A.D. 1745.
BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--George II., 1727-1760.
Plan of the march of the rebels into England--Composition of the
Highland army--Highland mode of fighting--March of Prince Charles
into England--Siege and capture of Carlisle--Dissension in the
Prince’s council--Resignation of Lord George Murray--Proceedings
of Marshal Wade--The Highland army marches south--Arrives
at Manchester--The Manchester regiment--Rebels march to
Derby--Consternation at London--Charles’s council resolve to
retreat--Charles desires to proceed to London--Overruled--The
Chevalier’s agents in France--French expedition under Lord John
Drummond--His arrival and proceedings--Retreat of the Highland
army to Scotland--Skirmish at Clifton--Recapture of Carlisle.
When Charles’s resolution to march into England was finally agreed
to by his officers, the next thing to be determined was the route
to be taken. After some deliberation the council advised the Prince
to march straight to Berwick, of which town they thought he could
easily make himself master, and thence to Newcastle and give battle
to Marshal Wade, who had collected a force in the neighbourhood of
that town. If victorious, the prince was to march to London by the
east coast, so as to favour the disembarkation of any troops that
France might send over destined to land on that coast. But this
plan, though unanimously approved of, was overturned by Lord George
Murray, who was of a very different opinion from the rest of the
council. In presence of several of the principal officers of the
army he represented the plan of a march along the east coast as an
affair of great difficulty, and that its advantages, if it really
had any, would be more than compensated by the loss of time it
would occasion, which at the present juncture was very precious. He
therefore proposed that the army should march into England by the
western road, and that to conceal its route it should march in two
columns, one by Kelso and the other column by Moffat, so that both
columns could easily join near Carlisle, on a day to be appointed.
Finding that Lord George’s arguments had prevailed with most of the
officers, Charles agreed to his scheme, though he considered the
route by Berwick as the better of the two.[988]
Preparatory to their march the insurgents removed their camp to
a strong position to the west of Dalkeith, six miles south of
Edinburgh, having that town on their left, the South Esk in front,
the North Esk in their rear, with an opening on their right towards
Polton. From this camp a detachment was sent with three pieces of
cannon to secure the pass of the Forth above Stirling, lest Lord
Loudon should march south with the independent companies he was
forming, and attempt to force the passage.[989]
On the evening of Thursday the 31st of October, Prince Charles
finally left Holyrood House accompanied by his life-guards, and
several of the clan-regiments, amid the regrets of a vast concourse
of spectators, most of whom were never to see him again. He slept
that night at Pinkie House, and went next morning to Dalkeith, and
took up his quarters in Dalkeith House, the seat of the Duke of
Buccleuch. On that day he was joined by the clan Pherson, under the
command of their chief, Macpherson of Cluny, by Menzies of Shien and
his men, and some small parties of Highlanders, amounting altogether
to between 900 and 1,000 men.
At this period the state of the insurgent army was as follows. Of
cavalry, the first troop of horse-guards, which was commanded by
Lord Elcho, consisted of 62 gentlemen with their servants, under
5 officers. It amounted in all to 120. The second troop, which
was commanded by the honourable Arthur Elphinstone, afterwards
Lord Balmerino, was not complete, and did not exceed 40 horse. A
small squadron, called the horse-grenadiers, was commanded by the
Earl of Kilmarnock, with which were incorporated some Perthshire
gentlemen, in absence of Lord Strathallan their commander, who had
been appointed governor of Perth and commander of the Jacobite forces
in Scotland during the stay of the Highland army in England. These
last united, amounted to nearly 100. Lord Pitsligo was at the head
of the Aberdeen and Banffshire gentlemen, who, with their servants,
amounted to about 120; and besides those enumerated, there was a
party of between 70 and 80 hussars, under the nominal command of
Secretary Murray as colonel, but in reality under the direction of
one Baggot, an Irish officer, who had lately arrived from France.
The infantry, all of whom wore the Highland garb, consisted of
thirteen battalions or regiments, six of which consisted of the
clans, properly so called; of these six regiments, three were of the
Macdonalds, and the other three were each composed of the Camerons,
the Stewarts of Appin, and the Macphersons. Three regiments of Athole
men, commonly called the Athole brigade, the regiments of the Duke of
Perth, Lord Ogilvy, Glenbucket, and Roy Stewart, made up the thirteen
regiments.[990] Of the infantry, which amounted to about 5,000 men,
about 4,000 were real Highlanders. Thus the total amount of the army
did not exceed 6,000 men.[991]
The clan-regiments, according to custom, were commanded by their
respective chiefs; but in some instances, in the absence of the
chief, the regiment of the clan was commanded by his son, and failing
both, by the nearest kinsman of the chief. In these regiments every
company had two captains, two lieutenants, and two ensigns, all of
whom were generally related, by ties of blood, to the chief. The
pay of a captain in the army was half-a-crown _per diem_; that of a
lieutenant two shillings; and of an ensign one shilling and sixpence.
The front rank of each clan-regiment was composed of persons who were
considered gentlemen by birth, though without fortune or means. The
pay of these was one shilling _per diem_. The gentlemen in the front
rank were better armed than the men in the rear rank. All the former
had targets, which many of the latter had not. When fully armed, as
was generally the case, every gentleman of the front rank carried a
musket and broadsword, with a pair of pistols and a dirk stuck in the
belt which surrounded his body. In some rare instances another dagger
was stuck within the garter of the right leg, to be used in cases
of emergency. A target, formed of wood and leather thickly studded
with nails, covered the left arm, and enabled the wearer to parry and
protect himself from the shots or blows of an assailant.
