A.D. 1689-1691.
BRITISH SOVEREIGN:--William III., 1688-1703.
Mackay’s movements--Advances to Perth--Colonel Cannon marches
north and is joined by several clans--Followed by Mackay--Cannon
returns south--The Cameronians at Dunkeld--Movements of Mackay
--Major-General Buchan arrives from Ireland and marches north
--Skirmish at Cromdale--Mackay marches to Inverlochy--Erection
of Fort-William--Movements of Buchan and Cannon--Mackay marches
to the north--Earl of Seaforth imprisoned--Cessation of hostilities
--Departure of Dundee’s officers for France.
The news of Mackay’s defeat reached Edinburgh on Sunday the
28th of July, the day after the battle, and threw the partizans
of the government, who were there assembled, into the greatest
consternation. In the absence of official details, the most gloomy
accounts were given by a few terrified stragglers who arrived in the
capital, and who gave out that, with the exception of themselves,
the whole of Mackay’s army had been destroyed. In the state of
disorder and confusion which prevailed, the Duke of Hamilton, the
Commissioner to the revolution parliament, summoned a meeting of the
privy council, at which orders were issued to raise all the fencible
men in the west, and to concentrate all the forces in the south at
Stirling, to which point it was supposed Dundee (of whose death they
were not aware) would be rapidly hastening; and on the supposition
that Mackay was either killed or made prisoner, Sir John Lanier was
ordered west to take the command.
During two entire days the ferment continued in the capital, and
every hour added to the fears of those who had most to dread from a
counter-revolution. At length, when the minds of men were wrought
up to the highest pitch of terror and dismay, intelligence was
received of the death of Dundee, and shortly thereafter a despatch
from General Mackay, giving an account of the battle, and of his safe
retreat to Stirling. An event so unlooked for and so important as the
death of the only man in whom the hopes of King James rested, and
from the decision of whose character the supporters of the revolution
settlement anticipated the most fearful consequences, was hailed by
the Duke of Hamilton and his friends with transports of joy. They
had indeed good reason to rejoice, for although the battle had been
disastrous to their forces, the loss which King James had sustained
in the person of Dundee was irreparable.
On arriving at Stirling, Mackay met Sir John Lanier, who communicated
to him the orders that had been issued by the government on receiving
the news of his defeat. So decisive had the battle of Killiecrankie
appeared to them that they had given up all idea of maintaining a
position on the north of the Forth, all the country beyond which they
meant to abandon to the victorious arms of Dundee, and to confine
their operations to a defence of the fords of the Forth, and the
pass and bridge of Stirling. In pursuance of this design orders had
been sent to Barclay’s regiment, which was quartered in the county
of Aberdeen, to retire upon Dundee, and Lanier had despatched an
express to his own regiment, which lay partly at Alnwick and partly
at Morpeth, to hasten down to Scotland. This plan, however, was
disapproved of by Mackay, and he, therefore, as he says, “resolved
to alter these measures, knowing how hard a pull we would have, if
he left the north, which are absolutely the best men of that kingdom
for the war, to the discretion of the enemy, where he would not only
get great numbers to join him, but also take possession of towns and
seize upon the public revenues, whereby they could form a fashion of
government, and so have more plausible ways, not only to maintain but
also to engross their party, than ever they have had.”[608]
For these reasons Mackay determined to take the field again without
delay, and to give, as he observes, “some eclat to the service, and
hinder the disaffected of the shires of Perth and Angus to rise in
arms against the government,” he resolved to march direct to Perth
with the forces which were at hand, and place a garrison there.
Fortunately some of the troops which the privy council had ordered to
rendezvous at Stirling were already there, and others were at hand.
Preparatory to his march he sent Sir John Lanier to Edinburgh to
hasten the advance of his own regiment, consisting of nine troops of
horse, and also of Hayford’s dragoons, consisting of eight troops,
and ordered eight troops of horse, and four of dragoons, both of
which had been newly levied, and Lord Colchester’s regiment of horse,
not above 500 men in all, to join him at Stirling on the morning of
Wednesday, the 31st of July. Many thousands of men in the western
counties were now assembling of their own accord in consequence of
Mackay’s defeat; but disliking such auxiliaries, “whose pretensions,”
he says, “appeared already exorbitant enough,” and who, if employed,
might think that the government could not be maintained without their
assistance, he intimated that he would not require their services,
and ordered them to return to their homes.
The horse and dragoons having come to Stirling as directed, with
these he departed for Perth at two o’clock in the afternoon, giving
orders to a newly-raised battalion of foot, consisting of Mar and
Bargeny’s regiments, to follow him. On his way he could obtain no
intelligence respecting the motions of the enemy, as he found the
houses mostly deserted by their inhabitants, who had taken up arms
and had gone to join the standard of King James. On approaching the
river Earn, however, Mackay’s scouts, who, to prevent notice of his
approach, kept only a musket-shot in advance, were saluted with a
loud “qui vive” by two horsemen. The scouts, four in number, answered
this challenge by a discharge from their carabines, which brought
down the two horsemen, one of whom was shot dead. The other was
mortally wounded, and though he spoke a few words, was not able to
answer some questions put to him for eliciting information. As Mackay
conjectured from this occurrence, that the main body of the enemy
was not far off, he altered his line of march, and crossing a pretty
steep hill to the north, reached the field of Tippermuir, a few miles
west from Perth.
Having been informed at Tippermuir, that the enemy lay encamped at
Dunkeld, and that a party of their horse and foot was in Perth for
the purpose of carrying off some meal which had been sent thither
by the council for the use of Mackay’s army, the general drew off
his men to the left to throw himself between Dunkeld and Perth, and
thereby cut off the party. He himself marched down upon Perth, but
on coming within sight of the town was disappointed to observe that
about 30 of the enemy’s horse had already crossed the Tay, and were
beyond his reach. He proceeded on his march, and when within half a
mile of the town observed the foot party, which consisted of about
300 Athole-men, approaching. The Highlanders, who had not the most
distant idea that there was a single enemy nearer than Stirling, were
almost petrified with horror when they beheld such a large body of
cavalry ready to pounce upon them, and for a time they stood quite
motionless not knowing what to do. Apprehensive that they might
attempt to escape by a ford near the place where they stood, Mackay
despatched four troops of dragoons at full gallop to prevent their
passage. The Athole-men seeing that their retreat would be cut off,
threw themselves into the Tay, whither they were followed by the
horse and dragoons, who cut them down in the water without mercy.
About 120 of the Athole-men were killed and 30 made prisoners. In
this affair Mackay lost only one man, who had imprudently pursued to
a distance a small party of the Highlanders.[609]
This disastrous skirmish, whilst it raised the expectations of the
revolutionists, threw a damp over King James’s supporters, and
augured ill for the success of Colonel Cannon, who had assumed the
command of James’s army on the death of Dundee. This officer, though
a faithful adherent of his royal master, was altogether unfit for
the command of such an army. He seems to have possessed none of
Dundee’s genius, and his regular military experience rendered him
totally unfit to deal with such an irregular and capricious race as
were the Highlanders, with whose habits, feelings, and dispositions,
he was totally unacquainted. Had Dundee lived he would probably have
carried his victorious army across the Forth, seized upon the capital
and dispersed the government; but his successor did not know how to
take advantage of the victory which had been obtained, and instead
of marching instantly south, he merely advanced to Dunkeld, about 16
miles from the field of the recent battle, where he remained encamped
for several days, when the party he had sent to Perth was attacked
and almost destroyed by the dogged and steady Mackay.
At Dunkeld, Cannon was joined by the Stewarts of Appin, the
Macgregors and the Athole-men under Lord James Murray, of which
circumstance Mackay was informed soon after his arrival at Perth.
