Discouraging as this intelligence was, Mackay still determined to

persevere in his march, and having despatched orders to Perth to

hasten the arrival of the six troops of cavalry he had left behind,

he put his army in motion next morning, July 27th, at day-break, and

proceeded in the direction of the pass, the entrance to which he

reached at ten o’clock in the morning. Here he halted, and allowed

his men two hours to rest and refresh themselves before they entered

upon the bold and hazardous enterprise of plunging themselves into

a frightful chasm, out of which they might possibly never return.

To support Lauder in case of attack, the general, on halting,

despatched through the pass a body of 200 men under the command of

the Lieutenant-colonel of the Earl of Leven’s regiment, whom he

instructed to send him any intelligence he could obtain of Dundee’s

motions. A short way below the pass Mackay fell in with Lord Murray,

who informed him, that with the exception of 200 or 300 men, who

still remained with him, the whole had gone to the hills to secure

their cattle, an answer which Mackay, with the open and unsuspecting

generosity of a soldier, considered satisfactory, and made him, as he

observes, “not so apt to judge so ill of Murray as others did.”

Having received a notice from Lauder that the pass was clear, and

that there was no appearance of Dundee, Mackay put his army again

in motion, and entered the fatal pass. Hastings’s regiment (now

the 13th), and Annandale’s horse were placed behind to protect the

baggage, from an apprehension that Dundee’s Highlanders might make a

detour round the hill to attack it, or that the country people might

attempt to plunder it if not so guarded. The idea that no opposition

would be offered to their passage through this terrific defile,

which seemed to forbid approach, and to warn the unhappy soldier of

the dangers which awaited him should he precipitate himself into

its recesses, may have afforded some consolation to the feelings of

Mackay’s troops as they entered this den of desolation; but when

they found themselves fairly within its gorge, their imaginations

must have been appalled as they gazed, at every successive step,

on the wild and terrific objects which encompassed them on every

side. They however proceeded, at the command of their general, on

their devious course, and finally cleared it, with the loss of only

a single horseman, who, according to an Athole tradition, was shot

by an intrepid adventurer, named Ian Ban Beg MacRan, who had posted

himself on a hill, from which he fired across the rivulet of the

Garry and brought down his victim. A well, called in Gaelic, _Fuaran

u trupar_,--_Anglicé_, the “Horseman’s well,”--is shown as the place

where the horseman fell.

As soon as the five battalions and the troop of horse which preceded

the baggage had debouched from the further extremity of the pass,

they halted, by command of the general, upon a corn field, along

the side of the river to await the arrival of the baggage, and of

Hastings’s regiment and the other troop of horse. Mackay then

ordered Lieutenant-colonel Lauder to advance with his 200 fusileers

and a troop of horse in the direction he supposed Dundee might be

expected to appear. Lauder had not advanced far when he discovered

some parties of Dundee’s forces between him and Blair. Being

immediately apprised of this by Lauder, Mackay, after giving orders

to Colonel Balfour to supply the troops with ammunition, and to put

them under arms without delay, galloped off to the ground, from which

Lauder had espied the enemy, to observe their motions before making

choice of the field of battle. On arriving at the advanced post,

Mackay observed several small parties of troops, scarcely a mile

distant, marching slowly along the foot of a hill in the direction

of Blair, and advancing towards him. Mackay, thereupon, sent orders

to Balfour to advance immediately up to him with the foot. But these

orders were no sooner despatched than he observed some bodies of

Dundee’s forces marching down a high hill within a quarter of a mile

from the place where he stood, in consequence of which movement, he

immediately galloped back to his men to countermand the order he had

just issued, and to put his army in order of battle.[588]

Dundee, who had been duly advertised of Mackay’s motions, had

descended from the higher district of Badenoch into Athole on

the previous day, with a force of about 2,500 men, of whom about

one-fifth part consisted of the Irish, which had lately landed at

Inverlochy under Brigadier Cannon. Some of the clans which were

expected had not yet joined, as the day appointed for the general

rendezvous had not then arrived; but as Dundee considered it of

paramount importance to prevent Mackay from establishing himself in

Athole, he did not hesitate to meet the latter, whose force numbered

about 4,000.[589]

On his arrival at the castle of Blair, intelligence was brought

Dundee that Mackay had reached the pass of Killiecrankie, which he

was preparing to enter. Dundee, against the advice of most of his

officers, resolved to allow Mackay to enter the pass undisputed. He

appealed to the feelings of the Highlanders, whose ancestors, he

said, acting upon their national maxim never to attack a foe who

could not defend himself on equal terms, would have disdained to

adopt the course proposed, (and in saying so he did not, he observed,

mean to insinuate that the persons he addressed had degenerated from

the honour and courage of their ancestors). One principal reason

stated by Dundee for allowing Mackay to advance through the Pass

unmolested, was the great advantage they would gain by engaging him

on open ground before he should be joined by his English dragoons,

who, from their being so formidable to the Highlanders, would, if

allowed by him to come up, more than compensate for any accession

of force which Dundee might receive.[590] Another reason not less

important was, that in the event of Mackay sustaining a defeat, his

army would probably be ruined, as he could not retreat back through

the Pass without the risk of evident destruction, whereas should

the Highlanders suffer a defeat, they could easily retreat to the

mountains. He added, that in anticipation of Mackay’s defeat, he had

already given orders to his friends in the neighbourhood, to cut off

the few remaining stragglers that might attempt to escape.[591]

[Illustration: KILLIECRANKIE.