Thus armed, the success of a Highland army depended more upon
individual bravery than upon combined efforts, and their manner of
fighting was, as the Chevalier Johnstone observes, adapted for brave
but undisciplined troops. “They advance,” says that writer, “with
rapidity, discharge their pieces when within musket length of the
enemy, and then, throwing them down, draw their swords, and holding
a dirk in their left hand with their target, they dart with fury on
the enemy through the smoke of their fire. When within reach of the
enemy’s bayonets, bending their left knee, they, by their attitude,
cover their bodies with their targets that receive their thrusts
of the bayonets, which they contrive to parry, while at the same
time they raise their sword-arm, and strike their adversary. Having
once got within the bayonets, and into the ranks of the enemy, the
soldiers have no longer any means of defending themselves, the fate
of the battle is decided in an instant, and the carnage follows; the
Highlanders bringing down two men at a time, one with their dirk in
the left hand, and another with the sword. The reason assigned by the
Highlanders for their custom of throwing their muskets on the ground
is not without its force. They say they embarrass them in their
operations, even when slung behind them, and on gaining a battle they
can pick them up along with the arms of their enemies; but if they
should be beaten, they have no occasion for muskets. They themselves
proved that bravery may supply the place of discipline at times, as
discipline supplies the place of bravery. The attack is so terrible,
that the best troops in Europe would with difficulty sustain the
first shock of it; and if the swords of the Highlanders once come in
contact with them, their defeat is inevitable.”[992]
In entering upon such a desperate enterprise as the invasion of
England with the handful of men he had mustered, Charles certainly
must have calculated on being supported by a large party in that
country. Indeed, his chief reason for urging such a step was the
numerous assurances he alleged he had received from his friends in
that kingdom, that he would be joined by a very considerable body
of the people; but there seems reason to believe, that, in his
expectations of support, he was guided almost solely by the reports
of his agents, and that he had very little communication with any
of the parties on whose support he relied.[993] In a memoir[994]
which the prince presented to the King of France on his return from
Scotland, he states, that, if after the battle of Preston he had had
3,000 regular troops under his command, in addition to his other
forces, he could have penetrated into England, and marched to London,
without opposition, as none of the English troops which were on the
continent had arrived; but the case was now widely different, and
without a general rising, it was next to impossible to succeed in
the face of a large regular army, which was assembling at different
points, supported by a numerous militia.
Pursuant to the plan of Lord George Murray, the advanced guard of the
first division of the army left Dalkeith on the evening of Friday
the 1st of November, and took the road to Peebles. The main body,
consisting of the Athole brigade, the Duke of Perth’s regiment,
the regiments of Lord Ogilvy, Glenbucket, and Roy Stewart, and the
greater part of the horse followed next day. The artillery and
baggage were sent along with this column. This division was under the
command of the Marquis of Tullibardine. The second division, which
consisted of the life-guards and the clan regiments, headed by the
prince in person, marched from Dalkeith on the 3d of November in the
direction of Kelso. The guards formed the van, and the prince marched
on foot at the head of the clans with his target over his shoulder.
It was supposed that he would have mounted his horse after proceeding
a mile or two; but, to the surprise of every person, he marched on
foot the whole day, and continued the same practice during the whole
of the expedition, wading through mud and snow, and it was with
difficulty that he could be prevailed upon to get on horseback, even
to cross a river. The example he thus set to his men, joined to the
condescension and affability he displayed, endeared him to the army.
Charles arrived at Lauder the same night, and took up his residence
in Thirlstane castle, the seat of the Earl of Lauderdale.
[Illustration: The Duke of Perth.]
After despatching part of his men by a middle course towards Selkirk
and Hawick, the prince next day marched to Kelso. As Marshal Wade
was supposed to be on his way north from Newcastle, Charles sent
his life-guards across the Tweed, not so much for the purpose of
reconnoitring, as for amusing the enemy. After advancing several
miles on the road to Newcastle, they halted at a village, and made
some inquiries as to quarters and accommodation for the army, which
they stated was on its march to Newcastle. Charles even sent orders
to Wooler, a town on the road to Newcastle, to provide quarters for
his army. The design was to keep Wade in suspense, and draw off his
attention from the movements of the Highland army upon Carlisle.
While at Kelso, Charles sent a party of between 30 and 40 men across
the Tweed, to proclaim his father upon English ground. Having
performed the ceremony, they returned to Kelso.[995] The prince
remained at Kelso till the 6th of November, on the morning of which
day he crossed the Tweed. The river was scarcely fordable, but the
men were in high spirits, and when up to the middle in the water,
they expressed the ardour they felt by setting up a loud shout and
discharging their pieces.[996] After crossing the river, the prince
turned to the left, and marched towards Jedburgh, where he arrived in
a few hours.
As his next route lay through a dreary waste of considerable extent,
he halted at Jedburgh for the night, to refresh his men, and departed
early next morning. Marching up Rule water, Charles led his men into
Liddisdale over the _Knot o’ the Gate_, and after a fatiguing march
of about twenty-five miles, arrived at Haggiehaugh upon Liddel water,
where he slept. Charles marched down Liddel water on the following
day, being Friday the 8th of November, and entered England in the
evening. When crossing the border, the Highlanders drew their swords,
and gave a hearty huzza; but a damp came over their spirits, on
learning that Lochiel had cut his hand in the act of unsheathing his
sword, an occurrence which the Highlanders superstitiously regarded
as a bad omen.[997] Charles lay at Reddings in Cumberland that
night. The division belonging to the prince’s column, consisting
of horse, which had taken the middle route by Hawick and Langholm,
reached Longtown the same day.
While the eastern division was thus moving in a circuitous direction
to the appointed place of rendezvous near Carlisle, the western
column, which started on the road to Peebles, was following a more
direct route, by Moffat and down Annandale. This division entered
England near Longtown. On the 9th of November, Charles marched with
his division to Rowcliff, four miles below Carlisle, where he crossed
the river Eden, and quartered his men in the villages on the west
side of the city. In the afternoon, Charles was joined by the greater
part of the other division, under the Marquis of Tullibardine. This
march was judiciously planned, and was executed with such precision,
that scarcely two hours elapsed between the arrival of the two main
divisions at the appointed place of rendezvous. The march, according
to the Chevalier Johnstone, resembled on a small scale that of
Marshal Saxe, a few years before, when he advanced to lay siege to
Maestricht.
The plan for deceiving Marshal Wade succeeded so well, that that
commander, who had now an army of 11,000 men under him, had no idea
that the Highland army was marching on Carlisle, and accordingly
directed his whole attention to the protection of Newcastle. Such was
the secrecy with which the motions of the army were conducted, that,
with the exception of Charles and his principal officers, no person
knew its real destination.[998] On arriving in the neighbourhood of
Carlisle, desertion had diminished the prince’s army by some hundreds.
The city of Carlisle, the capital of Cumberland, had formerly been
a place of great strength, and had, during the wars between England
and Scotland, been considered one of the keys of England on the side
of the latter; but since the union of the crowns, its fortifications
had been allowed to fall into decay. It was surrounded by walls
flanked with towers, and a fosse or ditch. The city was protected
by a castle on the north-west, supposed to be as old as the time of
William Rufus, and by a citadel on the south-east, erected in the
reign of Henry the Eighth. The castle, on the present occasion, was
well furnished with artillery, and was garrisoned by a company of
invalids; but, like the city, its fortifications were not in good
repair. To aid the inhabitants in defending the city, the whole
militia of Cumberland and Westmoreland had been assembled within its
walls.
When approaching the city on the 9th, a party of the prince’s horse
advanced to Stanwix Bank, a small hill near Carlisle, to reconnoitre;
but they were forced to retire by a few shots from the castle.