In the meantime he took care to secure the town against attack by
erecting pallisades, and sent out patrols during the night to bring
notice of the enemy should they approach the town. Cannon, however,
made no attempt to disturb Mackay, and after passing several days at
Dunkeld in inactivity, he raised his camp and proceeded northwards
along the skirts of the Grampians with a force of about 3,000 men.
It was the intention of Mackay to have returned to Edinburgh to
consult with the privy council as to the best means of speedily
settling the peace of the kingdom, and to leave Mar and Bargeny’s
regiments and six troops of cavalry in garrison at Perth; but on
hearing of Cannon’s movement to the north he abandoned his intention,
and after despatching orders to Sir John Lanier to proceed to Perth
with all possible haste along with the horse and dragoons which were
expected from England, he crossed the Tay with his whole cavalry
force, consisting of nearly 1,500 men, leaving two battalions of foot
behind, and advanced towards Coupar-Angus. At Coupar he received
intelligence from some prisoners who had been taken at Killiecrankie,
and who had escaped on the march north, that Cannon had marched
as far as Glen Isla, about eight miles from Forfar, where he had
encamped. Mackay in consequence continued his march to Forfar, where
he learned that Cannon had made another movement to Clova.
After passing two nights at Forfar, he received notice that Cannon
had crossed the mountains and entered Braemar. As Mackay considered
that these movements of Cannon were intended by him as a _ruse_ to
draw him north, and that when Cannon had accomplished his object he
meant immediately to recross the mountains and enter Angus, where
he expected some reinforcements to join him, Mackay sent orders to
Lanier to advance to Forfar, to serve as a check upon Cannon should
he again enter Angus, and proceeded himself to Aberdeen, which he
reached the second day, to the great joy, he says, of most of the
inhabitants, who were in dread of a visit from the Highlanders that
very night.[610]
[Illustration: MACPHERSON, FULL DRESS. (Tartan)]
On arriving at the Braes of Mar, Cannon was joined by the
Farquharsons, the Frasers, the Gordons of Strathdown and Glenlivet,
and by 200 of the Macphersons. Keppoch and young Lochiel also met
him.[611] At Aberdeen, Mackay received an express from the Master of
Forbes, informing him that Cannon had taken up a very strong position
upon his father’s lands, having the Highlands at his back and a
wood to cover him in front; the position being so well chosen that
he could keep up a free communication with his friends in the lower
parts of the shires of Aberdeen and Banff. Judging that Cannon’s
object in selecting such a position was to strengthen himself in
horse from the adjoining low country, of which species of force
he stood in most need, Mackay, with the view of obstructing his
levies, ordered Sir Thomas Livingston to leave the command of the
forces at Inverness with Sir James Leslie, and to repair immediately
to Strathbogie with his regiment of dragoons, with instructions,
should the enemy appear in that quarter, to march farther to the
left across the low country, and to send him despatches from time to
time, announcing the state of matters. At the same time he ordered
Sir John Lanier to send Hayford’s regiment of dragoons to Aberdeen to
strengthen him.
After remaining a day at Aberdeen, Mackay marched up Dee-side to beat
up Cannon’s quarters, but learning on his march that the Highlanders
had left Lord Forbes’s lands and had gone north in the direction of
the Duke of Gordon’s territory, he drew off his men next morning
at break of day towards Strathbogie, for the purpose of covering
Livingston’s march. Mackay having nothing but cavalry, got the start
of Cannon, and reached Strathbogie before Cannon arrived at the
castle of Auchindoun, where he intended to fix his head quarters.
At Auchindoun, Cannon was informed that Mackay was already at the
castle of Strathbogie, a distance of about six miles. He, thereupon,
called a council of war to discuss the expediency of giving battle to
Mackay. A preliminary question was agitated by the Highland chiefs
as to the right of the Lowland officers to sit in the council, the
former contending that as none of these officers had any troops
under their immediate command, and were wholly unacquainted with the
discipline of the Highlanders and their mode of fighting, they had
no right to deliberate on the subject, and were unable to form a
correct judgment on the question they were called upon to discuss.
The decision of this point lay with Cannon, who, by the advice of the
Earl of Dunfermline, decided the question against the Highlanders. A
judgment more unfortunate to the cause of King James could not have
been pronounced, as it gave rise to jealousies and strifes among
the officers, and when the question whether a battle should be
hazarded was put to the vote, the clans who were for fighting Mackay
immediately, found themselves in a minority. This was followed by
a resolution to return to Athole. As matters stood, the chances of
victory on either side may be considered to have been pretty fairly
balanced, but subsequent events showed that Cannon in the present
instance omitted the best opportunity he was ever destined to have of
gaining a victory which might have decided the fate of Scotland.
Although Mackay’s men were almost worn out with extreme fatigue,
being kept under arms every night for a considerable time, and only
allowed an occasional repose by turns during the day-time, the
general resolved to follow Cannon with all possible despatch.
The cause of Cannon’s movement was owing to the following
circumstances. The privy council wishing to obtain possession of
the castles of Blair and Finlarig, had sent a letter to Mackay at
Strathbogie with instructions to proceed to these places before the
rainy season should set in, for the purpose of reducing and putting
garrisons into them. Mackay, in answer, stated his inability to
undertake such a service in the face of the formidable force which
lay so near him, and that he did not conceive there was any necessity
for being in such a hurry, as, from the proximity of these castles to
the low country, he could make himself master of them at any time if
sufficiently strong. But he observed, that if the council was bent
upon the undertaking, they might direct Sir John Lanier to order some
foot and Barclay’s regiment to join him from Forfar, and with these
and three battalions of the Dutch regiments, then at Perth, and which
had not been at the battle of Killiecrankie, execute that piece of
service. Upon receiving Mackay’s answer, the council ordered the Earl
of Angus’s regiment, known by the name of the Cameronian regiment--a
band of stern, fearless, religious enthusiasts from the west--to
advance to Dunkeld, with the view, it is supposed, of supporting
Lanier. Mackay was quite averse to the employment of these men, and
disapproved of the plan of posting them so near the Highlands, the
effect of which, he observed, would be, that they would be instantly
attacked, “because the enemy had not such prejudice at any of
the forces as at this regiment, whom they called the Cameronian
regiment, whose oppression against all such as were not of their own
sentiments, made them generally hated and feared in the northern
counties.”[612] Accordingly, no sooner had they encamped at Dunkeld,
than some of King James’s friends in Athole resolved to put them
off, and a notice was sent to Cannon to return south with that view,
in consequence of which, he raised his camp and proceeded suddenly
towards the Dee, as already mentioned.
Mackay followed him, and on arriving at Aberdeen, warned Sir John
Lanier of the advance of Cannon, and to prevent the Highlanders from
making any inroads, he sent out small parties of his men to scour the
neighbouring country. When Lanier was informed of Cannon’s approach,
he left Forfar, where he was posted with his own and Barclay’s
regiment, for Brechin, near to which town the enemy had advanced.
Some skirmishing took place between the advanced posts, with loss on
both sides. The Highlanders, thereupon, retired to the hills, and
Lanier, who was ignorant of the object of Cannon’s march, returned
to Forfar. Here he received orders from the privy council to march
to the castles of Blair and Finlarig, in consequence of which he
proceeded to Coupar-Angus the following day, where intelligence was
brought him from Colonel Ramsay, that the Highlanders were marching
upon Dunkeld. He was informed at the same time that the Cameronian
regiment, which was disadvantageously posted, would assuredly be
defeated, if not immediately supported. Instead of sending any
instructions to Ramsay, who required his advice, Lanier delayed
forwarding an answer till he should arrive at Perth the following
day, “in which interim,” says Mackay, “if the providence of God had
not blinded Cannon, and disheartened his Highlanders from continuing
their attack, the regiment had certainly been lost, for they had two
full days’ time to carry them, and all their defence was but low
gardens, in most places not above four feet high.”[613]
On Sunday morning, the 18th of August, the Cameronians, in
expectation of an attack, began to entrench themselves within
some inclosures about the Marquis of Athole’s house at Dunkeld.
