion should offer;

while he remained in the centre, with a reserve.

The Neapolitans extended in line, and attacked; but were repulsed on the

left and the centre. The two companies on the right were driven back,

when Garibaldi, being victorious in other parts, proceeded with the

reserve to the right, and the rout of the enemy was then completed. A

strong body of royal Swiss troops, in the pay of Bomba, was present. The

Republicans being destitute of cavalry, and the speedy arrival of night,

saved the wrecks of the troops of Bomba.

From Palestrina, Garibaldi returned to Rome.

-------

THE BATTLE OF VELLETRI.

A few days after, he again left Rome, with the Roman army, and was in

the vanguard, having under his orders the First Italian Legion, of

eleven hundred men; the Third of the line, eight hundred; fifty cavalry,

and two light guns.

At Valmontone he received advices that the Neapolitans were sending back

their baggage and heavy artillery, and he therefore concluded that they

were retreating, and pressed forward, sending notice to the principal

corps. At Monte Fortino he received more positive information, and

continued to advance with haste. About eight o'clock A. M. he was in

sight of Velletri, which was on the road, and two miles distant. He then

discovered the enemy's cavalry, in _échellon_, on the Appian Way, to

protect the retreat of their army, for which they were preparing. The

main body of the Neapolitan army was then at Velletri; and, as soon as

Garibaldi's corps was discovered by them, the Neapolitans moved to

attack it.

He drew up the Third of the line, in _échellon_, by companies, near the

road, which was among hills covered with vineyards, to protect his

retreat in case of necessity, and to act as a reserve in case the enemy

should attack. He placed the First Italian Legion on both sides of the

road, in the best position he could, and thus awaited the assault of the

enemy, leaving two companies in column in the road itself. The cavalry

and artillery he placed in positions adapted to be most serviceable.

The enemy attacked: but all their attempts were fruitless. They had many

killed, and were finally obliged to shut themselves up in the city, on

the defensive.

Garibaldi's corps alone was too weak to prevent the retreat of the

enemy, which was finally effected by night.

The principal corps of the Roman army, of seven thousand men, under

Roselli, arrived late, and tired with their march. An attempt, however,

was made to attack the city in front, by charging, at the head of the

First Roman Legion, with the battalion of artillery placed in a good

position upon the road. The Neapolitans sustained the positions of the

city, in which they remained the rest of the day. The Republicans took

positions, in order to renew the attack the next day: but in the morning

the Neapolitans retreated, and disappeared from Velletri.

These bold and successful operations, so briefly described, were of the

highest importance, in their results, both by driving back the enemy, by

encouraging the Republicans, and by adding to their reputation. The rout

of the Neapolitans was so decisive, that they gave no further annoyance,

and never appeared again during the war.

As for the poor Spanish army, which had landed on the coast, in

obedience to the call of the poor Pope, they did nothing but issue a few

bombastic proclamations, and kept themselves out of harm's way.

The French, in the meantime, were preparing to take decisive measures

against Rome. The wounded, whom they had left behind them on the 30th of

April, had been tenderly nursed by the Roman ladies, who had volunteered

to attend at the hospitals; and three or four hundred prisoners had been

harangued in the Corso, by the commander-in-chief, addressed as

brother-republicans, in the name of the government and people, and

dismissed without exchange or parole, with open gates, to return to

Civitavecchia. On their arrival there, however, full of their praises of

the noble Romans, they were immediately shipped for France, for fear of

their influence among the troops.

The French army soon moved, in great force, for Rome, with heavy

artillery and all preparations for a siege. But their first step was to

violate the amnesty, by suddenly attacking the outposts, the night

before the time limited by the armistice, and while they were almost

unprotected.

-------

(Translated from the Monitore Romano, of June 8, 1849.)

GENERAL GARIBALDI'S ACCOUNT OF THE

ACTION OF JUNE 3d, 1849,

WITH THE FRENCH, AT VILLAS CORSINI AND VASCELLO.

On leaving the Bastion, the ground on the right rises a little in the

direction of the Villa Vascello; and on the left forms, by a gentle

descent, a little valley, which leads towards the French camp.

From the gate of San Pancrazio a street leads directly to the Vascello,

(two hundred and fifty paces,) and then divides. The principal branch

descends on the right along the garden of the Villa Corsini, surrounded

by high walls, and goes on to join the great road to Civitavecchia.

Another, flanked by hedges, leads directly to the Villa Corsini, which

is three hundred paces in front of the Villa Vascello. And the third

road turns to the left, and is prolonged, like the first, by the wall of

the garden of the Villa Corsini.

The Villa Vascello is a large and massive fabric of three stories,

surrounded by gardens and walls. In front of the Villa (fifty paces) is

a small house, from which firing may be made against the windows of the

Villa Corsini.

On the left road, (one hundred paces,) beyond the point of separation of

the streets, are two small houses, one behind the garden of Villa

Corsini, the other twenty paces before, on the left of the street.

The Villa Corsini, placed on the highest part of the ground, commands

all the neighborhood. It is surrounded by a garden and high wall. The

position of the Villa is very strong, and the more so because wishing to

attack it without showing any preparation of approach before hand, it is

necessary, while passing the concello, which is at the foot of the

garden, to bear the concentrated fire which the enemy, defended and

covered by the hedges and vases, or within the Villa itself, make upon

that point at which the garden-walls meet at an acute angle.

The ground is also very descending; and, besides, the Villa Corsini is

very favorable to the enemy, because declining, and being scattered with

groves, and crossed by deep streets, they can concentrate their reserves

in security from our fire, when the cannon oblige them to abandon the

house.

The first attack made by the Italian Legion was against the positions

Corsini and Quattro Venti, which had been abandoned by our troops,

because surprised, betrayed, and overpowered by the great number of the

enemy. The attack was made with the bayonet, without firing a single

shot; the Legion sustained, for about three-quarters of an hour, the

whole weight of the enemy; and Colonels Daverio and Massina, and

Commandant Peralta were killed, and most of the officers wounded.

At that moment arrived the Manara Bersaglieri, who throwing themselves

into the garden, vigorously attacked the enemy, even under the walls of

the Villa. Here fell Captain Dandolo and many soldiers; and many

officers and soldiers were wounded. But from that moment the houses on

the left were ours. The enemy had stopped their progressive work, and

the Vascello, strongly occupied, poured on them a fire of grape shot.

The brave artillerymen very soon disturbed the enemy in the Villa

Corsini.

The Manara Bersaglieri, from the Casini on the left, and the Italian

Legion from the Vascello, drove the French Tiraglieurs from the garden

and hedges. Both parties kept up a very warm fire.

The enemy were no more able, although reinforced and protected by two

pieces of artillery, to take from our troops the position held with so

much valor.

The artillery fired upon the Villa Corsini so vigorously, that the enemy

were compelled to retreat, after setting it on fire; while the cannon in

the right Bastion, and Bersaglieri, thrown forward of the Vascello,

attacked with great ardor the enemy, who were in the Casino Quattro

Venti, and who occupied numerous small adjacent houses, from which they

made a very heavy but useless fire.

On the left, towards the French camp, two companies of the Manara

Bersaglieri were then sent, who went far in advance, to annoy the enemy,

hidden among the vines.

A very severe conflict continued all day, always to the advantage of our

troops, who were able, even a second time, (the Manara Bersaglieri and

Italian Legion,) to charge the enemy beyond the Villa Corsini.

Towards evening several companies of the third regiment of the line were

sent to reinforce our troops in the Vascello; and the Medici Legion was

sent to relieve the Manara Bersaglieri in the Casini on the left.

The cannon reduced almost to dust the Villa Corsini and the Casino

Quattro Venti, being wonderfully well directed—due praise to the brave

Lieut. Col. Ludovico Calandrelli.

The enemy were beaten at all points. Our troops, and especially the

Manara Bersaglieri and the Italian Legion, again and again charged the

enemy breast to breast.

The first company of Manara Bersaglieri threw itself into the Villa

Giraud, and made many French prisoners. The Italian Legion several times

advanced up to Villa Valentini.

At evening the Medici Legion vigorously charged the enemy among the

vineyards on the left.

The night came, leaving to us the field of battle, the enemy admiring

our valor, and our troops desirous of renewing the battle, which had

been so courageously fought on the first day. This they did on the

following morning.

All the officers, and especially the superior and subaltern officers

whom I wish to distinguish, are these here recorded, because martyrs and

dying as brave men.

Cols. Masina, Daverio, and Ramorino; Adj. Major Peralta; Lieuts. Bonnet,

Cavalleri and Grassi; Capts. Dandalo and David, Lieut. Scarani, Col.