The whole of the army having passed the Eden next day, Charles
proceeded to invest the city on all sides. One of his parties, in
marching round from the Irish to the English gate, was fired upon
both from the castle and the town, but did not sustain any loss.
Having completed the investment, the prince, about noon, sent a
letter to the mayor of the city, requiring him to open its gates, and
allow the army to enter in a peaceable manner; promising, in case
of compliance, to protect the city from insult, but threatening an
assault in the event of a refusal. The prince stated, that should an
assault be made, he might not have it in his power to prevent the
dreadful consequences which usually befall a city captured in that
way. An answer was required within two hours, but none was given, and
a discharge of cannon from the besieged announced their determination
to hold out. In consequence of this reception, the trenches were
opened at night, under the orders of the Duke of Perth, at the
distance of eighty yards from the walls. Mr. Grant, an Irish officer,
of Lally’s regiment, who had lately arrived from France, and who
was an experienced engineer, ably availing himself of some ditches,
approached close to the city without suffering from the fire of the
besieged. The artillery consisted of six Swedish field pieces, which
had been received from France, and of the pieces which had been taken
at Preston.[999]
Having received intelligence that Marshal Wade was advancing from
Newcastle to relieve Carlisle, and that he had already arrived at
Hexham, Charles resolved to meet him on some of the hilly grounds
between Newcastle and Carlisle. Leaving, therefore, a sufficient
force to blockade Carlisle, he departed with the remainder of the
army on the morning of the 11th, and reached Warwick castle about ten
o’clock. He then despatched Colonel Ker with a party of horse, in the
direction of Hexham, to reconnoitre, and ordered his men to take up
their quarters for the night. Ker having ascertained that the news of
Wade’s march was false, returned to Brampton, and made his report.
After waiting two days at Brampton without hearing any thing of Wade,
a council of war was held, at which several opinions were offered.
One opinion, in which Charles concurred, was that the army should
advance to Newcastle, and give battle to Wade. Some of the council
thought that this would be a dangerous step; for even were they to
defeat the marshal, his army might take refuge in Newcastle, which
it was vain for them to think of taking, as, besides the strength of
the place, the army had lost many men upon its march. Others were for
returning to Scotland till joined by a greater body of their friends;
but Lord George Murray opposed all these views, and proposed, that
while one part of the party should besiege and blockade Carlisle,
the other should remain at Brampton. The Duke of Perth seconded this
opinion, and offered to undertake the charge of the battery, if Lord
George would take the command of the blockade. The council having all
agreed to Lord George’s proposal, six of the Lowland regiments were
sent to blockade the town, besides the Duke of Perth’s, which was to
be employed on the battery.[1000]
Whilst the main body of the army was at Brampton, the party left
before the city occupied themselves in cutting down wood in Corby
and Warwick parks, with which they made scaling-ladders, fascines,
and carriages. On the 13th, about noon, the regiments appointed
for the blockade and siege of the city re-appeared before it. Lord
George Murray took up his quarters at Harbery, and posted his men in
the villages around the city to stop all communication with it. The
besieging party broke ground in the evening within musket-shot of the
walls, about half-way between the English and Scotch gates.[1001] A
constant firing was kept up from the city; but as these operations
were carried on under cloud of night, the party in the trenches
received no injury. Having completed their battery, the besiegers
brought up their whole cannon, consisting of thirteen pieces, to play
upon the town. Next morning the fire from the garrison was renewed,
but with little effect, and the besiegers, instead of returning
the fire, held up their bonnets on the end of their spades in
derision.[1002]
Alarmed by the preparations of the Highlanders, and the state of
affairs within the city, a meeting of the inhabitants was held, at
which it was resolved to surrender the town. For seven days the
garrison of the city, kept in constant alarm by the Highlanders, had
scarcely enjoyed an hour’s continued repose; and while many of the
men had, from illness, absolutely refused to assist any longer in the
defence of the city, numbers were hourly leaving it clandestinely
by slipping over the walls; so that in several cases the officers
of some companies had not more than three or four men left. In this
state of matters the only alternative was a surrender; and as a
crisis appeared to be at hand, a white flag was exhibited from the
walls, and a messenger despatched to the Duke of Perth to request
terms. His Grace sent an express to Brampton to know the prince’s
pleasure; but his Royal Highness refused to grant any terms to the
city unless the castle surrendered at the same time. At the request
of the mayor, a cessation of arms was granted till next day; but
before the time expired, Colonel Durand, the commander of the castle,
agreed to surrender the fortress along with the town. The conditions
were, that the liberties and properties of the inhabitants, and all
the privileges of the town, should be preserved inviolate;--that
both garrisons, on taking an oath not to serve against the house of
Stuart for one year, should be allowed to retire,--and that all the
arms and ammunition in the castle and the city, and all the horses
belonging to the militia, should be delivered up to the prince. This
capitulation was signed by the Duke of Perth and Colonel Durand on
the night of the 14th.[1003]
Next morning at ten o’clock the Duke of Perth entered the city at
the head of his regiment, and was followed by the other regiments
at one o’clock in the afternoon. The castle, however, was not given
up till next morning. The Duke of Perth shook hands with the men of
the garrison, told them they were brave fellows, and offered them a
large bounty to enlist in the service of the prince.[1004] The mayor
and his attendants went to Brampton, and delivered the keys of the
city to the prince.[1005] The duke found 1,000 stand of arms in the
castle, besides those of the militia. He also found 200 good horses
in the city, and a large quantity of valuable effects in the castle,
which had been lodged there by the gentry of the neighbourhood for
safety.[1006]
On the day following the surrender, the Chevalier de St. George was
proclaimed in the city with the usual formalities; and, to give
greater eclat to the ceremony, the mayor and aldermen were compelled
to attend with the sword and mace carried before them. Along with the
manifestoes formerly noticed, another declaration for England, dated
from Rome, 23d December, 1743, was also read, of much the same tenor
as the others.
After the Chevalier had been proclaimed, and the different
manifestoes read, the corporation went out to meet the prince, who
entered the city under a general salute of artillery.[1007]
In many points of view the capture of Carlisle would have been of
great importance to the prince, if he had been strong enough to
have availed himself of the state of terror which that event, and
his subsequent advance into the very heart of England, had thrown
the people of that kingdom; but his means were soon found quite
inadequate to accomplish his end. Even if his resources had been much
greater than ever they were, it seems doubtful whether the jealousies
and dissensions, which, at an early period, began to distract his
councils, would not have rendered all his exertions, for obtaining
the great object of his ambition, unavailable.