The country people, in parties of ten and twenty, appeared during
the morning on the neighbouring hills, and about four in the
afternoon a body of about 300 men drew up on a hill to the north of
Dunkeld, whence they despatched a messenger, who carried a halbert
surmounted by a white cloth as a flag of truce, with a letter
without any subscription, addressed to Lieutenant-colonel Cleland,
the commanding officer, of the following tenor:--“We the gentlemen
assembled being informed that ye intend to burn the town, desire to
know whether ye come for peace or war, and do certify you, that if
ye burn any one house, we will destroy you.” To which communication
Lieutenant-colonel Cleland replied as follows:--“We are faithful
subjects to King William and Queen Mary, and enemies to their
enemies; and if you, who send these threats, shall make any hostile
appearance, we will burn all that belongs to you, and otherwise
chastise you as you deserve.”
On the first alarm of the Highlanders’ approach to Dunkeld, Colonel
Ramsay sent up some troops of horse and dragoons under Lord
Cardross to assist the Cameronians in case of attack. This party
arrived at Dunkeld on Tuesday morning, but the Highlanders not
being yet sufficiently numerous, showed no disposition to attack
the Cameronians that day. At night, Cleland received intelligence
that the fiery cross had been sent round, and that a considerable
gathering had taken place, and next morning the Highlanders began
to appear in large parties among the hills, between whom and some
detached parties of horse and foot which Cleland sent out to scour
the country, some brisk skirmishing took place during the day. The
Highlanders having retired, Cleland’s forces returned to Dunkeld
in the evening, where Lord Cardross received an order from Colonel
Ramsay to return instantly to Perth, from an absurd apprehension that
the cavalry could be of little use in defending the position occupied
by the Cameronian regiment. When Cleland, who appears to have been
a determined, sensible, clear-headed enthusiast of about 30 years
of age, was informed of this extraordinary mandate, he remonstrated
with Cardross in the strongest manner against complying with it, as
the safety of his regiment might be involved in the result; but his
lordship pleaded his instructions, which gave him no discretionary
power, and he departed for Perth the same evening, leaving the
Cameronians to the tender mercies of their bitterest enemies, the
Highlanders. Cleland’s obvious course was to have followed the
cavalry, but though the danger was imminent, he disdained to abandon
the post which had been assigned him, and easily prevailed upon the
Cameronians to remain and meet the enemy at all hazards. Burton[614]
truly says that it is difficult to imagine a position more dangerous
for a Lowland force than the little village of Dunkeld, being deep
sunk among hills commanding it, and cutting off retreat, while a
rapid river forms the diameter of their semicircle.
The parties which had appeared during the day consisted entirely
of Athole-men, whose numbers probably did not exceed 500 or 600;
but in the evening they were joined by the whole of Cannon’s force,
amounting to nearly 4,000. To the great surprise and dismay of the
Cameronians, this formidable body appeared at six o’clock next
morning, Wednesday the 21st of August, on the hills about Dunkeld
formed in order of battle. The situation of the Cameronians was now
critical in the extreme. They had no alternative but to fight or
surrender, for retreat was not in their power. A capitulation would
have been the obvious course, but the great abhorrence in which
the Cameronians were held by the Highlanders, gave faint hopes of
obtaining the usual terms of civilized warfare from the inveterate
host which hung over them on the surrounding heights. They,
therefore, adopted the desperate resolution of defending themselves
to the last extremity, and they hoped, that by posting themselves
advantageously behind the walls and enclosures adjoining the village
and Dunkeld-house, they would be able to keep the Highlanders in
check till some relief might arrive.
The Cameronian commander accordingly made the necessary preparations
for defence. He first posted parties of his men in the cathedral
and steeple, and in Dunkeld-house. The remainder of his men he
disposed behind the walls of the adjoining gardens and parks, and
along some ditches which he caused to be thrown up to extend his line
of defence. All these arrangements were completed before 7 o’clock
in the morning, about which time the Highlanders appeared moving
down the hills towards Dunkeld. Desirous to gain possession of the
town, to dislodge the Cameronians, or to draw off their attention
from the points where he meant to direct his main attack, Cannon
despatched a small train of artillery down a little hill near the
town, accompanied by 100 men clad in armour, who were followed by
a party of Highlanders on foot. To prevent the Cameronians from
escaping by the ford across the Tay, he sent two troops of horse
round the town, who took up a position betwixt the ford and the
church, while two other troops were placed at the opposite end of
the town. When the party arrived at the bottom of the hill, they
were opposed by a small body of men whom Cleland had posted behind
a stone wall, but after some smart firing, this body was obliged
to give way and to retire to Dunkeld-house. Another party of the
Cameronians, which had been posted at the other end of the town, was
obliged also to retire. Having forced the outposts, the whole body of
the Highlanders rushed furiously into the town, which they entered
at four different points at once. The Cameronians, however, firmly
maintained their ground within the enclosures, from which they kept
up a galling and destructive fire upon the Highlanders, who in vain
attempted to dislodge them. Finding their broad-swords of little
avail against the pikes and halberts of an enemy protected by stone
walls, the Highlanders retired to the houses, and some to the heights
near the town, from which they kept up a sharp though ineffectual
fire upon the Cameronians, who returned it with much better effect.
The Cameronians, however, soon sustained a heavy loss in the death
of Cleland, their brave commander, who, in the act of exhorting his
men to stand firm to their posts, was, within an hour after the
engagement commenced, mortally wounded by two bullets, one of which
pierced his liver, the other entering his head at the same instant
Aware of his fate, he attempted to gain Dunkeld-house, lest his men,
seeing him expire, might become dispirited; but he was unable to
reach the threshold, and expired in their presence.
[Illustration: Dunkeld in the 17th century.--From Slezer’s _Theatrum
Scotiæ_.]
During three hours an incessant firing was kept up on both sides,
which might have continued for several hours longer without producing
any definite result, unless, indeed, the ammunition of either party
had become exhausted. Probably from the dread of such a contingency,
which would have been fatal to the Cameronians, Captain Munro, to
whom, on the death of Cleland, the command had fallen, resolved to
attempt to dislodge the Highlanders from the houses by setting the
town on fire. He accordingly sent into the town several small parties
of pikemen with burning faggots upon the points of their pikes to set
fire to the houses in which the Highlanders were posted. This order
was executed with such promptitude, that in a short time the whole
town was in a conflagration. The scene which the town now presented
was one of the most heart-rending description. The din of war was
indeed no longer heard, but a more terrific sound had succeeded,
from the wild shrieks of despair which issued from the dense mass of
smoke and flame which enveloped the unfortunate sufferers. To add
to the calamity, the pikemen had coolly locked the doors of such of
the houses as had keys standing in them, and the unhappy intruders
being thus cut off from escape, perished in the flames. No less than
16 Highlanders were, in consequence, burnt to death in one house.
With the exception of three houses, possessed by the Cameronians, the
whole of the town was consumed.