Polline, Lieuts. Larete and Gazzaniga.

GARIBALDI,

Commander of the Division.

[The siege and resistance continued: but the particulars must be omitted

here. Passing over three weeks we come to the last great, but

unsuccessful attack on the Vascello.]

Translated from the "Monitore Romano" (Roman Monitor),

of June 26th, 1849.

OFFICIAL BULLETIN OF EVENTS WHICH

TOOK PLACE ON THE 25TH AND 26TH OF

JUNE, 1849.

In the last night the enemy made an attack, to dislodge our troops from

the Casino, outside the gate San Pancrazio, called the Vascello, but

were repulsed with great loss. For the particulars of that action,

glorious to our arms, I publish the following extract from a report sent

to me by the brave general of division, Garibaldi:

GEN. GARIBALDI'S REPORT TO ROSELLI,

THE GENERAL-IN-CHIEF.

CITIZEN GENERAL-IN-CHIEF:

One hour after midnight the enemy tried a second attack, and assaulted

our right flank, breaking in towards the Vascello, which is under the

command of Lieutenant-Colonel Medici, and on the left side of the

Casetta, which is under the command of Major Cenni.

With lively pleasure I communicate to you how heroically our troops

sustained themselves, and powerfully repulsed them.

The very deep mist, which involved everything, rendered the conflict the

more interesting. Our soldiers gave proofs of their diligence and love

for the cause.

Many dead, who still lie unburied on the enemy's ground, bear them

witness. And the highest encomium is due in general to the detachments

Medici and Melara, and to the Manara Bersaglieri, on the right wing, and

on the left to Major Cenni, of the staff of the division; and, of the

Arcioni legion, to Captains Joanny, Baily, Romagnori; 1st Lieutenant

Carlotti; 2d Lieutenant Bellonghi; and to all the soldiers of that

corps. Of the Regiment of the Union, Capt. Colombani and Lieut. Dezzi

distinguished themselves. The soldiers are the same as those who so

lately defended the Casetta, near the Vascello.

And the detachment of the line should not be forgotten, commanded by

Sub-Lieutenant Ferrandi, of the 3d regiment, who showed themselves

openly, and intrepid under fire. When the firing had ceased, in

consequence of the repulse of the enemy, there was an almost perfect

silence, interrupted only by a few exchanges of shot, chiefly harmless.

Nothing important occurred before daybreak, and things still remain as

yesterday.

Salutation and brotherhood!

General Head-quarters, morning of June 26th, 1849.

GARIBALDI.

General commanding the 1st Division.

The following editorial passage follows the preceding report, in the

same paper, the _Monitore Romano_. As it relates to a subject of which

much use was afterwards made by the French and Popish writers, to

justify themselves, and falsely to accuse the Romans, it seems proper to

insert it here, for the information of the reader. In spite of what is

here said (greatly to the disgrace of the French invaders), many of the

statues, buildings, pictures, and other valuable "monuments of the

city," were injured, and some destroyed, by their bullets, grape-shot,

cannon-balls and bomb-shells. They chose their point of attack near St.

Peter's church and the Vatican palace, and sometimes appeared to aim

their artillery for the wanton destruction or injury of those and other

edifices.

From the Monitore Roman of June 26th, 1849.

The Paris _Constitutionnel_, and all the other journals of the (French)

government, make known the reason why General Oudinot has not yet

entered Rome, in the following passage:

"It is wrong to believe that Rome can be, in a few days, rescued from

the state of defence in which it has been placed by the _foreigners who

occupy it_. Even if the possibility of success in an attack by main

force were demonstrated, with the use of all the means authorized by

war, other considerations should prescribe the greatest circumspection

to our general-in-chief. In reality, the order to attack, which was sent

to Gen. Oudinot, contains an express recommendation to adopt the most

complete measures to avoid the exposure of the monuments of the city,

which are now placed under the safeguard of France. Considerations of

humanity are no less in the plans of our generals, who in no case will

confound the Roman population with the bands of adventurers who ruin and

oppress it. For all these reasons, the besieging forces will confine

themselves to the attack of exterior works, and of positions from which

the city and the monuments can not receive any injury."

[Remarks on the preceding extract from the _Constitutionnel_, by the

editors of the _Monitore Romano_.]

"This, it cannot be denied, is an ingenious expedient to justify the

slowness of the _brilliant successes_ of Oudinot under the walls of

Rome. It is not a posthumous expedient, but a witty one, invented _after

the act_. The General had first to think how to let his bomb-shells by

hundreds fall, not upon the _foreigners_ who defend Rome, but upon the

heads of the harmless population whom he has come to _protect_. He must

think first how to ruin the edifices of Raffaelle, the Aurora of Guido,

the temple of Fortuna Virilis, and, only yesterday, the most beautiful

fresco of Poussin, in the palace Costaguli, now irreparably lost,

because it has never been copied or engraved.

"But this does not prevent the Roman monuments from being placed _under

the safeguard_ of the French arms! This did not prevent them from having

within their scope the defence of the liberty of the people, oppressed

by foreigners! Hypocrites and wretches! you do not possess even the

brutal frankness of Austria!"

The following brief notices of events in Paris, published in the same

number of the _Monitore Romano_, convey striking hints of the condition

to which Louis Napoleon was reducing France, while his army was

attempting to overthrow the Roman Republic, and fabricating excuses for

his ill success.

_Paris_, June 15th.—The members of the Legislative Assembly under trial

for revolutionary proceedings exceeds twenty; and the list is not yet

complete, (Ledru Rolin was at the head of these.)

The Moniteur publishes two decrees of the President of the Republic. By

the first, considering that the existing condition of Paris renders

necessary the union in one hand of all the disposable forces of the

national guard and of the army, it is decreed, that General Changarnier

shall unite the superior command of the national guard of the Seine with

the command of the troops of the first military division, until the

public tranquillity shall be restored in the capital. By the second, the

city of Lyons and all the circuit comprised in the sixth military

division are placed in the state of siege.

Arrests continue to-day. The whole number is three hundred.... Letters

and papers seized will lead to other arrests.

By a decree of the Executive the following newspapers are suppressed,

(naming six.)

------------------------------------------------------------------------

THE BATTLE OF JUNE 30TH.

GENERAL GARIBALDI'S LAST OFFICIAL REPORT IN ROME.

_General Head-quarters, San Pietro in Montorio, July 1, 1849._—Yesterday

was a day fruitful in deeds of arms: losses and advantages. Yesterday

Italy counted new martyrs. Colonel Manara leaves a void in the

Republican files, difficult to be supplied. Young, of surprising merit

and valor, he was struck by an enemy's ball, while courageously

defending the Villa Spada against an enemy very superior. America

yesterday gave, with the blood of a valiant son, Andrea Aghiar, a pledge

of the love of liberal men of all countries for our fair and unfortunate

Italy.

Lieutenant Colonel Medici distinguished himself by skill and courage, in

the defence of the first bastion on the right of the gate of San

Pancrazio, and of the position Savorelli. He was distinguished in the

company of the brave Colonel Ghilardi, commandant of that line.

The Medici Legion and the first of the line fought like lions. They

several times repelled assaults in the breach, and paid with the

precious life of many young men, the hope of the country, the sacred

debt of all.

Part of the Manara Legion fought at the point of the bayonet with their

accustomed courage, in union with the companies of the regiment Massi.

The Italian Legion, under the command of Colonel Manara, showed itself

worthy of its fame in the defence of the Villa Spada. The Third of the

Line, in defending the positions which were confided to it, covered

itself with glory.

GARIBALDI.

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THE CITY TO CEASE HER RESISTANCE.

It was now decided that the further defence of Rome was impossible,

without exposing the city to destruction. The enemy were within the

walls, and could not be dislodged. They were indeed so strong, that the

Romans would be obliged at least to abandon their line, and retire to

this side of the Tiber, which General Avezzana and Garibaldi proposed to

defend with obstinacy. But the inhabitants apprehended, from such a

step, the speedy ruin of their houses by the French cannon and shells;

and, after a Council which they held with the Assembly, it was resolved

to cease resistance. Garibaldi saw that his work was done in the

capital; and, with feelings which we may in some degree realize, he

resolved not to witness the disgrace brought upon his noble cause, nor

to leave his gallant companions to be disarmed and remain useless to the

country. He doubtless foresaw that many of them would follow wherever he

would lead; and then certainly, not less than at other times, he felt an

impulse to lead where only courageous men would follow. He thought of

the city of Venice, then besieged by the Austrians, by sea and land, and

indulged the flattering hope of being able to reach her, and join her

brave defenders. The wide space to be passed over, and the far superior

force which the enemy could send to oppose him, were insufficient to

discourage him; and he resolved to go. But one obstacle was in his way.