The _origo mali_, the source of the discord, and all the misfortunes,
as the Jacobites would say, that flowed from it, are attributed by
an individual[1008] who had good opportunities of judging, and
whose narrative appears to be impartial, to “the unbounded ambition
of Secretary Murray, who from the beginning aimed at nothing less
than the whole direction and management of every thing. To this
passion he sacrificed what chance there was of a restoration, though
that was the foundation on which all his hopes were built. He had
an opportunity of securing the prince’s favour long enough before
he could be rivalled. He was almost the only personal acquaintance
the prince found in Scotland. It was he that had engaged the prince
to make this attempt upon so slight a foundation, and the wonderful
success that had hitherto attended it was placed to his account. The
Duke of Perth, whose character indeed was well known to the prince,
judging of Murray’s heart by his own, entertained the highest opinion
of his integrity, went readily into all his schemes, and confirmed
the prince in the esteem he had already conceived for Murray. After
Mr. Kelly was gone, there was only Sir Thomas Sheridan and Mr.
Sullivan, of those that had come along with the prince that had any
thing to say with him, and these Murray had gained entirely. Lord
George Murray was the man the secretary dreaded most as a rival. Lord
George’s birth, age, capacity, and experience, would naturally give
him great advantage over the secretary; but the secretary had got the
start of him, and was determined to stick at nothing to maintain his
ground.
“He began by representing Lord George as a traitor to the prince.
He assured him that he had joined on purpose to have an opportunity
of delivering him up to the government. It was hardly possible to
guard against this imposture. The prince had the highest opinion of
his secretary’s integrity, and knew little of Lord George Murray, so
the calumny had its full effect. Lord George soon came to know the
suspicion the prince had of him, and was affected as one may easily
enough imagine. To be sure, nothing could be more shocking to a man
of honour, and one that was now for the third time venturing his life
and fortune for the royal cause. The prince was partly undeceived by
Lord George’s gallant behaviour at the battle [of Preston], and had
Lord George improved that opportunity he might have perhaps gained
the prince’s favour, and got the better of the secretary; but his
haughty and overbearing manner prevented a thorough reconciliation,
and seconded the malice and malicious insinuations of his rival.
Lord George did not altogether neglect making his court. Upon some
occasions he was very obsequious and respectful, but had not temper
to go through with it. He now and then broke out into such violent
sallies, as the prince could not digest, though the situation of his
affairs forced him to bear with them.
“The secretary’s station and favour had attached to him such as
were confident of success, and had nothing in view but making
their fortunes. Nevertheless, Lord George had greater weight and
influence in the council, and generally brought the majority over
to his opinion, which so irritated the ambitious secretary, that he
endeavoured all he could to give the prince a bad impression of the
council itself, and engaged to lay it entirely aside. He had like
to have prevailed at Carlisle, but the council was soon resumed,
and continued ever after to be held upon extraordinary emergencies.
It was not in this particular only that Murray’s ambition was
detrimental to the prince’s affairs. Though he was more jealous of
Lord George Murray than of any body, Lord George was not the only
person he dreaded as a rival. There were abundance of gentlemen in
the army, in no respect inferior to Mr. Murray, but his early favour
gave him an opportunity of excluding most of them from the prince’s
presence and acquaintance. All those gentlemen that joined the prince
after Murray were made known under the character he thought fit to
give of them, and all employments about the prince’s person, and
many in the army, were of his nomination. These he filled with such
as, he had reason to think, would never thwart his measures, but be
content to be his tools and creatures without aspiring higher. Thus
some places of the greatest trust and importance were given to little
insignificant fellows, while there were abundance of gentlemen of
figure and merit, that had no employment at all, and who might have
been of great use had they been properly employed.”[1009]
Till the siege of Carlisle, Secretary Murray had been able to
disguise his jealousy of Lord George Murray, who, from his high
military attainments, had been able hitherto to rule the council;
but, on that occasion, the secretary displayed his hostility openly,
and Lord George thereupon resigned his command as one of the
lieutenant-generals of the army. The circumstances which led to the
resignation of Lord George were these. It appears that, before the
blockading party left Brampton, he desired Charles to give him some
idea of the terms his royal highness would accept of from Carlisle,
not with the view of obtaining powers to conclude a capitulation, but
merely to enable him to adjust the terms according to the prince’s
intentions, and thereby save a great deal of time. Charles not being
able to come to any resolution before Lord George’s departure, his
lordship begged of him to send his instructions after him, that
he might know how to conduct himself in the event of an offer of
surrender by the city; but the secretary interposed, and told Lord
George plainly, that he considered the terms of capitulation as a
matter within his province, and with which Lord George had no right
to interfere.[1010] Lord George has not communicated the answer
he gave to Murray on this occasion. The part of the army destined
for the blockade, though willing to take their turn along with the
rest of the army, was averse to bear the whole burden of it. Their
commander was aware of this feeling, and, in a letter written to
his brother, the Marquis of Tullibardine, from his head-quarters at
Harbery, on the 14th of November, proposed a plan which he thought
would satisfy both parties. After alluding to the indefatigable
exertions of the Duke of Perth, who had himself wrought in the
trenches to encourage his men to erect the battery, and the great
difficulties he had to encounter from the nature of the ground, Lord
George requested the marquis to represent to the prince, that the
men engaged on the blockade would not expose themselves either in
trenches or in the open air within cannon shot, or even within musket
shot of the town, but by turns with the rest of the army; and he
proposed that it should be decided by lot who should mount guard the
first night, second night, and so on. To carry the views of his men
into effect, Lord George proposed the following plan, subject to the
approval of a council of war, viz., that 50 men should be draughted
out of each of the battalions that remained at Brampton, with proper
officers, and at least two majors out of the six battalions; and that
these should be sent to Butcherly, within a mile of the battery; and
that as 150 men might be a sufficient guard for the battery, the
six battalions would in this way furnish two guards, in addition to
which, he proposed that two additional guards should he draughted,
one from the Athole brigade, and the other from General Gordon’s
and Lord Ogilvy’s regiments; and, by the time these four guards had
served in rotation, he reckoned that the city would be taken, or
the blockade removed. A council of war was held at Brampton upon
this proposal, which came to the resolution, that as soon as the
whole body forming the blockade had taken their turn as guards,
the division of the army at Brampton should occupy its place, and
form the blockade, but that no detachments should be sent from the
different corps; nor did the council think it fair to order any such,
as these corps had had all the fatigue and danger of the blockade of
Edinburgh.[1011]
Such were the circumstances which preceded the resignation of Lord
George Murray, who, in a letter to Prince Charles dated the 15th
of November, threw up his commission, assigning as his reason the
little weight which his advice, as a general officer, had with his
royal highness. He, however, stated, that as he had ever had a firm
attachment to the house of Stuart, “and in particular to the king,”
he would serve as a volunteer, and that it was his design to be that
night in the trenches. In a letter, which he wrote the same day