The Highlanders finding their ammunition all spent,[615] and seeing
that they could no longer maintain their position among the ruins
of the town, began to retire to the hills about eleven o’clock,
after having sustained a loss of about 300 men. The Cameronians,
whose loss was trifling, on seeing the Highlanders depart, set up a
loud shout, threw up their caps, beat their drums, and waved their
colours in token of triumph, demonstrations which must have been
exceedingly galling to the feelings of the Highlanders, who only
four hours before had assured themselves of an easy conquest. It is
stated in the Cameronian account of the battle, that an attempt was
made by Cannon to induce the Highlanders to renew the attack, but
they declined, for this reason, that although still ready to fight
with men, they would not again encounter devils.[616] To show their
gratitude to God for “so miraculous a victory,” the Cameronians spent
a considerable part of the afternoon in singing psalms of praise and
thanksgiving.
The Highlanders were greatly discouraged by the repulse which they
sustained at Dunkeld, and they attributed the misfortune to the
incapacity of Cannon, in whom they consequently lost all confidence.
Perceiving that they could no longer keep the field with any
probability of success under such a commander, they retired to Blair,
and after entering into a bond of association to support the cause of
King James, and for mutual protection, they departed for their homes,
leaving Cannon and his Irish troops and the few lowland gentlemen to
shift for themselves. Cannon went to Mull, and resided with the chief
of Maclean.[617]
In the meantime Mackay left Aberdeen for the purpose of joining
Lanier, leaving behind him Sir Thomas Livingston, with his regiment
and nine troops of cavalry, to keep the adjoining northern counties
in awe. At Brechin he learnt that Lanier had received an order
from the privy council to march into Athole, in consequence of
which information he joined him at Perth on the 26th of August. He
thereafter left Perth, with the greater part of the forces which he
found there assembled, and took the route to Blair. It was clearly
the interest of James’s party to have burned the castle of Blair,
so as to prevent Mackay from placing a garrison in it to overawe
the neighbouring country; but if such was the intention of the
Highlanders, they were deterred from putting it in execution by a
message from Mackay, who threatened, in the event of the castle being
burnt, to raze every house in Athole to the ground, and to burn and
destroy all the corn in that district. Mackay remained ten days at
the castle of Blair, during which time many of the Athole people
took advantage of an indemnity which he offered them, and delivered
up their arms. Having placed a garrison of 500 men in the castle, and
given orders to raise a pallisade and breast-work round it, he was
forced to return to Perth in consequence of continual rains, which
made him also forego a resolution he had entertained of marching
to the head of Loch Tay, and placing a garrison in the castle of
Finlarig, belonging to the Earl of Breadalbane, who, according to
him, was “one of the chiefest and cunningest fomenters of the trouble
of that kingdom (Scotland), not for love of King James, but to make
himself necessary to the government.”[618] The subsequent conduct
of this nobleman fully corroborated this opinion. After the rains
had subsided, a detachment of 200 men under Lord Cardross, took
possession of Finlarig castle, notwithstanding that the proprietor
had, shortly before, taken the oaths to the government, and found
bail for his allegiance.
While the death of Dundee seemed to give stability to the government
in Scotland on the one hand, its safety appeared to be endangered
on the other, by the jealousies and dissensions which agitated the
parliament. Among the persons who had been instrumental in bringing
about the revolution, there were some extreme Presbyterians, who,
seeing that their expectations were not to be realized, and that
all the offices of trust were monopolized by a few favourites about
court, became factious and impatient, and were ready to seize the
first opportunity that offered of overturning the government. Sir
James Montgomery was at the head of this disaffected party, which,
during the ensuing winter, held several private meetings. The result
was, that a most extraordinary and unnatural coalition took place
between the Jacobites and the discontented Presbyterians for the
restoration of King James. By uniting their votes in parliament
they expected to embarrass the government, and make it odious to
the people, and thereby pave the way for the return of the exiled
monarch; but their designs were disconcerted by a discovery of the
plot.
Mackay had now grown heartily tired of the service, and as his
plans for the subjugation of the Highlands had been treated with
indifference or neglect by the government, he became desirous to
resign his commission, and retire to Holland, his adopted country,
there to spend the remainder of his days in peace. There was
certainly nothing in the situation of his native country at the
period in question to induce him to remain. An unpaid, disorderly,
and mutinous army; an oppressed people, a discontented nobility,
a divided parliament and council; “church divided into two more
irreconcileable factions, though both calling themselves Protestants,
than Rome and Geneva,” matters deemed of so little importance by
the first reformers as scarcely to be mentioned in their writings,
preferred by the “religious zealots” of those days to the well-being
of the whole Protestant church, the Episcopal ministers who had
been ejected preaching “King James more than Christ, as they had
been accustomed to take passive obedience more than the gospel for
their text:”--these considerations all tended to disgust a man of
a moderate and conciliating disposition like Mackay, and made him
“look upon Scotsmen of those times in general, as void of zeal for
their religion and natural affection, seeing all men hunt after their
particular advantages, and none minding sincerely and self-deniedly
the common good, which gave him a real distaste of the country and
service; resolving from that time forward to disengage himself out
of it as soon as possible he could get it done, and that the service
could allow of.”[619] Mackay, however, failed in obtaining even a
temporary leave of absence during the winter, by the intrigues of
Lord Melville and Viscount Tarbet, who, as he says, suspecting an
interview with William, who was then in Holland, to be the object of
his proposed visit thither, were afraid that he would induce William
to adopt a system different from that hitherto followed in the
management of Scottish affairs.
Mackay finding that he would not succeed in his application for
leave of absence, began to apply himself with great perseverance
to accomplish his long-desired project of erecting a fort at
Inverlochy, capable of containing 1,000 or 1,200 men, to keep the
western Highlanders in check. In a communication which he made to
King William on the subject, he requested to be supplied with three
frigates of about 30 guns each, 10 or 12 ships of burden, and 3
or 4 dozen of large boats, 3,000 muskets, 400 _chevaux de frise_,
and 2,000 spades, shovels, and pickaxes, with money sufficient to
purchase two months’ provisions for 3,000 or 4,000 men. On receiving
these supplies he proposed to march with this force through Argyle
about the end of March, as far as Dunstaffnage, where he meant to
embark his men in the ships, and thence proceed to Inverlochy, and
land them under the protection of the guns of the ships of war.
No notice, however, was taken of this proposal either by William
or his ministers, notwithstanding that its importance was urged
in repeated letters from Mackay, who, in consequence, grew quite
impatient, and threatened to throw up his commission. At length the
privy council having, at his request, written a letter to the king
on the subject, he ordered the frigates to be sent down, with some
arms and ammunition, and implements for commencing the work; but
the required supply of money was not forthcoming, without which the
expedition could not be undertaken. Anxious, however, to get the
fort erected with as little delay as possible, Mackay offered to the
privy council to proceed to Inverlochy with a select detachment of
600 men, provided they would give him provisions for three months;
but although a sum of five or six hundred pounds would have almost
sufficed for this purpose, the council pleaded the impossibility of
raising the money.[620] In this emergency he applied to the city
of Glasgow, the magistrates of which undertook to hire vessels for
transporting the detachment, and to furnish him with the necessary
provisions, and such articles as he might require for completing
the fort, in addition to those sent down from England.[621] Major
Ferguson, who was appointed to command this expedition, repaired
to Glasgow; but he was detained there about five weeks waiting
for the provisions. The news, however, of such an armament being
in preparation, and a report purposely circulated by Mackay,
that it was much larger than it actually was, having reached the
Highlands, had the effect of preventing many of the Islanders and
the inhabitants of the adjoining mainland from joining Major-general
Buchan, who took the field in April 1690.