His wife was urgent to accompany him, which he opposed; but in vain.

The government issued the following proclamations:—

[Translated from the Monitore Romano, of Monday,

July 2, 1849.]

ROMAN REPUBLIC:

The Constituent Assembly, in the name of God and the people, _decrees_:

The Triumvirs, Armellini, Mazzini, and Saffi have deserved well of the

country.

ALLOCALETTI, _President_.

SANTARGES,

COCCHI,

ZAMBIANCH,

PINNACCHI.

_Rome, July 1st, 1849._

The following was published yesterday:—

Romans! The Triumvirate is voluntarily dissolved. The Constituent

Assembly will communicate to you the names of our successors.

The Assembly, deeply affected, after the act of yesterday, performed by

the enemy, with a desire to deliver Rome from extreme dangers, and to

prevent the fruitless sacrifice of any more lives for the defence, have

decreed the cessation of hostilities. The men who were in the right

during the contest, could not well continue to govern in the new times

which are preparing. The mandate sent to them has ceased _de facto_, and

they hasten to resign it to the hands of the Assembly.

Romans! Brothers! you have written a page which will remain in history,

a proof of the power and energy which slept in you, and of your future

deeds, of which no force can deprive you.... Assembled under the

Republican banner, you have redeemed the honor of the common country,

elsewhere contaminated by deeds of evil men, and overthrown by

monarchical impotency. Your Triumvirs, becoming simple citizens among

you, carry with them the highest comfort in their consciousness of pure

intentions, and the honor of having their names associated with your

bravest deeds.

A cloud is rising to-day over your prospects and you. It is the cloud of

an hour. Remain firm in the consciousness of your rectitude, and with

the faith in which many armed apostles among you have died. God, who has

treasured up their blood, is surely for you. God wills that Rome shall

be great; and she will be. Yours is not a defeat; it is a victory of the

martyrs, to whom the tomb is the passage to heaven.... Viva la Republica

Romana!

The Triumvirs,

GIUSEPPE MAZZINI,

CARLO ARMELLINI,

AURELIO SAFFI.

-------

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC

ADOPTED—THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY DISSOLVED.

The Constituent Roman Assembly, in their session of yesterday,

definitively voted, with unanimity, and _viva voce_, the Constitution of

the Republic.

Having fulfilled, by this act, the essential part of its high mission,

the Assembly decreed, on motion of the Deputy Agostini, that the law be

engraved on two marble tables and placed on the capital, as an eternal

monument of the unanimous will of the people, legitimately represented

by their Deputies. Woe to him who shall touch those tables of the new

civil and political compact which the Roman People form with themselves

before God, in the view of all civilized nations! This compact has been

sealed with the blood of martyrs, with the blood of all those who,

following the voice of their hearts, hastened to Rome, as to the ancient

Mother, to defend the honor and the liberty of Italy, and to lay the

first stone of her future and inevitable independence.

Whatever may be the present results of measures which foreign supremacy

is preparing, the Assembly, the People, the National Guard and the Roman

Army have the consciousness of having fulfilled their duty.

(From the same paper.)

Before dissolving the solemn session, the Assembly decreed a funeral in

the Basilica of St. Peter, to all the heroes who have offered their

lives for the country and for the Republic, under the walls of Rome. As

to the wounded, as no less worthy of honor, and in need of care, the

Assembly voted a Hospital, and appropriated for the purpose one of the

national palaces.

Finally, that nothing might be wanting to the harmony which always

prevails among the people, the Constituent Assembly and the citizens in

whom, in the last moments, they had entrusted the salvation of the

country, the Assembly declared, by a solemn decree, well deserving of

the country, the Triumvirs, Armellini, Mazzini, and Saffi.

(From the same paper.)

We have said it, and we repeat it, and we will repeat it always: The

Republic arose in Rome by universal suffrage; rose on the ruins of the

throne of the Popes, which the cry of all Europe, the maledictions of

all civilized nations, and the spirit of the Gospel, had crumbled into

dust. To-day, when on that throne, stigmatized by civilization, flows

the blood of so many victims, who will dare to raise it again? A

mountain of corpses shuts up, to the Pontiff, the way to that throne;

and to ascend it again, the white stole of the priest must be dyed with

human blood! Can the Pope, like the tyrants, sit upon a seat of

bayonets? But it is not in the power of France, it is not in the power

of Europe conspiring, to restore the Pope to the minds of citizens,

after the enormous events which have occurred. The sceptre of the Popes

is morally broken for ever.

-------

PROCLAMATION OF THE MINISTER OF WAR.

Romans! The last word of the Minister of War is a mark of admiration of

your valor, and an urgent request to you, to persevere in the sacred

enterprise of the redemption of Italy.

Your martyrs died with this name upon their lips.

Difficulties of your condition—adversity of destiny—diplomatic

snares—deceitful words—let them never arrest you.

The legacy of the valiant who have fallen for you on the walls of the

Eternal City, is holy and inviolate! They have reopened Roman history—Do

you continue its fame.

G. AVEZZANA.

-------

GARIBALDI'S DEPARTURE FROM ROME

WITH HIS REMAINING TROOPS, AND HIS

CELEBRATED RETREAT TO THE ADRIATIC.

Garibaldi collected his troops after the government had determined to

cease resistance, and addressed them in his Spartan speech, which has

been so much admired; then proceeding out of the gates, followed by a

considerable portion of his troops, he took his course across the

Campagna, his wife accompanying him on horseback, notwithstanding all

his affectionate remonstrances. He had resolved to make a desperate

effort, to avoid the necessity of submitting to the enemy.

The retreat of Garibaldi from Rome to the little port of Cesenatico, on

the Adriatic, while pursued by an Austrian and a French army, has been

much admired for the boldness, skill and judgment which were displayed,

through a daily change of dangers, discouragements and sufferings, which

would seem too great to be so long endured. His route lay through Forli

and Cantalupo to Terni, then declined to the left to Todi, Capretto and

Orvieto, where the French troops showed themselves; then on to the

frontier of Tuscany, after which they passed Arezzo, and crossing a

mountain, reached Cisterna; then, passing on to Borgo, Santangelo in

Vado, and Montefeltro, he arrived at San Marino, near the close of July,

and left there on the night of the 31st for Cesenatico, where they

embarked in several boats, and sailed for Venice. Several of these were

captured or sunk, and others driven to the shore, among which last was

that which contained Garibaldi, his wife, Bassi, Cicerouacchio, and his

two sons, whose fate has been mentioned in the preceding pages.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

TEN YEARS LATER.

CHAPTER I.

"In thy bosom, fair Italia,

Fire is cherish'd warm and bright,

Ling'ring time alone delays it;

Hour expected—day of light!

Three long centuries we've waited;

Lo! it dawns—a glorious sight!"

"_Banks of Dora_"—_an Italian Song of 1846_.

GARIBALDI WAITING HIS TIME—THE ISLAND OF CAPRERA—HIS

CONFIDENCE IN THE APPROACH OF ITALIAN DELIVERANCE,

EXPRESSED IN HIS PRECEDING AUTOBIOGRAPHY, AND AT

NEW YORK—HIS PERSONAL APPEARANCE—INJUSTICE DONE

TO HIS CHARACTER AND STYLE OF WRITING—M. DUMAS'

BOOK—PREPARATION OF THE ITALIAN PEOPLE FOR UNION AND

LIBERTY, BY SECRET SOCIETIES—CHANGES OF POLICY—THE

PRINCIPLES OF THE ITALIAN PATRIOTS ADOPTED BY FRANCE AND

ENGLAND—CONSEQUENCES.

The portion of Garibaldi's life recorded in the preceding pages,

interesting and important as it was, now proves to have been but the

prelude and preparation of the mighty and momentous scenes which

Providence had in reserve for an extraordinary man like him, fitted by

such a long, arduous, and perilous training as he had received, under

the supervision of heaven. A war like that of Armageddon, so awfully

depicted in the Book of Revelation, was now preparing; and all the

effects of the persevering labors and pious prayers of Italian patriots,

devoted to the liberation of their country, were now to be seen in the

spirit of harmony and bravery which had been inculcated by the secret

societies, fostered by the experience gained in the revolutions of 1820,

'31, and '46, and many insurrections attempted; and now for the first

time, under a leader long known for his unequalled, noble, pure, and

exalted character, as well as for his incomparable skill and boldness,

and his astonishing success in the field. And what unexpected changes in

the situations of Europe, and especially of Italy, were brought about by

events whose tendency was not discovered by human eyes, until war

commenced between Sardinia and France on the one side, and Austria on

the other.