to the Marquis of Tullibardine, he stated that he was constantly
at a loss to know what was going on in the army, and that he was
determined never again to act as an officer; but that as a volunteer,
he would show that no man wished better to the cause, and that he
would do all in his power to advance the service. At the request of
the marquis, who informed Lord George that Charles wished to see him,
Lord George waited upon the prince, who appears to have received him
dryly. On being informed by Lord George, that he had attended in
consequence of a message from the prince, Charles denied that he had
required his attendance, and told him that he had nothing particular
to say to him. His lordship then repeated his offer to serve as a
volunteer. Charles told him he might do so, and here the conversation
ended. In a conversation which took place afterwards, between Lord
George and Sir Thomas Sheridan, the former entered into some details,
to show that in his station, as lieutenant-general, he had had no
authority, and that others had usurped the office of general, by
using the name of the prince. He complained that, while he was
employed in the drudgery, every thing of moment was done without his
knowledge or advice. He concluded by observing, that he had ventured
his all,--life, fortune, and family,--in short, every thing but his
honour,--that, as to the last, he had some to lose, but none to gain,
in the way things were managed, and that, therefore, he had resolved
upon serving in a humble capacity.[1012]
There appears to be no foundation for the statement[1013] that Lord
George resigned his commission from a dislike to serve under the Duke
of Perth, whom he never mentions but with respect, although he was
much inferior to Lord George in ability. He has also been accused of
arrogance both to those of his own rank and even to the prince. But
as Burton[1014] well remarks, “men of ability like Murray, unless
they preserve a rigid restraint, are apt to let the contempt they
feel for the silly people they are embarked with become unreasonably
apparent, especially when they are interrupted in their plans by
those who do not understand them.” The Duke of Perth, who was a Roman
Catholic, on its being represented to him that it might injure the
prince’s cause to have at the head of the army one of his persuasion,
cheerfully resigned his commission. On this, Lord George, with whose
valuable services the army could not dispense, was persuaded to
assume his command. He thus became virtually general of the army,
under the prince; for his brother, Tullibardine, who was in a bad
state of health, took nothing upon him.[1015]
Although Marshal Wade must have been duly apprised of the arrival of
the Highland army in England, yet it was not until he had received
intelligence of their march to Brampton, and of their probable
advance upon Newcastle, that he began to move. He set out from
Newcastle on the 16th of November, the day after the surrender of
Carlisle; but a deep snow, which had just fallen, so retarded his
march, that his army did not reach Ovington till eight o’clock that
night. Next day he advanced to Hexham, where the first column of his
army arrived about four o’clock in the afternoon; but the rear did
not get up till near midnight. The army, unable to proceed farther
on account of the snow, encamped on a moor near the town, and the
men were provided with a sufficient quantity of straw to repose upon
by the inhabitants, who kindled large fires all over the ground to
protect the troops from the cold, which was unusually severe. At
Hexham, Wade was informed of the reduction of Carlisle. He remained
there three days in the expectation of a thaw; but the road to
Carlisle continuing impassable, he returned to Newcastle, which he
reached on the 22d of November.[1016] The conduct of Marshal Wade,
in delaying his march from Newcastle, has been justly censured, for
there can be no doubt that had he made a movement in advance upon
Carlisle about the time the insurgents marched to Brampton, that town
would have been saved.
The sudden and unexpected success which had attended Charles’s arms
in England, spread a general alarm through all the northern and
western parts of that kingdom, and extended even to the capital
itself. Such was the alternation of hope and fear in the minds of
the people of all classes, that whilst the most trifling article of
good news led them to indulge in the most extravagant manifestations
of joy, the smallest reverse of fortune plunged them into the most
abject distress. Sir Andrew Mitchell, alluding to this circumstance
in a letter to President Forbes, says, that if he had not lived
long enough in England to know the natural bravery of the people, he
should have formed a very false opinion of them from their demeanour
at the period in question.[1017]
As soon as the news of the surrender of Carlisle was known in
London, the government resolved to assemble an army of 10,000 men in
Staffordshire, under Sir John Ligonier, an officer of considerable
military experience. For this purpose, Sir John left London on the
21st of November, taking along with him nine old battalions, two
regiments of dragoons, and part of his own regiment of horse. In
addition to this and the other army under Wade, a third army, to be
placed under the immediate command of his majesty, was ordered to be
raised, and encamped in the vicinity of London for its protection.
The city and castle of Chester were put in a proper state of defence,
and the town of Liverpool raised a regiment of 700 men, who were
clothed and maintained at the expense of the inhabitants.
When mustered at Carlisle, the prince’s army amounted only to about
4,500 men.[1018] The idea of marching to London and overturning the
government with such a force, in the face of three armies and a
numerous militia, amounting in all to upwards of 60,000 men, could
scarcely have been entertained by any adventurer, however sanguine
his hopes may have been; but Charles was so full of his object, that
he shut his eyes to the great difficulties of the enterprise, which
he imagined would be surmounted by the tried valour of his troops,
and the junction of a considerable party in England devoted to his
cause.
To determine upon the course to be next pursued, Charles called a
council of war a few days after the capture of Carlisle, in which
different opinions were maintained. As there was no appearance of
either an invasion from France, or an insurrection in England, some
of the members proposed returning to Scotland, where a defensive
war could be carried on till such time as the prince should be in a
condition to resume offensive operations. Others were for remaining
at Carlisle, and quartering the army in the neighbourhood till they
saw whether there should be any indications of a rising in England. A
third party proposed that they should march to Newcastle and engage
Wade’s army. A fourth, that the army should continue its route to
London by the west or Lancashire road, in support of which opinion
they urged, that being now in possession of Carlisle, they had,
at the worst, a safe retreat. This last proposal being quite in
accordance with the prince’s own sentiments, he declared that his
opinion of marching directly to London, in terms of the resolution
entered into at Edinburgh, was in no respect altered since he entered
England. Lord George Murray, who had hitherto remained silent,
was then desired by the prince to give his opinion. His lordship
entered at some length into the question; stated the advantages and
disadvantages of each of the different opinions; and concluded,
by observing, that for himself he could not venture to advise his
royal highness to march far into England, without receiving more
encouragement from the country than he had hitherto got; but he was
persuaded, that if his royal highness was resolved to make a trial
of what could be expected, and would march south, his army, though
small, would follow him. After Lord George had done speaking, Charles
immediately said he would venture the trial. In giving his opinion,
Lord George says he spoke with the more caution, in consequence of
the recent circumstances which had led to his resignation.[1019]
As a considerable number of men had been collected at Perth since the
prince’s departure from Scotland, and more were on their way thither
from the north, Charles, before leaving Carlisle for the south,
sent Maclauchlan of Maclauchlan to Scotland with an order to Lord
Strathallan, to march with all the forces under his command, and join
the army in England; but this order was disregarded.