Before the arrival of this officer, the Highlanders had resolved to
place themselves under the command of Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel,
having, in consequence of their defeat at Dunkeld, lost confidence
in Cannon as a commander. After that disaster, Lochiel and the other
Jacobite chiefs had represented to James the precarious state of
his affairs in Scotland, and the necessity there was for sending
them aid; but James was too much occupied with preparations for
resisting a threatened invasion of Ireland, by his son-in-law, to
attend much to his Scottish concerns. He, however, sent over a vessel
with some clothes, arms, ammunition, and provisions, and a few Irish
officers, among whom was Major-general Buchan, with a commission, as
commander-in-chief of all the Jacobite forces in Scotland.
On Buchan’s arrival, a meeting of the chiefs and principal officers
was held at Keppoch, to deliberate upon the course they ought to
pursue. As no reinforcement had arrived from Ireland, and as the
plot between the Jacobites and the disappointed chiefs of the
Presbyterians, which had raised the expectations of King James’s
partizans, had been discovered, the meeting was divided in opinion,
upon the expediency of renewing hostilities. Some, thinking the cause
quite desperate, proposed to submit to the government, which they
knew was quite disposed to grant them the most favourable terms;
but this proposition was warmly resisted by Lochiel, who had great
influence with his fellow chiefs. He stated that he had adhered
to the cause of Charles II. at a time when it was more desperate
than that of his royal brother now was, who was still at the head
of an army in Ireland, and who had many friends in Britain, ready
to declare themselves, when a fit opportunity offered; that under
these circumstances, he considered they would disgrace themselves,
if they abandoned the cause they had pledged themselves to defend,
and that for his own part he would neither listen to terms from
the government, nor lay down his arms, without an express order
from King James himself. In consequence of this declaration, the
meeting unanimously resolved to continue the war; but as the labours
of the spring season were not over, they postponed the muster of
the clans, till those should be completed; and in the mean time
directed Major-general Buchan, to employ the interval in beating
up the enemy’s quarters, along the borders of the lowlands, for
which purpose a detachment of 1,200 foot was to be placed at his
disposal.[622]
When Mackay heard that Buchan had taken the field, he ordered Sir
Thomas Livingston,--whom he had despatched north from Aberdeen to
Inverness, with his regiment, in the month of January, to watch
the motions of the Highlanders,--to keep a sharp outlook after
Buchan, who, it was supposed, would probably make a descent upon the
lowlands of Moray or Banff. Sir Thomas had at this time, besides
his own regiment of dragoons, three regiments of foot, and some
troops of horse, under his command, posted in and about the town of
Inverness. Hearing that Buchan was marching through Lochaber and
Badenoch, Livingston made two successive marches up the country,
in the direction Buchan was said to be advancing, but on both
occasions, from the great difficulty he experienced in obtaining
provender for his horses, and provisions for his troops, he was
obliged to return to Inverness without seeing Buchan, or hearing
anything concerning him. Having ascertained that the feeling of
hostility towards the government was rapidly extending, and that it
had even reached the clans, who had hitherto, in appearance at least,
shown themselves favourably inclined to the revolution, Livingston,
thereupon, despatched a letter to Mackay, acquainting him of the
circumstance, and stating that if Buchan was not speedily opposed,
he was afraid that by far the greater part of the northern counties
would join him. That he might obtain early intelligence of Buchan’s
motions, and avoid the difficulties he had experienced in his former
marches for want of provisions, Livingston took up a position eight
miles from Inverness, with a select body of 1,200 men, consisting
of his own regiment, which amounted to 300 men, 400 of Leslie’s
regiment, a company of 100 of Lord Reay’s Highlanders, 300 of Grant’s
Highlanders, and two troops of horse.[623]
On receiving Livingston’s despatch, Mackay sent orders to the
different detachments which lay at Stirling, Glasgow, Dundee, and
other places, amounting together to 3,000 men, to assemble without
delay at Perth, that they might be in readiness, should a general
rising in favour of King James take place in the north, to support
Livingston, and to serve as a check upon the southern Highlands. He,
at the same time, directed Lieutenant-colonel Buchan, brother of King
James’s general, who commanded the forces in the city and county
of Aberdeen, consisting of a battalion of Ramsay’s regiment, the
Cameronian regiment, and five troops of horse and dragoons, to march
upon any point Livingston should direct.[624]
In the mean time Major-general Buchan was advancing through Badenoch
with the design of marching down Speyside into the Duke of Gordon’s
country, where he expected to be joined by some of the vassals of
that nobleman. At Culnakill he held a council of war to determine
whether to take up a position in that neighbourhood, where they
would be secure from the attacks of Livingston’s cavalry, or proceed
farther down the Spey. As Buchan’s force did not exceed 800 men,
and as they were aware that a large force of horse and foot lay at
Inverness, the Highland officers were unanimously of opinion that
they should not advance beyond Culnakill, but should march the
following day to Glenlochy, and encamp among the adjoining woods.
Buchan, who appears to have been as incapable of conducting a
Highland force, and as ignorant of the mode of warfare pursued by
the Highlanders as Cannon, his predecessor, now second in command,
rejecting the Highland officers’ advice, on the following day marched
down the Spey as far as Cromdale, where he encamped on the last day
of April.[625]
Livingston was, at this time, lying within eight miles of Strathspey,
on the grounds of the laird of Grant, where he received notice the
same day from a captain in Grant’s regiment, who, with a company
of men, held possession for the government of Balloch, now Grant
castle, in the vicinity of Cromdale, that Buchan was marching down
Strathspey. Desirous of attacking him before he should have an
opportunity of being joined by the country people, Livingston marched
off towards the Spey, in the afternoon, and continued his march till
he arrived within two miles of Balloch castle. As it was already
dark, and the night far advanced, and as a difficult pass lay between
him and the castle, Livingston proposed to encamp during the night;
but not finding a convenient place, he, by the persuasion of one of
his officers who was acquainted with the pass, and who undertook to
conduct him safely through it, renewed his march, and arrived at
the top of the hill above the castle at two o’clock in the morning.