Only a short time before, peace might have been expected to continue,

and the oppression of Italians to be prolonged by Austria, the Pope, and

the King of Naples. There were no uncommon signs of approaching

disturbance; and Garibaldi, in his favorite island retreat, was quietly

cultivating his farm, and seemed likely to reap in peace the little

field which he was sowing.

THE ISLAND OF CAPRERA.

This little rocky island, near the northeastern coast of Sardinia, has

now a peculiar interest, on account of its connection with Garibaldi.

Its greatest length is five miles, and its greatest breadth three. Its

name intimates the nature of its soil and surface, it being rough,

rocky, and barren, and well fitted for goats.

It belonged to the government, and a portion of it was purchased by

Garibaldi, it is believed, about the year 1856, when he made it his

residence, took a number of his fellow-exiles thither, and founded a

small colony, directing his attention to the cultivation of the ground.

He afterward sent to New York for some American implements, and

prosecuted his design with diligence, until a vessel, which he had

loaded with necessaries, especially a quantity of lime, was lost on the

voyage, and left him without requisite means to proceed with his

buildings and other improvements. He still, however, regarded that

little secluded island as his home, and has returned to it at every

interval of peace and leisure.

There was Garibaldi, waiting for the day to arrive, which he had so many

years anticipated, hoped and prepared for, and which he had endeavored

to make as visible to the eyes of his countrymen as it seemed to be to

his own. Yes, the day was near at hand which he had written down in his

preceding autobiography, pages 112, 115, etc. On page 125 he said: "Be

great, once more, O Italy, and then the powerful voice of the Almighty

will be heard by all thy sons; and the hungry, cowardly vultures which

destroy thee, will be stunned by its thundering sound."

Such, also, was the expectation which he expressed in 1850, in his note

of courteous but decided refusal of the honors of a public reception in

the city of New York, and which we here translate from his refined

Italian original, addressed to the committee:

GARIBALDI'S REPLY TO THE NEW YORK COMMITTEE,

AUGUST 3d, 1850.

"GENTLEMEN: I much regret that my very poor health does

not allow me to take part in the demonstration which you

have appointed for next Saturday. The length of my

convalescence, and the uncertainty of the time of my

recovery, still render it impossible for me to fix a day

when I may be able to yield to the wishes of your

affectionate and flattering invitation. I hope you will

allow me to repeat, more warmly than at first, the

desire which I have often expressed to you, that you

will entirely abandon the proposed demonstration.

"Such a public exhibition is not necessary to secure for

me the sympathy of my countrymen, of the American

people, and of all true republicans, for the misfortunes

which I have suffered, and for the cause which has

occasioned them.

"Although a public manifestation of that affection would

be most grateful to me, exiled from my native land,

separated from my children, and weeping over the fall of

the liberty of my country by foreign intervention; yet

believe me, I would rather avoid it, content that it is

allowed me, tranquilly and humbly, to become a citizen

of this great Republic of free men, to sail under its

flag, to engage in commerce in order to earn my

livelihood, and to wait for a moment more favorable for

the redemption of my country from oppressors, both

domestic and foreign.

"In regard to the cause to which I have consecrated

myself, I esteem nothing more than the approbation of

this great people; and I believe it will be sufficient

for them to know, how I have honestly and faithfully

served the cause of liberty, in which they themselves

have given a great and noble example to the world.

"G. GARIBALDI."

The committee published their reply to this letter, and closed it with

these words:

"We lament the modesty of Gen. Garibaldi, which, more

than his imperfect convalescence, has prevented the

success of our urgent requests."

A small volume has been published by Alexander Dumas, a French

novel-writer, of which different opinions have been expressed. It was

asserted, last summer, by the "Philadelphia Press," that it was pirated

from the first edition of this book, in the French language, and had

been translated into English and sold to an American bookseller for five

hundred dollars. There are many passages in it which might appear to

countenance such an assertion; but there are numerous passages, and even

entire chapters, which are wholly unlike anything in the latter; and a

large part of the volume contains views, sentiments and expressions

quite the opposite of Garibaldi's. Indeed, of the 337 small duodecimo

pages in the English translation, only 203 are claimed by M. Dumas to be

Garibaldi's, other writers being credited for the remaining 134. The 203

pages contain passages which magnify Garibaldi's deeds or spirit much

more than he was ever known to do, (for he is always as modest as

brave,) with some of his most forcible expressions and passages greatly

weakened by useless amplifications. The English translation is in a very

loose and inferior style; and various cases occur in both Dumas and his

translators, in which ignorant blunders are made in interpreting the

standard before them, whatever it may have been. The motto of chapter

6th Dumas gives in his French, "Le Dieu des Bons Gens:" and his English

translator: "_The God of Good People_." And this is afterward repeated,

showing a surprising and laughable mistake in the import of the motto of

the Italian Republicans, "_Dio e Popolo_"—God and the People.

The personal appearance of Garibaldi, his mien, address, and manners,

are so remarkably accordant with his character, that clear impressions

of them seem necessary to a distinct apprehension of the spirit with

which he lays his plans, and commences and accomplishes his great deeds.

A stranger may obtain such impressions, in a considerable degree, by

contemplating the fine steel engraving which forms the frontispiece of

this volume, and reading some of the descriptions written by different

observers on various occasions. That portrait is accurately copied from

a daguerrotype, for which he obligingly sat, at the request of the

author, soon after his arrival in New York in 1850; and has been

pronounced by many of his friends the best likeness they have ever seen.

It certainly is exactly like the daguerrotype, not only in the features,

but in the expression of the face.

Any one who would form a correct opinion of the state of preparation in

which the people of Italy stood waiting for the time of their

emancipation, must recur to the labors of the patriotic leaders who had

been constantly laboring to enlighten and inspirit them during the last

forty years. Their efforts had been principally through secret

societies, formed and conducted somewhat on the plan of freemasonry. The

Carbonari (literally, colliers—the makers of charcoal in the mountains,

where the patriots often found refuge) were dissolved, after their

archives had been seized. The society of Giovane Italia (Young Italy)

was then formed, and directed by Mazzini and his friends, from foreign

countries, safe from the reach of the enemy. One striking case of their

sagacious and successful operations is described in that most

interesting and instructive work on Italy, "The Roman Exile," by G.

Gajani, formerly an eminent Roman jurist, an officer under Garibaldi in

1849, and now a respected citizen of New York. Thousands of other

instances might be mentioned, to prove the powerful influence of those

efforts.

_The union of Italians_ was the great object aimed at, and

_non-interference by foreign powers_ was the principle claimed of

Europe. The Republicans of 1849 declared that monarchy was opposed to

both these ends; but, since Sardinia, England and France have all proved

by their actions that they have adopted these principles, the

Republicans have joined their old opponents, the constitutional

monarchists, and ranged themselves under the banner of Victor Emanuel.

Garibaldi was a Republican in South America, Rome, and everywhere, until

he became convinced of this change of policy; and now he is devoted to

Victor Emanuel—because Victor Emanuel is devoted to Italy. When the

voice of calumny shall have ceased, justice will be done to men who are

now iniquitously stigmatized.

And what men those were, who then, like lions suddenly roused, sprang

from their lairs and rushed to the fight in May, 1859. Those alone who

knew them, can form an adequate conception of their feelings, because

each had passed through trials which none of us have known, or witnessed

among our own happier countrymen. Many of them had been exiles in

America, and a number had been residents in New York, and personally

known, respected and loved.

A large collection of manuscripts now at hand, in various forms, of

various kinds, and of different dates, recall the characters and

histories of their authors; and what may hereafter be published from

them will be strictly true, except some changes of names, which

propriety may require. Among the papers are letters, notices of friends

in need, warnings against plotting enemies—Jesuits in disguise, and long

histories of romantic adventures.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER II.

"Shouting—'Shame on chains and slavery!'

Brothers, rouse and arm for war;

All united: now, Barbarians,

'Tis your retribution hour!"—

_Banks of Dora._

POLICY OF LOUIS NAPOLEON SINCE 1849—HIS POSITION IN

1859—CAUSES OF THE WAR IN LOMBARDY—AUSTRIAN ARMY

THREATENS PIEDMONT—FRENCH TROOPS SENT TO THE AID OF

VICTOR EMANUEL—GARIBALDI CALLED INTO SERVICE—MARCHES

NORTH—APPREHENSIONS OF HIS FRIENDS—HIS BRILLIANT

SUCCESSES AT VARESE AND COMO.