A. Fullarton & C^o. London & Edinburgh.]

The forces which had been descried by Lauder, appear to have been

a body of 400 men under the command of Sir John Maclean, whom

Dundee, on learning that the advanced guard of Mackay’s army, after

traversing the pass, had taken up a position near its northern

extremity, had despatched from Blair castle to keep them in check.

But his scouts having shortly thereafter brought him notice that the

whole of Mackay’s army was preparing to enter the pass, he resolved

to make a detour with the main body of his army round the hill on

which the castle of Lude stands, in the vicinity of the pass, and

fall upon Mackay as soon as he should clear that defile. Having made

himself acquainted, by inquiries among the most intelligent of the

country people, with the localities in the immediate neighbourhood

of the pass, and of the suitableness of the ground for the operations

of such a force as his, he advanced at double-quick time from Blair

along the present line of road, and on arriving at the river Tilt,

turned off to the left round the back of the hill, and crossed that

river near its confluence with the rivulet of Ald-Chluan. This

movement will account for the sudden and unexpected appearance of

Dundee on the face of the high hill on Mackay’s right.

Immediately above the ground on which Mackay had halted his troops is

an eminence, the access to which is steep and difficult, and covered

with trees and shrubs. Alarmed lest Dundee should obtain possession

of this eminence--which being within a carabine shot from the place

on which Mackay stood, would give him such a command of the ground as

would enable him, by means of his fire, to force Mackay to cross the

river in confusion--he, immediately on his return from the position

occupied by his advanced guard, “made every battalion form by a Quart

de Conversion to the right upon the ground where they stood,”[592]

and then made them march each in succession before him up the hill

till they reached the eminence, of which they took possession. Within

a musket shot of this ground is another eminence immediately above

the house of Urrard, which Dundee had reached before Mackay had

completed his ascent, and on which he halted.

At this conjuncture, neither Hastings’s regiment nor Annandale’s

troop of horse had yet come out of the pass, but Mackay,

nevertheless, at once proceeded to arrange his men in fighting

order on a plain between the edge of the eminence and the foot or

commencement of the ascent to Dundee’s position, which, from its

extent, enabled him to form his men in one line along the eminence.

In making his dispositions, Mackay divided every battalion into two

parts, and as he meant to fight three deep, he left a small distance

between each of these sub-battalions. In the centre of his line,

however, he left a greater interval of space, behind which he placed

the two troops of horse, with the design, when the Highlanders, after

the fire of the line had been spent, should approach, to draw them

off by this larger interval, and flank the Highlanders on either

side, as occasion should offer. Mackay assigns as his reason for

placing his cavalry in his rear till the fire should be exhausted

on both sides, a dread he entertained of exposing them to Dundee’s

horse, with whom it could not be supposed that these newly-raised

levies could cope. Hastings’s regiment, which arrived after Mackay

had taken up his ground, was placed on the right; and, for greater

security, there was added to it a detachment of firelocks from each

battalion. On the extreme left on a hillock covered with trees,

Lieutenant-colonel Lauder was posted, with his party of 200 men,

composed of the _elite_ of the army. Mackay having been recognised by

Dundee’s men busily employed riding along his line, from battalion to

battalion, giving orders, was selected by some of them for a little

ball practice; but although “their popping shot,” which wounded some

of his men, fell around him wherever he moved, he escaped unhurt.

After his line had been fully formed, Mackay rode along the front,

from the left wing, which he committed to the charge of Brigadier

Balfour, to the right, and having ascertained that every thing was in

readiness to receive the enemy, he addressed the battalions nearest

him in a short speech. He requested them to reflect that their own

personal safety was involved in the issue of that day’s contest; and

assured them that if they maintained their ground, and kept firmly

and closely united together, their assailants would quickly flee

before them for refuge to the hills--that the reason for which the

Highlanders stript themselves almost naked before battle was rather

to enable them to escape, than from any hopes they entertained of

pursuing their foes. Should, however, his men unfortunately give way

before the rabble of Highlanders whom they saw marshalled on the

adjoining heights--an event which he by no means expected--there

was an absolute certainty, as these naked mountaineers were more

nimble-footed than they were, and as all the Athole-men were in arms,

ready to take advantage of their defeat, that few or none of them

would escape with their lives. In conclusion, he warned them that

the only way to avoid ruin was to stand firm to their posts, and,

like brave men, to fight to the last in defence of their religion and

liberties, against the invaders of both, to secure which, and not the

desire of a crown, was the sole reason which had induced his majesty

to send them on the present service.