Buchan’s men were then reposing in fancied security near Lethindie,
on the adjoining plain of Cromdale, and the fires of their camp,
which were pointed out by the captain of the castle to Livingston,
showed him that he was much nearer the enemy than he had any idea
of. Mackay says, that had Livingston been aware that the Highlanders
were encamped so near the pass, he would not have ventured through
it during the night, having little confidence in the country people;
nor would the enemy, had they suspected Livingston’s march, left
their former station and encamped upon an open plain, a considerable
distance from any secure position, “just as if they had been led
thither by the hand as an ox to the slaughter.”[626]
As several gentlemen of the adjoining country had sought an asylum in
the castle on hearing of Buchan’s advance, the commander, in order
to prevent any knowledge of Livingston’s approach being communicated
to the Highlanders, had taken the precaution to shut the gates of
the castle, and to prohibit all egress; so that the Highlanders were
as ignorant of Livingston’s arrival as he had previously been of
their encampment at Cromdale. Such being the case, the commander
of the castle advised him to attack the Highlanders without delay,
and he himself offered to conduct the troops into the plain. This
proposition having been acceded to, the troops were allowed half an
hour to refresh themselves, after which they marched down through the
valley of Auchinarrow to the river. Finding a ford below Dellachaple,
guarded by 100 Highlanders, Livingston left a detachment of foot
and a few dragoons to amuse them, while, with his main body, led
by some gentlemen of the name of Grant on horseback, he marched to
another ford through a covered way, a mile farther down the river,
which he crossed at the head of three troops of dragoons, and a
troop of horse, a company of his Highlanders forming the advanced
guard. After he reached the opposite bank of the Spey, he perceived
the Highlanders, who had received notice of his approach from their
advanced guards at the upper ford, in great confusion, and in
motion towards the hills. He thereupon sent orders to a part of his
regiment, and another troop of horse to cross the river and join
him; but, without waiting for them, he galloped off at full speed
towards the hills, so as to get between the fugitives--the greater
part of whom were almost naked--and the hills, and intercept them
in their retreat. The cavalry were accompanied by the company of
Highlanders which had crossed the river, and who are said to have
outrun their mounted companions, a circumstance which induced the
flying Highlanders, on arriving at the foot of the hill of Cromdale,
to make a stand; but, on the approach of Livingston and the remainder
of his dragoons and horse, they again took to their heels. They
turned, however, frequently round upon their pursuers, and defended
themselves with their swords and targets with great bravery. A thick
fog, which, coming down the side of the mountain, enveloped the
fugitives, compelled Livingston to discontinue the pursuit, and even
to beat a retreat. According to Mackay, the Highlanders had 400 men
killed and taken prisoners, while Livingston did not lose a single
man, and only 7 or 8 horses; but Balcarras states his loss at about
100 killed, and several prisoners; and the author of the “Memoirs
of Dundee” says, that many of Livingston’s dragoons fell.[627] A
party of the Camerons and Macleans, who had in the flight separated
from their companions in arms, crossed the Spey the following day,
but, being pursued by some of Livingston’s men, were overtaken and
dispersed on the moor of Granish near Aviemore, where some of them
were killed. The rest took shelter in Craigelachie, and, being joined
by Keppoch and his Highlanders, made an attempt to seize the castle
of Lochinclan in Rothiemurchus, but were repulsed with loss by the
proprietor and his tenants.[628]
The news of the disaster at Cromdale was received with feelings of
dismay by the partisans of King James at Edinburgh, who began to
regret that they had not embraced an offer which had been made by
King William for a cessation of arms. On the other hand, the friends
of the government were elated with Livingston’s success, and hastened
the long delayed expedition to Inverlochy, under Major Ferguson,
which accordingly set sail from Greenock on the 15th of May. Having
obtained the consent of King William to march into Lochaber, Mackay
made preparations for the expedition; and, although the Earl of
Melville, the commissioner to the Scottish parliament, gave him
notice of some dangerous plots against the government both in England
and Scotland, which might require the presence of a large force in
the lowlands to check, yet, as he considered the subjugation of
the Highlands of primary importance, he resolved to proceed on his
expedition; and, accordingly, on the 18th of June, marched from Perth
at the head of about 3,000 horse and foot. As his route to Inverlochy
would bring him within a short day’s march of the enemy, and as he
was desirous--agreeably, as he says, to a military maxim, “without
necessity, to put nothing to an apparent hazard when the success is
of great importance,”--to avoid an engagement in a country full
of defiles and difficult passes till he should join the forces in
the north under Sir Thomas Livingston, he resolved to march towards
Strathspey, and thence through Badenoch into Lochaber. To conceal
from the enemy his design of marching north, after entering Athole,
he made a movement as if he intended to enter Badenoch by the nearest
route, and then turning suddenly to the right, took the road to
Strathspey. Having joined Livingston in Strathspey on the 26th of
June, the united forces, after a day’s rest, marched towards Badenoch.
The Highlanders who, after their dispersion at Cromdale, had returned
to their homes, had re-assembled on hearing of Mackay’s approach;
but, from the fewness of their numbers, they made no attempt to
obstruct his passage through Badenoch. Being informed that they had
taken possession of a strait and difficult pass through which they
expected him to march, he, on the 1st of July,--the very day on which
the celebrated battle of the Boyne was fought,--made a feint with
four troops of horse and dragoons as if he intended to pass that
way, for the purpose of deceiving the enemy; after which he suddenly
changed his march to the left. After traversing mountains and bogs,
he entered Lochaber by Glenspean the same night, and arrived at
Inverlochy on the 3d of the month.[629]
The site of the old fort, which had been erected by Oliver Cromwell,
did not please Mackay, as it was commanded by a neighbouring hill;
but, as a more eligible one could not be found, he commenced the work
on the 5th of the month, and, in eleven days the wall was raised
to its full intended height of twenty feet from the bottom of the
fosse, and pallisaded round with a _chemin couvert_ and glacis.
Having finished the fort, which was named Fort-William, in honour
of the king, he was about proceeding to send a detachment into
Mull to reduce that island, but received despatches from the privy
council announcing the defeat of the English and Dutch fleets, and
requiring his return to the South as soon as possible, with as many
of his forces as could be spared, in consequence of an expected
invasion from France. He therefore marched from Inverlochy for the
South on the 18th, leaving behind him 1,000 men in garrison in the
new fort. He arrived in Badenoch on the 20th by easy marches, and
leaving his army in camp the whole of the 21st to rest themselves,
he went with a party of 150 horse and dragoons to inspect Ruthven
castle which the Jacobite forces had burnt the preceding year. Here
he left the company of Lord Reay’s Highlanders with instructions to
the commander to raise a breastwork round an old square wall, within
which the garrison might remain secure against surprise or attack.
He then descended into Athole, and arrived at Perth on the 26th of
July, being little more than five weeks since he set out on his long
projected expedition.
During his absence Major-general Buchan and Colonel Cannon, each at
the head of a select body of cavalier horse, had been scouring the
low country. The latter, in particular, with 200 horse, had attacked
Lord Cardross’s dragoons who were stationed in Menteith, and had
pursued them down as far as the park of Stirling. On his arrival at
Perth, Mackay being informed of the proceedings of Cannon’s party,
sent orders to the troops at Stirling to march out in quest of them,
while he himself, after receiving a supply of biscuit from Dundee,
resolved to march from Perth with a detachment for the purpose of
intercepting them; but Cannon had passed through the heights of
Athole towards Braemar before the troops at Stirling left that town.
Mackay followed after them for two days with a force of 1,000 men,
but was unable to overtake them. Being unprovided for a longer march,
he returned on the third day to Stirling, whence he despatched three
troops of Cardross’s dragoons, and one of horse, to support the
Master of Forbes who was guarding Aberdeenshire.
Buchan and Cannon having united their forces, and being joined by
Farquharson of Inverey, at the head of 500 or 600 of the Braemar
Highlanders, descended into the adjoining low parts of Aberdeenshire,
Mearns, and Banff, to unite themselves to some of the country
Jacobite gentlemen, leaving behind them a body of 160 men, to block
up Abergeldie, in which Mackay still kept a garrison. They were at
first opposed on their descent into the low country, by the Master
of Forbes, and Colonel Jackson, with eight troops of cavalry, which
was fully more than sufficient to have repulsed in a level country,
any body the Highlanders could then bring into the field. Buchan,
however, having purposely magnified the appearance of his forces, by
ranging his foot over a large extent of ground, and interspersing
his baggage and baggage horses among them, inspired the Master of
Forbes and Jackson with such dread, that they considered it prudent
to retire before a foe apparently so formidable in appearance, and
their fears increasing after they had begun their retreat, they set
off towards Aberdeen at full gallop, and never looked behind, till
they had entered the town, after a race of upwards of 20 miles.[630]
Buchan, who had no immediate design upon Aberdeen, followed the
alarmed cavalry, and such was the effect of the retreat upon some of
the neighbouring noblemen and gentlemen, that they joined Buchan in
the pursuit. The inhabitants were thrown into a state of the greatest
alarm at this occurrence, and the necessary means of defence were
adopted, but Buchan made no attempt to enter the town.