Louis Napoleon, in 1848, when a candidate for the presidency of the

French Republic, solicited the assistance of the clergy, saying that, if

elected, he would reinstate the Pope in Rome. Afterward, in April, 1849,

Louis Napoleon sent an expedition against Rome, under the command of

General Oudinot. That general, on his arrival before Civita Vecchia,

published a proclamation, printed in France, by which it was announced

that France would occupy Rome, in order to prevent Austria from doing

so.

It seems that Louis Napoleon was not so much guided by his promise, or

by religious devotion, as by the shrewd design of securing to himself

the influence of the Pope, which Austria would have turned against him.

The Pope, however, continued to lean toward Austria; and, by her advice,

opposed all the suggestions of Louis Napoleon, and placed him in a false

position.

From 1849 to '59 was a period of secret intrigue and struggles at Rome,

between France and Austria. The Crimean war added a new element of

hostility between the two courts. Napoleon, as a threat to Austria,

invited the king of Sardinia to participate in that war, and afterward

allowed Count Cavour to speak in the name of oppressed Italy, in spite

of the protest of the Austrian minister.

At this, Austria became more active in preparing and countenancing the

ruin of Napoleon in France; and the Pope used his influence with the

clergy and the legitimists of that country. Napoleon was thus laid under

the necessity of striking a blow at Austria, in self-defence. This

explains his league with the king of Sardinia. But Napoleon neither

designed nor foresaw all that happened afterward. The complete

liberation of Italy and the downfall of the papacy were not in his plan;

because he feared that a general convulsion of Europe would be the

consequence of such events. In justice to him, however, we must

acknowledge, that he has countenanced and aided those events, since he

has seen that they were accomplished in a wonderfully quiet manner.

There can be but little doubt that Napoleon prefers to see the political

influence of the Pope dead forever, instead of being compelled to court

it, in competition with Austria.

Early in 1859, the Emperor of Austria began to threaten Sardinia with

100,000 men, demanding that she should disarm, which was refused. The

Emperor of the French showed himself ready to sustain Victor Emanuel in

his position; and then the Emperor of Austria made an effort to gain

time by an artifice, and pressed a powerful army on to the frontiers.

With surprising promptitude, Louis Napoleon sent a very large force into

Piedmont, partly across Mount Cenis and partly by water to Genoa,

availing himself of the facilities offered by the railroads and steam

vessels, and armed with the most improved military weapons and

implements of modern warfare.

Then commenced one of the most important and sanguinary conflicts of

modern times, and one most decisive of results in favor of Italian

liberty. The armies on both sides were very large and powerful, and

included many of the chiefs, officers, and soldiers who had been trained

in Africa and the Crimea, as well as in the European wars ten and twelve

years preceding. The sudden and rapid advance of the Austrians was

checked by the vigorous stand made by the Piedmontese, and the still

more rapid movements of the troops from France. We have not room to give

all the details of the battles which ensued, and with which the public

are acquainted. The service which our hero rendered in it was of the

utmost importance; and not only fully justified the high reputation he

had long enjoyed, but raised him to an eminence proportioned to the

magnitude of the immense military operations in which he acted a

leading, and we might say almost the decisive part.

When Garibaldi was called by the king to engage in the war, he accepted

the office proposed, but, it has been reported, on two conditions: that

he should be allowed to act according to his own judgment, and as far

from the French as possible. We do not pretend to give credence to this

rumor, and can only say, on the one hand, that he showed some symptoms,

while in this country, of retaining a bitter recollection of the siege

and humiliation of Rome; but, on the other hand, that he is charitable,

generous, and forgiving beyond most other men who ever lived on earth.

No sooner was it known that Garibaldi was forming a band to act against

the Austrians, than patriots hastened from all parts of Italy to join

his banner. Such were their numbers and their enthusiasm, that the

authorities in vain attempted to detain them; and even from the Pope's

territories, and from the cruelly oppressed kingdom of Naples,

volunteers poured like torrents on toward Piedmont. Promptly a corps was

formed under Garibaldi's peculiar tactics, denominated, "_I Cacciatori

delle Alpi_" (The Huntsmen of the Alps), and, led by their spirited and

fearless leader, started toward the north, and disappeared among the

mountain passes of the Alps. No sooner was this news received in the

United States, than his friends here foretold that his aim would prove

to be, to turn the right wing of the Austrians, get into their rear, and

raise Lombardy in insurrection. With anxious solicitude the first

inquiries of all seemed to be first for Garibaldi; and the deeds of

daring, labor, fatigue, and skill which he performed were repeated

through that great and bloody campaign with skill and perseverance

equalled only in his uniform success.

Those who have seen enough of Garibaldi to form a just estimate of his

character and powers, can never be at a loss in drawing a picture of him

in their imaginations, when they hear that he has been placed in a new

scene fitted to call forth his energy. So it was when the news was

received that he marched from Turin with 3,700 men, his chosen band, to

Biella and Borgomanero, toward the northeast, and had moved with such

promptitude and rapidity, and by such secluded and difficult paths, that

no certain information could be obtained of his route, plans, or

objects. Those who knew him at once declared that his former practices

compelled them confidently to predict that he had gone among the

mountains to turn the right wing of the Austrians, and raise the country

in insurrection in their rear. Many days passed, however, before the

truth was known, though various reports came through different channels.

At length it was published as certain that he had been successful in a

laborious march, and in the accomplishment of a sudden and bold attack

upon the Austrians at Varese. By ingenious arrangements he had deceived

the enemy, whose spies, as he had expected, carried them true reports of

his past movements, present position, and possible preparations, but

drew false conclusions of his intentions.

THE BATTLE OF VARESE.

The Canton Ticino is a narrow part of Switzerland, lying along a small

river of that name, and extending down far into the north of Italy. The

interesting history of that small and rude territory deserves to be much

better known, especially on account of the devotion of its virtuous

inhabitants to the principles of the Reformation, and the persecutions

which they have at different periods endured for their faith. The river

Ticino is difficult of passage, and, as the Austrians were strong in

their position at Varese, beyond it, it was important to prevent them

from meeting him at that stream. At Borgomanero he prepared his plans,

and put them in harmony with the instructions given him at

head-quarters. The principal object was to cross the Ticino and effect

the passage and invasion without danger to himself or his men. Garibaldi

knew that all these men risked their lives, inasmuch as before becoming

soldiers they were refugees, and by bearing arms they incurred,

according to the Austrian code, the penalty of death. He accordingly

spread the report that he intended to stop at Arona, and he even himself

wrote orders to have stores and lodgings prepared there, and the

churches fitted up for the reception of horses.

No sooner had he sent off these orders by special messengers to Arona,

which is on the Lago Maggiore, than he gave orders to his men, each of

whom carried two muskets, to leave for Castelletto, where they crossed

the Ticino in a ferry-boat to Sesto Calende, and by an astonishing

forced march of two days, proceeded to Varese.

The Austrians, on learning how they had been tricked, assembled at

Camerlata, and intercepted the line of the Ticino at Varese, believing

that they would thereby cut off the retreat of the force and surprise

it. Garibaldi troubled himself little about that proceeding, and induced

the towns and villages to revolt.

A proclamation was issued by the general, inviting the whole of the

Varesotto province to rise against their oppressors. The appeal was

generally listened to, and men of every age and condition hastened to

the official residence of Marquis Visconti, the extraordinary

commissioner sent by Count Cavour as the coadjutor of the Italian

general. In less than two hours the whole of the surrounding country was

in arms. Old men, children, and even women, came to the Town Hall, with

all sorts of weapons, ready to help the small band (3,000) of their

brethren. Varese was soon fortified, barricades erected, means of

defence carefully ordered. Bands of peasants were pouring into the town

from the numberless hamlets, villas, and villages which deck the

picturesque hills of that beautiful country—the finest in Lombardy, and,

perhaps of Europe. Garibaldi, who is always to be found everywhere when

danger is coming, began to array in companies the new comers, and gave

the necessary orders for the defence of the country, as he supposed that

the Austrians posted at Gallarate would attack him the next day.