Whilst encamped at Duddingston, the Highlanders preferred sleeping
in the open air, and had with difficulty been prevailed upon to use
the tents which had been captured at Preston and those provided at
Edinburgh. These tents were packed up for the campaign in England:
but the party, to whose care they were intrusted, most unaccountably
left the whole of them at Lockerby along with other baggage. The
whole, consisting of thirty cart-loads, were captured by a party of
country people, who carried them to Dumfries. After the surrender of
Carlisle, Lochiel went with a party to reclaim the baggage, failing
which, he was ordered to exact £2,000 from the town; but before he
reached Dumfries he was recalled. The army, therefore, being now
without tents, and the season very severe, it was resolved so to
arrange the order of march as to get the men accommodated in the
towns. For this purpose, it was determined that one part of the army
should precede the other by a day’s march, the second division always
occupying the quarters vacated by the first; but that, where the
country would admit of it, there should be only half-a-day’s march
betwixt them.[1020]
In accordance with this plan, the first division, commanded by
Lord George Murray, left Carlisle on the 20th of November. It
consisted, with the exception of the Duke of Perth’s regiment, which
being appointed to guard the thirteen cannon and ammunition, was
not included in either division, of the whole of the low country
regiments,[1021] six in number, with the life-guards under Lord
Elcho, who marched at the head of the division. Each of these
regiments led the van in its turn. This division reached Penrith the
same day, having performed a march of eighteen miles. The second
division, consisting of the clan regiments and the remainder of the
cavalry, headed by the prince in person, left Carlisle next day, and
arrived at Penrith that night, and entered the quarters occupied by
the first division, which marched the same day to Shap, where it
passed the night.[1022] In the march of the prince’s division the
cavalry always marched at its head, and each of the clan regiments
led the van by turns, agreeably to the plan observed by the division
under Lord George Murray. A garrison of about 200 men was left
in Carlisle under the command of one Hamilton, who had been made
deputy-governor under the Duke of Perth, on whom the governorship had
been conferred.[1023]
On reaching Penrith, Charles, for the first time, heard of the march
of Wade from Newcastle, and of his arrival at Hexham. Resolved to
return to Carlisle and give battle to Wade, should he advance upon
that city, Charles remained all the next day at Penrith, waiting
for further intelligence of the marshal’s movements; but receiving
information from Lord Kilmarnock, who still remained with his
horse at Brampton, that the English general was on his way back to
Newcastle, Charles marched to Kendal on the 23d. The van of the
army, which had arrived at Kendal on the previous day, marched on
the 23d to Lancaster, where it halted for the night. The prince
resumed his march on the 25th, and reached Lancaster, on which day
the first division went to Garstang. On the 26th the whole army
reached Preston, where it halted till the 27th. Recollecting the
fate of the Highland army at Preston in 1715, the Highlanders had
become possessed of the idea that they would never get beyond that
town; but Lord George Murray, on being informed of it, dispelled
this superstitious dread by crossing the bridge over the Ribble, and
quartering a considerable number of his men on the other side of that
river.[1024]
During his progress to Preston, Charles received no marks of
attachment from the inhabitants of the towns and country through
which he passed; but at Preston his arrival was hailed with
acclamations and the ringing of bells. With the exception, however,
of Mr. Townley, a Catholic gentleman who had been in the French
service, and two or three other gentlemen, no person of any note
joined him. By dint of entreaty a few recruits were indeed raised;
but it was not with such levies that Charles could expect to
strengthen his army. At Preston Charles held a council of war, at
which he repeated the assurances he alleged he had received from
his English partisans, and gave fresh hopes of being joined by them
on their arrival at Manchester. The Highland chiefs were prevailed
upon to continue their march. Lord George Murray proposed to march
with his column to Liverpool, and to join the other division at
Macclesfield; but this proposal was overruled.[1025]
Accordingly, on the 28th, the Highland army left Preston and marched
to Wigan,[1026] where they passed the night. Next day the whole army
entered Manchester, amid the acclamations of the inhabitants, who
illuminated their houses, and lighted up bonfires in the evening, to
express their joy. The same evening one Dickson, a sergeant, enlisted
by the Chevalier Johnstone, from the prisoners taken at Preston,
presented 180 recruits whom he had raised in the course of the day
in Manchester. This young Scotsman, whom the Chevalier represents
to have been “as brave and intrepid as a lion,” disappointed at
his own ill success in raising recruits at Preston, had requested
permission from Johnstone, in whose company he was, to proceed to
Manchester--a day’s march before the army--to make sure of some
recruits before it should arrive there. The Chevalier reproved him
sharply for entertaining so wild and extravagant a project, which
would expose him to the danger of being taken and hanged, and ordered
him back to his company; but Dickson, reckless of consequences,
quitted Preston on the evening of the 28th, with his mistress and a
drummer, and travelling all night, entered Manchester next morning,
and immediately began to beat up for recruits for “The Yellow Haired
Laddie.” Conceiving that the Highland army was at hand, the populace
at first did not interrupt him; but when they ascertained that the
army would not arrive till the evening, they surrounded him in a
tumultuous manner, with the intention of taking him prisoner dead
or alive. Dickson presented his blunderbuss, charged with slugs,
threatened to blow out the brains of those who first dared to lay
hands on himself or the two who accompanied him; and by turning
round continually, facing in all directions, and behaving like a
lion, he soon enlarged the circle which a crowd of people had formed
around him. Having contrived for some time to manœuvre in this way,
those of the inhabitants of Manchester, who were attached to the
house of Stuart, took arms, and flew to the assistance of Dickson,
to rescue him from the fury of the mob; so that he had soon 500 or
600 men to aid him, who dispersed the crowd in a very short time.
Dickson now triumphed in his turn; and putting himself at the head
of his followers, he proudly paraded undisturbed the whole day with
his drummer, enlisting all who offered themselves. That evening,
on presenting his recruits, it was found that the whole amount of
his expenses did not exceed three guineas. This adventure gave rise
to many a joke, at the expense of the town of Manchester, from the
singular circumstance of its having been taken by a sergeant, a
drummer, and a girl.[1027]
The van of the prince’s army, consisting of 100 horse, entered
Manchester on the evening of the 28th of November, and, to magnify
their numbers, ordered quarters to be prepared for 10,000 men.