When Mackay received intelligence of this “disorder,” as he terms
the flight of Forbes and Jackson, he instantly despatched Colonel
Cunningham with 300 men, and two troops of cavalry, to the north to
join Jackson; but Cunningham was unable to effect a junction, as
Cannon lay encamped between him and Jackson. As the fears of a French
invasion had subsided, Mackay, on hearing of Cunningham’s failure,
marched north himself in such haste that he carried neither baggage
nor provisions along with him; but on his way north, he learned that
Buchan had left the neighbourhood of Aberdeen, and was marching
southward. On hearing of Mackay’s advance, Buchan drew off his men
to the right, and crossed the hills. On arriving at the Dee, he left
Cunningham with a detachment at the castle of Aboyne, and proceeded
with his own division to raise the siege of Abergeldie. In the course
of this march, a party of 60 dragoons, under Major Mackay, fell in
among the hills, with a body of 200 Highlanders, under Inverey, all
of whom were either killed or made prisoners. The chief himself made
a very narrow escape, having been trampled under the horses’ feet,
and left for dead on the field. Mackay also laid waste the fertile
country about Abergeldie, to the extent of twelve miles round, and
burnt from 1,200 to 1,400 houses, by way of reprisal, for having
blocked up the garrison.[631]
Having united all his forces in the north, with the exception
of those which lay at Inverness, Mackay marched as far north as
Strathdon, where he was told that the greater part of the north was
hostile to the government, and was ready to rise in arms, which
information made him at once resolve to proceed north with all
possible haste in order to get Buchan’s force dispersed, before any
general rising should take place. Leaving therefore his foot behind,
he proceeded north with his cavalry in great haste, and in the course
of his march was informed that Buchan was not only on his way north,
but that he expected to be joined by several thousand Highlanders.
He, therefore, continued his march with great celerity, allowing
his men no more time than was absolutely necessary for refreshing
their horses, and arrived within four hours’ march of the enemy,
before they received any notice of his approach. Buchan had reached
Inverness, and was only waiting for the Earl of Seaforth’s and other
Highlanders, whom he expected to join him in attacking the town;
but on hearing of Mackay’s advance, he crossed the river Ness, and
retired along the north side of the Loch.
The Earl of Seaforth, afraid of the consequences which might result
to him personally, for the part he had acted, sent his mother, the
Countess Dowager of Seaforth, and Mackenzie of Coul, to Mackay, to
inform him that he would accede to such conditions as might be agreed
upon between them and Mackay. An agreement was accordingly entered
into, by which it was stipulated, that the earl should deliver
himself into Mackay’s hands, to be kept as a prisoner at Inverness,
till the privy council should decide as to his future disposal; and
to conceal this arrangement from the Jacobite party, it was farther
agreed that the earl should allow himself to be seized as if by
surprise, by a party of horse under Major Mackay, at one of his seats
during the night. The earl, however, disappointed the party sent
out to apprehend him, in excuse for which, both he and his mother,
in letters to Mackay, pleaded the state of his health, which they
alleged would suffer from imprisonment. The earl cannot certainly
be blamed for having demurred placing himself at the unconditional
disposal of such a body as the privy council of Scotland, some of
whom would not have hesitated to sacrifice him, if by doing so they
could have obtained a share of his estates.
Mackay was so irritated at the deception which had been practised
upon him, that he resolved to treat the earl’s vassals “with all
the rigour of military execution.” Having, however, a warm feeling
for the earl’s friends, on account of their being “all Protestants,
and none of the most dangerous enemies,” as he says, and being more
desirous to obtain possession of the earl’s person than to ruin his
friends, he caused information of his intentions upon the earl’s
lands to be sent to Seaforth’s camp, by some of his own party,
as if from a feeling of friendship to him. Contrary to Mackay’s
anticipations, Seaforth surrendered himself, and was committed
prisoner to the castle of Inverness.[632] About this time the
Earl of Argyle--who had fled to Holland in 1685, on his father’s
execution, but returned with the Prince of Orange, and was reinstated
by the Convention in his father’s estates and title--with a force of
1,900 foot, and 60 dragoons, invaded Mull, the inhabitants of which
took the oaths of allegiance to the government, and delivered up
their arms. He was, however, from the state of the weather, obliged
to leave the island, before effecting the reduction of Duart castle,
and left 300 men behind him to keep it in check. Maclean himself,
with a few of his friends, took refuge on Carnburrow, an inaccessible
rock near Mull.
King James’s affairs had now become utterly desperate in Scotland,
and his defeat at the battle of the Boyne, on the 1st of July,
1690, almost annihilated his hopes in Ireland. Unable to collect
any considerable body of men together, Buchan, after wandering
through Lochaber, dismissed the few that still remained with him,
and along with Sir George Barclay, Lieutenant-colonel Graham, and
other officers, took up his abode with Macdonell of Glengary, Cannon
and his officers retiring to the isles, under the protection of Sir
Donald Macdonald. In their retreats, these officers who had displayed
the most heroic attachment to the cause of the unfortunate king,
under the most trying circumstances, still continued to cherish some
distant hopes of his restoration, and were prepared to enter upon any
service, however hazardous, which might lead to such a consummation.
At length, seeing no chance of making a successful effort in favour
of James, they, in connexion with the chiefs, sent over the Earl of
Dunfermline to France in the spring of 1691, to represent to him
the state of matters, and to receive his commands. Having received
instructions from his majesty to enter into a negotiation with the
government, a meeting of the principal officers and the Jacobite
chiefs was held at Achallader in Glenorchy on the 30th of June,
which was attended by the Earl of Breadalbane on the part of the
government, at which a cessation of hostilities was agreed upon till
the 1st of October. To get the chiefs to submit to the government,
money and other inducements were held out to them by Breadalbane, at
whose disposal a sum of about £15,000 or £20,000 had been placed
by King William. They, however, declined to come to any definite
arrangement at this time, and requested liberty to send Sir George
Barclay and Major Menzies to France, to obtain the sanction of King
James, to enter into a treaty with the government, a request which
was reluctantly granted. After learning from these officers the
miseries to which the clans were reduced, and the utter hopelessness
of attempting another campaign under existing circumstances, James
allowed them to make the best terms they could with the government.
Accordingly, and in terms of a proclamation issued by the government
on the 27th of August, 1691, promising an indemnity to all persons
who had been in arms, and who should take an oath of allegiance to
the government before the 1st of January 1692; all the chiefs, with
one unfortunate exception, which will be afterwards noticed, gave in
their adherence, and took the oath within the prescribed time. Buchan
and Cannon with their officers, in terms of an agreement with the
government, were transported to France, to which country they had
asked and obtained permission from their royal master to retire, as
they could no longer be serviceable to him in their native land.
We are sorry that it is beyond the province of the present work,
even did space permit, to give a detailed account of the heroic and
almost quixotically chivalrous conduct of Dundee’s officers, after
their emigration to France. In order that they might not be a burden
on their royal master King James, they entered the French service,
forming themselves into a company of “private sentinels” or common
soldiers, four of their number being appointed officers, whose
conduct gives “no opportunity of speaking well of them.”[633] They
numbered only about 150, and so effectively performed their duty
in the service of France, that, unsuited as they were for the hard
life of common soldiers, and cheated by their heartless officers
of the few comforts provided for them, in a very short time “the
earth closed over the last remains of the gentlemen-adventurers who
followed the banner of Dundee.”[634] They bore all their hardships
with cheerfulness and even gaiety, winning the tears and love of the
women wherever they passed, and the respect of their French comrades.
The following incident must suffice as an example of their fearless
hardihood.