He was not deceived in his expectation, for on Wednesday morning, at

dawn three hundred Croats and one hundred and thirty Hussars, with a

field battery, marched from Gallarate to Sesto Calende, where the

advance guard of Italian Chasseurs was posted. This advance guard was

commanded by Capt. Decristoforis, a young man of great military ability,

who only two months before was in England, and kept a first-rate

military school at Putney. After a fight, which lasted two hours, the

enemy was completely defeated, leaving some prisoners. The Austrians

were obliged to retire on Somma, and nothing was heard of them till next

morning at four o'clock.

This second attack was of a more serious character. It was effected by a

brigade, five thousand strong, with ten field pieces, and two squadrons

of Uhlans. After a first discharge of their muskets, the Italian

volunteers assaulted the enemy with the bayonet, and with so much

impetuosity that the Austrian centre was obliged to fall back on its

left wing, then engaged by a battalion of the Italian right. Now the

fight became general—a tremendous hand-to-hand fight, in which every

inch of ground was bravely disputed by both armies. The enemy's

artillery was of no more use, because Garibaldi, having none, had

ordered his men to fight hand-to-hand with swords and bayonets. At the

report of the musketry and artillery, the country people hastened to the

scene of action with pitchforks, half-pikes, and cleavers. "It was a

dreadful scene of slaughter," said an eye-witness, "which lasted three

hours." Nothing can give an idea of the impetuosity of those Italians

who could at last revenge so many wrongs, so many cruelties. It was

almost madness. Two brothers Strambio, one captain and the other

lieutenant, were seen to leap into the inside of a hedge of bayonets,

and cut down Croats as if they had been puppets. A Count Montanari, from

Verona, whose brother had been hanged, in 1853, by Radetsky's order, was

running up and down the bloody field, striking right and left with his

powerful sword.

At 7 o'clock, the Austrian general was obliged to give the order for a

retreat, as his men were falling in all directions. Garibaldi was close

at their heels till they reached the strong position of Malnate, where

they stopped to repair their losses.

This is a short but faithful sketch of Garibaldi's exploit. It will

always be recorded as one of the most brilliant actions of the war,

because he had no artillery, and his soldiers were but volunteers,

scarcely drilled, and unaccustomed to camp life.

Garibaldi then went to Como, on the celebrated lake of that name, where

he received a positive ovation from the population. All the country was

in full insurrection. Young men were putting themselves in uniform, and

arming themselves. All classes, without distinction—nobles, peasants,

citizens, men, women, and children—were prepared for resistance.

Garibaldi had taken the precaution of being able to supply the

population with arms and ammunition.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER III.

"Morn is breaking! Rise, Italia!

He whose yoke thou still dost wear,

Soon will shake at sight of danger;

Well his coward heart may fear."

"_The Banks of Dora._" T. D.

COMO—APPROACH OF GENERAL URBAN WITH 40,000

AUSTRIANS—GARIBALDI RETIRES—COMO TAKEN—COUNT RAIMONDI's

DAUGHTER—GARIBALDI RETURNS AND EXPELS THE AUSTRIANS—THE

BATTLE OF CAMERLATA—THE AUSTRIANS DEMAND THE DISBANDING

OF GARIBALDI'S TROOPS—REFUSED —THEY ADVANCE—THE CANALS

OPENED—THEY RETIRE—THE BATTLES OF PALESTRO, MONTEBELLO,

AND MAGENTA—THE MINCIO AND ITS BANKS—THE BATTLE OF

SOLFERINO.

Como is a city beautifully situated on the northern end of Lake Como;

but on the low land near the margin, and overlooked by the mountains,

which rise beyond and around.

The enthusiasm which prevailed on Garibaldi's arrival was extreme; and

the alarm bells were rung in all the communes of the Varesotto,

Tramezzo, Como and Lecco districts. The volunteers were pouring in from

every village and hamlet. In this manner the insurrection gained ground

in Upper Lombardy. At the first appearance of the braves, all the civil

authorities of Como and Lecco recognized the government of King Victor

Emanuel, which in those towns was represented by Count Visconti Venosta,

a young nobleman from Valtellina of great determination. His spirited

proclamations roused the enthusiasm of country folks and citizens, who

hastened to the scene of action with an ardor never witnessed in 1848.

Money, so much wanted, poured into Garibaldi's military treasury,

together with gold necklaces and other valuable trinkets from fair

Lombard ladies. The sum thus collected in two days reached 2,000,000

francs.

Garibaldi had been instructed to move in the direction of Varese by slow

marches, keeping himself in constant communication with Cialdini's

division, which did not follow. By the necessity of strategetical

combinations, Gen. Cialdini was obliged to march to and fro from

Vercelli and Stroppiana, guarding the right bank of the Upper Sesia, as

far as Gattinara. The necessary result of this constant marching and

countermarching was that of retarding the projects of Garibaldi. He

moved slowly for two days, but he could not stand it any longer; and

hastening from Romagnana to the headquarters of the king, he begged him

to observe that he did not and could not understand the scientific

principles of a regular war, and that he wished to be left to his daring

inspiration.

Victor Emanuel saw directly that it was of no use to keep such a bird in

the cage of strategic rules, and, letting him loose, said: "Go where you

like, do what you like. I have only one regret—that of not being able to

follow you."

While occupying the place, amidst the enthusiasm of the inhabitants, he

learned that General Urban was approaching with forty thousand

Austrians. He immediately retired from the city, leaving two hundred

men, with orders to hold the place, with the aid of the inhabitants, to

the last extremity. The enemy came on, attacked, and were bravely

resisted, but succeeded in taking the town. Supposing that Garibaldi had

retreated into Switzerland, without any intention of returning, they

appeared to entertain no apprehensions of danger from that quarter. It

then became highly important that he should be apprised of the condition

of things. Every effort was made to procure a messenger, and high

rewards were offered; but the hazards were so great that no one could be

found willing to run the desperate risk of his life, or rather to go to

certain death, as the Austrians were believed to hold and watch every

avenue to the country.

Garibaldi, who was waiting in the mountains for an opportunity to make a

sudden descent upon the enemy, but cut off from communication, and in

ignorance of their situation, was surprised in his wild retreat by the

arrival of a lady, who had come from Como alone, on horseback, by

pursuing by-paths, and with great skill and boldness, finding her way

between and around the various points which were guarded by the enemy.

Although only twenty-four years of age, brought up in refined society,

and of aristocratic family—a daughter of Count Raimondi—this fair and

youthful stranger appeared before Garibaldi like a vision, and, with an

air corresponding with the spirit which had inspired her through her

wild and perilous expedition, presented to him the dispatches with which

she had been intrusted, at her earnest petition, in Como. Garibaldi

learned from them the position of the enemy, and the readiness of the

people to receive him again. Without a moment's delay, he set out on his

return, and by a forced march, conducted with the greatest skill,

suddenly returned to the Lake of Como, with his resolute band.

Como was occupied after a hard fight of two hours at San Fermo and

Camerlata. This last-mentioned position is to be considered as the key

of the picturesque barrier of Como, for its elevated ground enables a

small body of men to oppose a long resistance even to an army of 15,000

strong. The positions were carried at the point of the bayonet, for the

Cacciatori delle Alpi could not fire their muskets, so much inferior in

range to those of the enemy. It was a hard and bloody fight, which may,

without exaggeration, be compared to the struggles of old, when Roman

and Carthaginian legions met together.

The news of the organizing of a corps by the celebrated Garibaldi, had

induced the Austrians to make their last demand upon Piedmont, which was

a very extraordinary one, and indicated the interesting truth that they

duly appreciated Garibaldi. It was, that, unless his band was

immediately dispersed, they would march forward in three days. This

demand was not complied with, but the King of Sardinia prepared to

receive the threatened invaders. With excellent judgment, however, he

did not attempt to occupy the line of the Mincio; he chose a stronger

one within his own territory, and occupied that extending from

Alessandria to the Apennines, toward Genoa, leaving the road to Turin

open to the enemy. The Austrians moved; but, as soon as they had crossed

the Ticino, the engineer who had charge of the canals which irrigate the

extensive valley, was ordered to open them and make an inundation. The

Austrians soon discovered that the water was rising, and the general

sent word to the engineer in terms like these:

"Your brother is a prisoner in my hands; if you do not

immediately stop the inundation, I will cut off his

head."

The engineer, with the greatest resolution, pressed the work with

redoubled vigor that night; and by employing two hundred more men,

completed it before morning. The Austrians, finding that they were

likely to be caught in a kind of trap, with the inundation rising on

their right, and the Piedmontese army on their left, soon retreated, and

recrossed the Ticino.

THE BATTLE OF PALESTRO.