Another party of cavalry entered the town at ten o’clock next
morning, and about two o’clock in the afternoon, Charles himself,
accompanied by the main body, marched in on foot, surrounded by a
select body of the clans. He wore on this occasion a light tartan
plaid belted with a blue sash, a grey wig, and a blue velvet bonnet
with silver lace, having a white rose in the centre of the top, by
which latter badge he was distinguished from his general officers,
who wore their cockades on one side.[1028] Here, as in all the other
towns through which the Highlanders had passed, the Chevalier de St.
George was proclaimed. The bells of the town were rung, and in the
evening an illumination was made and bonfires lighted, by order of
the prince, who also issued a proclamation requiring all persons,
who had public money in their hands, to pay it into his treasury.
The army halted a day at Manchester and beat up for recruits. They
were joined by some young men of the most respectable families in the
town, by several substantial tradesmen and farmers, and by upwards
of 100 common men. These, with the recruits raised by Dickson, were
formed into a corps called the Manchester regiment, the command of
which was given to Mr. Townley, on whom the rank of Colonel was
conferred. This regiment never exceeded 300 men, and were all the
English who ever openly declared for the prince.[1029]
Though Charles’s reception at Manchester had been rather flattering,
yet the countenance he received was not such as to encourage him
to proceed, and a retreat now began to be talked of. One of Lord
George Murray’s friends ventured to hint to him that he thought
they had advanced far enough, as neither of the events they had
anticipated, of an insurrection in England, or a landing from France,
were likely to take place. Lord George, who, it is understood, had
always a retreat in view, if not supported by a party in England or
by succours from abroad, said that they might make a farther trial
by going as far as Derby, but that if they did not receive greater
encouragement than they had yet met with, he would propose a retreat
to the prince.
Conceiving that it was the intention of Charles to march by Chester
into Wales, the bridges over the Mersey, on the road to Chester, had
been broken down by order of the authorities; but this precaution
was quite unnecessary. After halting a day at Manchester the army
proceeded to Macclesfield on the morning of the 1st of December, in
two divisions. One took the road to Stockport, and the other that
to Knottesford. The bridge near Stockport having been broken down,
Charles crossed the river up to his middle in water. At Knottesford
the other division crossed the river over temporary bridges, made
chiefly out of poplar trees laid length-ways with planks across.
The horse and artillery crossed at Chedle-ford. In the evening both
divisions joined at Macclesfield, where they passed the night.[1030]
At Macclesfield Charles received intelligence that the army of
Ligonier, of which the Duke of Cumberland had taken the chief
command, was on its march, and was quartered at Lichfield, Coventry,
Stafford, and Newcastle-under-Lyme. The prince resolved to march
for Derby. To conceal their intentions from the enemy, Lord George
Murray offered to go with a division of the army to Congleton, which
lay on the direct road to Lichfield, by which movement he expected
that the duke would collect his army in a body at Lichfield, and
thereby leave the road to Derby open.[1031] This proposal having been
agreed to, Lord George went next day with his division to Congleton,
whence he despatched Colonel Ker at night with a party towards
Newcastle-under-Lyme, whither the Duke of Kingston had retired with
his horse, on the approach of the Highlanders, to get intelligence of
the enemy. Ker came to a village within three miles of Newcastle, and
had almost surprised a party of dragoons, and succeeded in seizing
one Weir, a noted spy, who had been at Edinburgh all the time the
prince was there, and who had kept hovering about the army during its
march to give intelligence of its motions.[1032] The main body of
the royal army, which was posted at Newcastle-under-Lyme, on hearing
of the march of the division of the Highland army upon Congleton,
retreated towards Lichfield, and other bodies that were beyond
Newcastle advanced for the purpose of concentrating near that town,
by which movements the design of Lord George Murray was completely
answered. Having thus succeeded in deceiving the duke, Lord George
Murray, after passing the night at Congleton, went off early next
morning with his division, and turning to the left, passed through
Leek, and arrived at Ashbourne in the evening. Charles, who had
halted a day at Macclesfield, took the road to Derby by Gawsworth,
and entered Leek shortly after the other division had left it. He
would have remained there till next morning; but as he considered it
unsafe to keep his army divided at such a short distance from the
royal forces, who might fall upon either division, he set out from
Leek about midnight, and joined the other column at Ashbourne early
in the morning.[1033] The Duke of Devonshire, who had been posted
in the town of Derby, with a body of 700 militia, on hearing of
the approach of the Highland army had retired from the town on the
preceding evening.[1034]
On the 4th of December Charles put the first division of his army
in motion, and at eleven o’clock in the forenoon his van-guard,
consisting of thirty horse, entered Derby and ordered quarters for
9,000 men. About three o’clock in the afternoon Lord Elcho arrived
with the life-guards and some of the principal officers on horseback.
These were followed, in the course of the evening, by the main body,
which entered in detached parties to make the army appear as numerous
as represented. Charles himself did not arrive till the dusk of the
evening; he entered the town on foot, and took up his quarters in
a house belonging to the Earl of Exeter. During the day the bells
were rung, and bonfires were lighted at night. The magistrates were
ordered to attend in the market-place, in their gowns, to hear the
usual proclamations read; but having stated that they had sent their
gowns out of town, their attendance was dispensed with, and the
proclamations were made by the common crier.[1035]
The fate of the empire and his own destiny may be said to have now
depended upon the next resolution which Charles was to take. He
had, after a most triumphant career, approached within 127 miles
of London, and there seemed to be only another step necessary to
complete the chivalrous character of his adventure, and to bring
his enterprise to a successful termination. This was, to have
instantly adopted the bold and decisive measure of marching upon and
endeavouring to seize the capital. The possession of the metropolis,
where Charles had a considerable party, would have at once paralysed
the government; and the English Jacobites, no longer afraid of openly
committing themselves, would have rallied round his standard. The
consternation which prevailed in London when the news of the arrival
of the Highland army at Derby reached that capital, precludes the
idea that any effectual resistance would have been offered on the
part of the citizens; and it was the general opinion, that if Charles
had succeeded in beating the Duke of Cumberland, the army which
had assembled on Finchley Common would have dispersed of its own
accord.[1036] Alluding, in a number of the _True Patriot_, to the
dismay which pervaded the minds of the citizens of London, Fielding
says, that when the Highlanders, by “a most incredible march,” got
between the Duke of Cumberland’s army and the metropolis, they struck
a terror into it, “scarce to be credited.” The Chevalier Johnstone,
who collected information on the spot shortly after the battle of
Culloden, says, that when the intelligence of the capture of Derby
reached London, many of the inhabitants fled to the country, carrying
along with them their most valuable effects, and that all the shops
were shut,--that there was a prodigious run upon the bank, which
only escaped bankruptcy by a stratagem,--that although payment was
not refused, the bank, in fact, retained its specie, by keeping it
continually surrounded by agents of its own with notes, who, to gain
time, were paid in sixpences; and as a regulation had been made, that
the persons who came first should be entitled to priority of payment;
and as the agents went out by one door with the specie they had
received, and brought it back by another, the _bona fide_ holders of
notes could never get near enough to present them;--that King George
had ordered his yachts--on board of which he had put all his most
precious effects--to remain at the Tower stairs in readiness to sail
at a moment’s warning,--and that the Duke of Newcastle, secretary
of state for the war department, had shut himself up in his house a
whole day,[1037] deliberating with himself upon the part it would be
most prudent for him to take, doubtful even whether he should not
immediately declare for the prince.[1038]
The only obstacle to Charles’s march upon the capital was the army
of the Duke of Cumberland, which was within a day’s march of Derby.