“The Germans had made a lodgement in an island in the Rhine (near
Strasburg). The French, from an opinion that the river was impassable
without boats, had ordered a number for the passage. Among other
troops intended for the service, this company was ordered to keep
a station opposite to the island until the boats should arrive;
but finding, upon examination, the ford, though difficult, not
impassable, they, according to the custom of the Highlanders in
wading through rivers, joining their hands together, and entering
the river in a line with its current, the strongest men in the upper
part, and the weaker in the under, so that those who were highest
up the stream broke all its force, and tying their arms and clothes
on their shoulders, passed to the island in sight of both armies
on the opposite bank, and drove ten times their number from the
lodgement. The French cried out in admiration, ‘A gentleman, in
whatever station, is still a gentleman.’ ‘Le gentilhomme est toujours
gentilhomme.’ The place is called _l’Isle d’Ecosse_ to this day.”[635]
FOOTNOTES:
[608] _Memoirs_, p. 62.
[609] Mackay, pp. 63, 64.
[610] _Memoirs_, p. 66.
[611] _Memoirs of Dundee._
[612] _Memoirs_, p. 69.
[613] Idem.
[614] _Scotland_, vol. i. p. 141.
[615] Balcarras.
[616] _Life and Diary of Colonel Blackader._
[617]
“We, Lord James Murray, Patrick Stewart of Ballechan, Sir John
M’Lean, Sir Donald M’Donald, Sir Ewen Cameron, Glengarie,
Benbecula, Sir Alexander M’Lean, Appin, Enveray, Keppoch,
Glencoe, Strowan, Calochele, Lieut.-Col. M’Gregor, Bara, Large,
M’Naughten, do hereby bind and oblige ourselves, for his
Majesty’s service and our own safeties, to meet at _____________
the __________ day of September next, and bring along with us
_______ fencible men. That is to say, Lord James Murray and
Ballechan _______, Sir John M’Lean 200, Sir Donald M’Donald 200,
Sir Ewen Cameron 200, Glengarie 200, Benbecula 200, Sir Alexander
M’Lean 100, Appin 100, Enveray 100, Keppoch 100, Lieut.-Col.
M’Gregor 100, Calochele 50, Strowan 60, Bara 50, Glencoe 50,
M’Naughten 50, Large 50; but in case any of the rebels shall
assault or attack any of the above-named persons betwixt the date
hereof and the said day of rendezvous, we do all solemnly promise
to assist one another to the utmost of our power, as witness
these presents, signed by us at the castle of Blair, the 24th of
August, 1689 years.--Al. Robertson, D. M’Neil, Alex. M’Donald,
Do. M’Gregor, Alex. M’Donell, D. M’Donald, D. M’D. of Benbecula,
Al. M’Donald, Tho. Farqrson, Jo. M’Leane, E. Cameron of Lochiel,
Al. Stuart.”--_Records of Parliament._
Seven days before the date of this bond, these associates, and other
friends, sent the following characteristic letter to Mackay, in
answer to a friendly invitation from him to lay down their arms:--
“Birse, 17th August, 1689.
“Sir,
“We received your letter from Strathbogy, and we saw that you
wrote to Brigadier Cannan from St Johnstoun, to which we gave
a civil return, for by telling that you support yourselves by
fictions and stories (a thing known all the world over), is
no railing. The Christian means (as you say in your last) you
make use of to advance the good cause by, is evident to all
the world, and the argument you use to move us to address your
government, is consequential to the whole; for instead of telling
us what good Christians, men of honour, good subjects, and good
neighbours, ought to do, you tell us in both your letters, that
his Majesty has hot wars in Ireland, and cannot in haste come
to us, which, though it were as true as we know it is not, is
only an argument from safety and interest. And that you may
know the sentiments of men of honour, we declare to you and all
the world, we scorn your usurper, and the indemnities of his
government; and to save you farther trouble by your frequent
invitations, we assure you that we are satisfied our king will
take his own time and way to manage his dominions and punish
his rebels; and although he should send no assistance to us at
all, we will die with our swords in our hands before we fail in
our loyalty and sworn allegiance to our sovereign. Judge, then,
what effect Duke Hamilton’s letter has upon us; but you have got
an honourable father for this story from Ireland, and although
we can better tell you how matters go in Ireland, and that we
pity those on whom such stories have influence, yet we have no
orders to offer conditions to any rebels; we allow them and his
grace to believe on and take your measures by your success, till
his Majesty’s farther orders. Sir, We thank you for the good
meaning of your invitation, (though we are confident you had no
hope of success.) And we will shortly endeavour to give you a
requital--and those of us who live in islands have already seen
and defied the Prince of Orange his frigates. We are, Sir, your
affectionate and humble servants. Jo. MacLeane, E. Cameron of
Lochiel, C. M’Kenzie, D. Mackdonald, John Grant of Balnadaloch,
Pa. Steuart, J. M’Nachtane, Alexr. M’Donald, A. M’Nachtan, Jo.
Cameron, Tho. Farqrson, H. M’Lean of Lochbuye, Alexr. M’Donell,
D. M’D. of Benbecula, B. MacNeill of Bara, D. M’Neill, Ra.
M’Donald, J. M’Donald, Alexr. Maclaine. We have returned your
letter from Duke Hamilton, because you have more use for it than
we.”--_Parliamentary Records._
[618] _Memoirs_, p. 72.
[619] _Memoirs_, p. 77.
[620] Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 85.
[621] Idem, page 86.
[622] Balcarras.
[623] Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 93. Mackay’s account says, “six
companies of Grant’s regiment, making about 800 men,”--an evident
error.
[624] Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 94.
[625] _Memoirs of Dundee._
[626] _Memoirs_, p. 95.
[627] Shaw (_History of Moray_) says that above 100 of Buchan’s men
were killed, and about 60 made prisoners, who were found in the
castle of Lethindie and the mill; and he adds, as a thing deserving
of remark, that “Colonel Macdonald of Keppoch, who was ever keen for
plunder, had never once fought for his king, would not encamp with
the other rebels, but with his men quartered at Garvlin, half-a-mile
distant, and thereby escaped without loss.”
[628] Shaw’s _Moray_.
[629] _Memoirs_, p. 98.
[630] “His mastership (of Forbes) understanding the word of command,
_wheel_, better than _advance_, turned the battle into a race, and
won; for he was first at Aberdeen, and alarmed the town with a
frightful outcry, _The enemy, the enemy’s coming_.”--_Memoirs of
Dundee._
[631] Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 101.
[632] “I believe it shall fare so with the Earl of Seaforth, that
is, that he shall haply, (perhaps) submit, when his countrey is
ruined, and spoyled, which is the character of a true Scotsman,
_wyse behinde_ the hand!”--_Letter to the Privy Council, 1st Sept.
1690. Appendix to Memoirs, No. 73._ Mackay was directed by the privy
council, by warrant, dated 7th Oct. 1690, “to transport the person of
Colin, Earl of Seaforth, with safety from Inverness to Edinburgh, in
such way and manner, as he should think fit.” In consequence of this
removal, he was entered a prisoner within the castle of Edinburgh,
on 6th Nov. following, whence he was liberated on 7th Jan. 1692, on
finding caution to appear when called upon. He was bound not to go
ten miles beyond Edinburgh. He was again imprisoned, but made his
escape, and was apprehended at Pencaitland, on 7th May 1692, and
again kept in close confinement, within the castle of Edinburgh.
He was afterwards liberated, on giving security for his peaceable
behaviour.--_Records of the Privy Council._
[633] For details, see _An Account of Dundee’s officers after they
went to France_ in _Miscellanea Scotica_.
[634] Burton’s _Scotland from Revolution_, vol. i. p. 153.
[635] Dalrymple’s _Memoirs_, vol. i. part ii. p. 61.