This action was important, not only on account of its resulting in the

first victory against the Austrians, but also because of the excellence

of the Piedmontese troops, which had been denied, and was certainly

seriously doubted by Louis Napoleon, who had given to Victor Emnanuel

four battalions of French Zouaves for his body-guard. These were the

only French troops in that battle; and they so much admired the conduct

of the King of Sardinia, that they elected him "Corporal" on the field.

This is esteemed the highest military honor which can be in any way

acquired; and it is one which Louis Napoleon himself has never yet

received, even from his own troops.

The battle of Montebello was the first ever decided by a railroad. When

the action commenced, there was only a single regiment to resist the

Austrians. This was a French regiment, which was so soon, so rapidly,

and so greatly reinforced by other French troops, transported on the

railroad, that the day was soon decided in their favor. The importance

and effect of this manner of conveying the troops was acknowledged by

the Austrians, in their official report of the battle.

THE BATTLE OF MAGENTA.

This was fought about twenty miles beyond the last engagement, that of

Montebello; and the chief honor of the day belongs to the French. That

battle was the first in which rifled cannon and electrical telegraphs

were ever brought into use; and both were proved successful in the

highest degree. Louis Napoleon was the inventor of the former; and their

efficiency was strongly doubted and even denied by many scientific and

practical men; but it was established beyond future question by the

experiment of that day. The French had also a corps of electricians

among them, with apparatus prepared for the establishment and change of

lines of telegraphic wires wherever troops were stationed; and these

proved of eminent service in conveying orders and information between

the positions.

THE RIVER MINCIO.

The banks of the Mincio are, as it were, formed for military scenes.

From the source of the river, down almost as far as Pozzolo, the river

winds through a succession of hills, rushing close to their base on one

side, and leaving fine open meadows on the other. At some points the

hills approach on both sides, and form a kind of gorge or neutral

ground, where the river is kept within proper bounds, and not allowed to

encroach on either side. Perhaps the most picturesque spot on the whole

river is here, between Borghetto and Vallegio. Two large semi-circles of

hills are opposed to each other, the direction of them being the bend of

the river on this spot; they intersect each other about their centre,

and a little below this point are the two villages of Borghetto and

Vallegio. The latter is behind the hills on the left bank; only two

mills, a church, and a little mediæval tower, erected on one of the

lower spurs, stand close to the water's edge. Borghetto has, likewise,

only a few detached houses on the banks of the river, the rest of the

village being built on the hill which skirts the right bank. On the

highest point of the Vallegio side rises a most picturesque group of

towers of pure Italian castellated architecture, slender and high like

campaniles, with a gallery on their summit, built on a succession of

small arches springing out of the body of the building. From these

towers, an old wall runs down to the banks of the river, where two other

lower, but more massive, towers stand, with the ruins of a bridge over

the river between them. From the second of these towers, the wall runs

up to the hill where Borghetto stands, and ends there in another square

tower. This castle, as well as the surrounding domain, belongs to the

Visconti family, and the fortifications were evidently intended to close

the passage of the river, which they may have done at one time; now they

form only a picturesque feature in the scenery. The road from Volta to

this place descends along the hillside in a gentle slope, and, after

traversing the river, winds up in a similar but much steeper rise, so

that you can keep in view the whole passage through the valley. On the

right bank of the river extends a fine meadow, through which the road

leads. It was now the camping-ground of the Cavalry of the Guard, and

was, during the passage, a chaos of troops, horses, carts, and mules,

which were huddled together there, waiting for a passage across one of

the four bridges which span the narrow but rapid little stream. It was

like the emigration of one of those nomadic tribes of which history

tells us. It seemed for a moment as if it were impossible to disentangle

that mass, and yet it kept moving, and passed over the river without

accident or delay. As all the bridges which had been broken down on the

river behind had been repaired, the pontoon train of the whole army

became available for the Mincio passage, and there must have been, at

the very least, from 12 to 15 bridges on this short line.

THE BATTLE OF SOLFERINO.

The Austrian army, after occupying the right bank of the Mincio, had

retired across the stream, in order to lead the French and Sardinians to

believe that they were retreating. When the latter had extended their

lines, the Austrians suddenly returned and reoccupied their old

formidable positions on the heights of Solferino, San Cassiano, and

Cavriana, and onward to Volta, all crowned with cannon. Their lines

extended five leagues. This movement was made in the night of June 23d,

and at three o'clock in the morning they were discovered, in large

bodies, marching across the plain to attack the allies.

On the 24th, the emperor, who had arrived just before, ordered the

Sardinian army (which formed the left wing) to occupy Pozzolengo, and

the French to occupy Solferino and Cavriana. The king also sent a

detachment toward Peschiera. The Austrians resisted them powerfully. At

ten o'clock the battle became general, and was continued during a severe

storm. After twelve hours fighting, the Austrians brought up their

reserve of 80,000 men, and the allies theirs of 50,000. After three more

hours of severe fighting, the heights were taken by the allies, and the

Austrians retreated.

In 1796, Solferino was the point most strenuously contested and won by

Augereau. On this occasion that position was taken three times by the

French, and the last time at the point of the bayonet. The Emperor of

Austria commanded in person, and greatly animated his troops, who fought

well. After they had been driven from Solferino, they made a powerful

concentrated attack on the right wing of the allies, but were repulsed

by a dash of cavalry.

Although the allies were victorious, they were unable to pursue the

enemy, who retreated in good order.

THE AUSTRIAN OFFICIAL ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF SOLFERINO.

The official journal at Vienna, of June 26, published the following

official dispatch from the seat of war:

"VERONA, _Saturday, June 25_.

"On the 23d inst., the imperial royal army crossed at

four places to the right bank of the Mincio. The right

wing of the army occupied Pozzolengo, Solferino, and

Cavriana. The left wing marched on the 24th inst. to

Guidizzolo and Castel-Goffredo, and repulsed the

advancing enemy on all sides. As the Imperial Royal

army continued its advance toward the Chiese, the

enemy—who had also assumed the offensive with his

whole force—pushed forward such large bodies of

troops, that there was a general engagement between

the two armies at ten o'clock, or thereabouts, in the

morning of the 24th instant.

"The right wing, which was formed by the second army,

under the general of cavalry, Count Schlick, maintained

possession of the place which it had originally occupied

in the first line of battle until 2 o'clock in the

afternoon, and the first army (the left wing), under the

general of artillery, Count Wimpffen, continually gained

ground in the direction of the Chiese. Toward 3 o'clock

the enemy made a vehement attack on Solferino, and after

several hours' hard fighting, obtained possession of the

place, which had been heroically defended by the fifth

_corps d'armée_. An attack was then made on Cavriana,

which place was courageously defended until the evening

by the first and seventh _corps d'armée_, but was

eventually left in the hands of the enemy.

"While the struggle for Solferino and Cavriana was going

on, the eighth _corps d'armée_, which was on the outer

flank of the right wing, advanced and repulsed the

Sardinian troops opposed to it: but this advantage did

not enable the Imperial Royal army to recover the

positions that had been lost in the centre. The third

and ninth corps, which were supported by the eleventh

corps, were engaged on the left wing, and the reserve

cavalry attached to this wing made several brilliant

attacks. Unusually heavy losses, and the fact that the

left wing of the first army was unable to make progress

on the right flank of the enemy, who directed his main

force in the centre against Volta, led to the retreat of

the Imperial Royal army. It began late in the evening,

during a violent storm. Yesterday evening Pozzolengo,

Monzambano, Volta and Goito, were still occupied by our

troops."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

CHAPTER IV.

THE STATE OF THE CONTENDING PARTIES—SPECIMEN OF

THE BARBARITY OF SOME OF THE AUSTRIAN OFFICERS—THE

ARMISTICE.

The Austrian army, with its imposing numbers, high military reputation,

and menacing attitude a few weeks before, when threatening and afterward

invading Piedmont, from the line of the Mincio, had now become vastly

weakened, reduced, and disheartened by the successive conflicts and

defeats which have been briefly described. The causes of its misfortunes

have been accounted for, by an eye-witness, in remarks which we abridge

as follows:

"The Austrian military system has been changed

completely within the last six or seven years; yet the

change in part explains the shortcomings of the past few

weeks. The Austrian army, up to this date, has been an

army of very young soldiers, not long under training.