From the relative position of the two armies, the Highlanders
might, with their accustomed rapidity, have outstripped the duke’s
army, and reached the capital at least one day before it; but to
Charles it seemed unwise to leave such an army, almost double his
own in point of numbers, in his rear, whilst that of Wade’s would
advance upon his left flank. Of the result of an encounter with
Cumberland, Charles entertained the most sanguine hopes. His army
was small, when compared to that of his antagonist; but the paucity
of its numbers was fully compensated by the personal bravery of its
component parts, and the enthusiastic ardour which pervaded the
bosom of every clansman. At no former stage of the campaign were
the Highlanders in better spirits than on their arrival at Derby.
They are represented by the Chevalier Johnstone as animated to the
highest pitch of enthusiasm, breathing nothing but a desire for the
combat; and were to be seen during the whole day waiting in crowds
before the shops of the cutlers to get their broadswords sharpened,
and even quarrelling with one another for priority in whetting those
fearful weapons.[1039] It was not without reason, therefore, that
Charles calculated upon defeating Cumberland; and although there
was a possibility that that bold and daring adventurer or his army,
and perhaps both, might perish in the attempt to seize the capital,
yet the importance of the juncture, and the probability that such a
favourable opportunity of accomplishing his object might never again
occur, seem to justify Charles in his design of advancing immediately
upon London. However, whatever might have been the result of the
advance of the rebel army, other counsels prevailed, and Charles
reluctantly yielded to the entreaties of his friends, who advised a
retreat.[1040]
On the morning after the arrival of the Highland army at Derby,
Charles held a council of war to deliberate upon the course to be
pursued. The prince, who never for a moment entertained the least
idea of a retreat, and who considered his own personal safety a
minor consideration, urged every argument in his power for an
immediate advance, with all the vehemence and ardour characteristic
of an enterprising and fanatic mind. He said that he did not doubt,
that, as his cause was just, it would prevail,--that he could not
think of retreating after coming so far,--and that he was hopeful
there would be a defection in the enemy’s army, and that some of
their troops would join him. Lord George Murray, however, proposed
a retreat, and used a variety of arguments, which appeared to him
unanswerable, in support of that measure. He represented to his
royal highness and the council, that they had advanced into England
depending upon French succours, or an insurrection in that kingdom,
and that they had been disappointed in both,--that the prince’s
army, by itself, was by no means a match for the troops which the
government had assembled,--that besides the Duke of Cumberland’s
army, which was between 7,000 and 8,000 men strong, and which was
expected that night at Stafford, Marshal Wade was coming up by hard
marches by the east road with an army of 10,000 men, and that he
was already at Ferrybridge, which was within two or three days’
march of the Highland army,--that in addition to these two armies,
there was a third at least equal to either of them already forming
in the neighbourhood of London, consisting of guards and horse,
with troops which the government would bring from the coast, where
they were quartered; so that there would be three armies of regular
troops, amounting together to about 30,000 men, which would surround
the Highland army, which was not above a sixth of that number. That,
admitting that the prince should beat Cumberland or Wade, he might,
should he lose 1,000 or 1,500 of the best of his men, be undone by
such a victory, as the rest would be altogether unfit to engage a
fresh army, which he must expect to encounter,--that, on the other
hand, should the prince be defeated, it could not be supposed that
he or any of his men could escape, as the militia, who had not
hitherto appeared much against the Highland army, would, upon its
defeat, possess themselves of all the roads, and the enemy’s horse
would surround them on all sides,--that as Lord John Drummond had
lately landed in Scotland with his own regiment and some Irish troops
from France, the prince would have a better chance of success by
returning to Scotland,--that the forces under Lord John Drummond
and the Highlanders assembled at Perth, would, when united, form an
army almost as numerous as that under the prince,--that since the
court of France had begun to send troops, it was to be hoped it would
send considerable succours, and as the first had landed in Scotland,
it was probable the rest would follow the same route,--that if the
prince was cut off, all the succours France could send would avail
nothing, and “the king’s” affairs would be ruined for ever,--that the
prince had no chance of beating in succession the armies opposed to
him, unless the English troops should be seized with a panic, and run
away at the sight of the Highlanders, a circumstance barely possible,
but not to be depended upon,--that the whole world would blame the
prince’s counsellors as rash and foolish, for venturing an attempt
which could not succeed,--and that the prince’s person, should he
escape being killed in battle, would fall into the enemy’s hands.
In fine, that nothing short of an absolute certainty of success
could justify such a rash undertaking, but that retreat, which was
still practicable, and of which Lord George offered to undertake the
conduct, would give the prince a much better chance of succeeding
than a battle under such circumstances, and would do him as much
honour as a victory.[1041]
Charles still persevered in his resolution, and insisted on giving
battle next morning to the Duke of Cumberland, and advancing to
London; but the chiefs of the clans unanimously supported the views
of Lord George Murray, and represented to his royal highness, that
although they had no doubt the Highlanders could easily beat the
army of the Duke of Cumberland, though greatly superior in point of
numbers, yet such a victory could not be obtained without loss; and
that an army of 4,500 men opposed to the whole force of England,
could not admit of the smallest diminution, especially as they would
soon have to fight another battle before entering London with the
army on Finchley Common. But supposing that by some extraordinary
occurrence they should arrive at the capital without losing a man,
what a figure would such a small body of men make amidst its immense
population? They added, that the prince ought now to perceive clearly
how little he had to expect from his English partisans, since, after
traversing all the counties reputed as to have been most attached
to his family, not a single person of distinction had declared
for him.[1042] With the exception of the Duke of Perth, who, from
deference to the prince, concurred in his opinion, all the persons
present were for a retreat; the duke himself at last also declaring
for that measure.[1043]