According to the regulations, a fixed number of corps

has to be maintained throughout the Austrian empire. At

a fixed period of every year the youth of that empire

are drafted into the army, and distributed among the

corps. The arrival of these new drafts liberates an

equal number of men who have already served. The latter,

after one, or two, or three years' service, at the

option of the colonels of regiments, retire to their

homes on a furlough of indefinite duration, and are only

called out again in the event of a war. The Austrian

army at Montebello, Palestro, Magenta, and Cavriana was

thus composed of young soldiers. It would have been

wiser, doubtless, had the Austrians thought of this

matter in time. They were aware that Louis Napoleon

would move, if he moved at all, with the flower of his

army. They knew that he had paid high premiums to induce

old soldiers to remain in the ranks after the expiration

of their usual time, and that the picked men of the

French army, tried under the fierce sun of Africa, and

in the hard campaign of the Crimea, would be opposed to

them, and be assisted besides by an artillery of a novel

and most effective kind. They did not take sufficient

heed of these important facts, any more than they

considered that generals who, ten years ago, fought with

ability and success in the campaigns of Italy might

possibly have lost some of their original vigor. The

result has been such as to open their eyes to the

necessity of supplying defects. The question, as far as

the present war is concerned, is this: Which is best, to

risk all the tried men first, and trust to recruits

after, or employ first the young soldiers, and bring up

reserves after? As far as the present campaign is

concerned, the results favor the first of these

alternatives.

"The advisers of his Imperial Majesty Francis Joseph, at

last made up their minds that it was impossible, under

present circumstances, to defend the line of the Mincio.

Accordingly, the headquarters of the 2d Army, under

Count Schlick, came into Verona from Villafranca; the

headquarters of the 1st Army, under Wimpffen, being

transferred to Mantua. Verona, Mantua, and the other

strongholds of this great military quadrangle are very

much stronger than they were ten years ago. There are

great field works to be taken before any approach can be

made to the main defences, and in the meanwhile Austria

may have brought together again an army capable of

risking another general action. The soldiers had one

moment of enthusiasm; that was when the emperor led them

in person on the 23d to the advanced position from which

he intended to attack the enemy; but the events of the

24th seriously affected the _morale_ of the army.

Instead of attacking, as they were led to expect, they

had to repel the assaults of the Allies, who knowing

what was before them, had halted for a meal at two

o'clock in the morning. The Austrians, whose baggage and

cooking utensils accompany the columns even in the

advance, bivouacked on the night of the 23d, and were

attacked before they could get their breakfast. The

baggage and cooking-carts were obliged to return to the

rear out of the fire of the Allies, and the result was

that the army of the Kaiser had to fight on empty

stomachs. Hunger and hard knocks have a tendency to

discourage even the bravest soldier. I was astonished to

see men from the field of Solferino retiring unwounded,

and lying down exhausted when out of the reach of the

enemy's fire. I am told that many so exhausted laid

themselves down only to die. The mystery is explained

when one considers that these cases arose from want of

ordinary sustenance.

"Lichtenstein's corps (the 2d) which should have taken

part in the action of the day, was halted in consequence

of the approach of some French cavalry in its vicinity,

and Prince Lichtenstein, for reasons which he will

doubtless have to explain, returned to Mantua. Again,

General Zedwitz, commanding the cavalry brigade of the

1st Army, instead of advancing, as he should have done,

fell back on Goito, thus depriving the emperor of six

regiments of horse and a considerable amount of

artillery. Thus, while on the part of the allies all the

available guns that could be brought into action were

used, on the side of the Austrians the artillery was

weak and utterly unable to oppose an effectual fire to

that of the enemy. It is true, on the other hand, that

the French artillery did not commit the havoc which it

might have done had its fire throughout the day been

true to the mark, instead of being over it. Still, the

effect of the inferiority under which the Austrians

suffered in this respect, was disastrous, as it

prevented them from repelling the advance of the

infantry opposed to them. Among the wounded, to the

number of 4,000 or 5,000 in Verona and the surrounding

villages, it is remarkable how few suffered from wounds

inflicted by artillery."

In contrast with the condition of the Austrian army, those of Piedmont

and France were in most respects superior, and still more in the

principles for which they fought. To mention again Napoleon's rifled

cannon, in the words of a late writer:

"The superiority of the French artillery during

the late Italian campaign was obvious to every one

who made himself acquainted with the details of

the great battles. At Solferino the heavy and very

dangerous Austrian cavalry was thrown into disorder and

rendered almost useless at distances to which their own

batteries, more favorably placed, would not carry. The

Austrians never yielded a foot on the hill of Solferino,

till a battery of French rifled cannon was brought to

bear upon them at a distance at which their own balls

fell short. The Tower could not have otherwise been

taken but with an infinitely greater slaughter than that

which occurred. When Niel and McMahon had driven the

Austrians back as far as the large open space known as

the plain of Guidizzolo, there was a fair trial of

artillery, which cost the Austrians dear; it was the

last stand made by the immense left wing of the Austrian

army, and one can well imagine how officers and men grew

dispirited in face of artillery that silenced their own

wherever it showed itself."

The following remarks on the plans and conduct of the war we abridge

from the "London Times," of July 8th, 1860:

"As far as the Allies are concerned, their aim was

driving the Austrians out of Italy. With this aim

clearly and distinctly before them, the difficulties and

chances could be more or less calculated in advance, and

all that vagueness and uncertainty avoided which gives

rise to those useless moves in two armies, neither of

which knows what it is to do next.

"The Austrians were in this latter case when they began

the war, nobody knew why, and while they were allowed to

amuse themselves with their harmless offensive movements

you saw all those insignificant skirmishes occur on the

Sesia, which were put a speedy end to by the advance of

the Allies. Since that time the war has been rolling

along in great waves. The Allies went straight toward

their aim, and the Austrians were so hard pressed, that

they endeavored to oppose to a grand plan, executed with

the most determined will, equally grand operations.

"Thus, when the Austrians found themselves outwitted by

the flank movement on the Ticino, they brought up their

troops in all haste to oppose the advance. They were

beaten, and immediately resolved to withdraw behind the

Mincio. The fight at Malegnano only took place in order

to insure this retreat, but from that time they avoided

opposing the advance of the Allies, by making a stand at

the river lines. On the other hand, the Allies, intent

only on carrying out their own great plans, did not

think for one moment of molesting their retreat.

"After the Allies had crossed the Chiese, and made

preparations for the passage of the Mincio, the

Austrians attempted one great blow; and, collecting all

their forces, tried an offensive movement, which was

speedily checked by the battle of Solferino. The battle

lost, the French, whose preparations were not completed,

did not press the retreating Austrians very hard; while

these latter, instead of trying a desultory defence of

the Mincio, opposed no resistance to the passage of it,

but, without wasting any forces, retired between

Peschiera and Verona, to await there the attack of the

Allies, or perhaps watch their time for another great

offensive movement.

"This avoiding on both sides of those little encounters,

deprives the war considerably of its picturesque element

of its individual features, as it were. This whole

campaign resolves itself into an alternation between

preparations and great decisive blows.

"The Mincio passage was effected without any difficulty,

offering by its good arrangements matter of thought to

the military, but otherwise being a subject rather for a

landscape painter than for a painter of battles.

Although the Austrians had gone back from the river, all

the precautions were taken as if there had been a

constant danger from an attack. The whole had very much

the appearance of a field manœuvre in peaceable times,

with the difference, however, that even the thin line

representing the hostile forces on such occasions, was

entirely wanting. But the movements had to be so

combined, that the army should be in readiness to

receive the enemy in case he came down from his position

between Verona and Peschiera. The enemy's position was

on the left flank of the allied armies, facing the

Mincio, with Peschiera just at the angle formed by the

intersection of the Mincio with his extreme right. The

Allies were thus obliged, while crossing the Mincio, to

change their front and face to the left. For this

purpose the Sardinians, who had kept the position of San

Martino, took up the line from Rivoltella, on the lake,

in the neighborhood of Pozzolengo. The 1st French corps,

which had been next to them in the _ordre de bataille_

of the 27th, marched to Pozzolengo, and, occupying

Ponti, faced against Peschiera. The 2d corps, next to

it, kept its original direction toward the Mincio,

joining the 1st corps at Castellaro, where the road

leads down to Monzambano. To the right of this corps was

the 4th, at Volta, likewise facing the Mincio, and the

3d at Goito. The crossing took place at almost all

points simultaneously, with just sufficient interval

between the corps to allow time for that furthest to the

right to accomplish its change of front, and come into

the same direction with the others. Thus, the 4th corps,

which was furthest, with the exception of the 3d,

detached toward Goito, was the first to cross at

Borghetto and Vallegio, to gain the high road to Verona,

and take up its position toward Villafranca. This was on

the morning of the 29th. Since that time, all the corps

have crossed successively, changing their direction from

west to east, and making front against the Austrian

position.