Whilst Mackay was thus occupied on the lower platform, his gallant

rival was equally busy flying about on the eminence above, ranging

his men in battle array. He was particularly distinguished amongst

his officers by a favourite dun-coloured horse which he rode, and

by his plated armour, which glittered in the sun-beams. Dundee, who

had arrived upon the higher platform about the same time that Mackay

had gained the ground he now occupied, ranged his men in one line in

the following order:--On the right, he placed Sir John Maclean, with

his regiment divided into two battalions. On the left, he posted the

regiment of Sir Donald Macdonald, commanded by the young chief and

Sir George Barclay, and a battalion under Sir Alexander Maclean. In

the centre were placed four battalions, consisting of the Camerons,

the Macdonells of Glengary and Clanranald, and the Irish regiment,

with a troop of horse under the command of Sir William Wallace,

who had early that morning produced a commission, to the great

displeasure of the Earl of Dunfermline and other officers, appointing

him colonel of a horse regiment which the earl commanded.[593] It

may be observed, that neither Mackay nor Dundee placed any body of

reserve behind their lines.

The great extent of Mackay’s line, which reached considerably beyond

Dundee’s wings,[594] compelled the latter, to prevent the danger of

being outflanked, to enlarge the intervals between his battalions.

A general movement from right to left accordingly took place along

Dundee’s line. Before Dundee’s left halted, Mackay, imagining that

the object of the movement in that quarter was to get between him

and the pass, for the purpose of cutting off all communication

between him and Perth, made his line make a corresponding movement to

his right, but on observing that Dundee’s left wing halted, Mackay

brought his line to a stand. These different movements necessarily

occupied a considerable time, and both armies being now finally

arranged, they gazed upon each other with great composure for the

space of two whole hours.

During this interval of care and anxious suspense, the feelings of

both parties--their hopes or their fears--would probably be tinctured

by a deeper hue of confidence or despondency as they reflected on

the events of former days. Though more than forty years had elapsed

since the brilliant achievements of Montrose, the Highlanders,[595]

naturally brave, had lost none of their military ardour, and the

descendants of the heroes of Tippermuir, Aldearn, and Kilsyth, who

now stood in battle array on the upper plain, whence, with a scowl

of scorn and defiance, they looked down upon the _Sassenachs_ below,

calling to mind the recital of the heroic deeds of their fathers,

to which they had listened with wonder and enthusiasm in their

childhood, would burn for the moment when, at the command of their

chief, they should measure their broad swords with the bayonets of

their Lowland foes. On the other hand, Mackay’s men had no such

recollections to inspire confidence or to cheer them in their

perilous enterprise, and when they beheld the Highland host ready at

a moment’s notice to burst like a mountain torrent upon their devoted

heads, and called to mind the tales they had heard of the warlike

prowess of the Highlanders, they could not but recoil at the idea of

encountering, in deadly strife, such determined antagonists. There

were, it is true, many men in Mackay’s army to whom the dangers of

the battle field were familiar, and in whose minds such reflections

would doubtless find no place, but the great majority of his troops

consisted of newly raised levies, who had never before seen the face

of an enemy.

Mackay himself, though an old and experienced officer, and a brave

man, was not without his misgivings; and as the evening advanced

without any movement on the part of Dundee to commence the action,

his uneasiness increased. Nor were his apprehensions likely to be

allayed by the reply made by the second son of Lochiel, who held a

commission in his own regiment of Scots fusileers, in answer to a

question put to him by Mackay. “Here is your father with his wild

savages,” said Mackay to the young man, on seeing the standard of

the Camerons, putting on at the same moment an air of confidence,

“how would you like to be with him?” “It signifies little,” answered

the son of the chief, “what I would like, but I recommend to you

to be prepared; or perhaps my father and his wild savages may be

nearer to you before night than you would like.”[596] The apparent

irresolution of the Highlanders to begin the battle was considered by

Mackay as intentional, and he supposed that their design was to wait

till nightfall, when, by descending suddenly from their position,

and setting up a loud shout, according to their usual custom, they

expected to frighten his men, unaccustomed to an enemy, and put them

in disorder. As Mackay could not, without the utmost danger, advance

up the hill and commence the action, and as the risk was equally

great should he attempt to retreat down the hill and cross the river,

he resolved, at all hazards, to remain in his position, “though with

impatience,” as he observes, till Dundee should either attack him or

retire, which he had better opportunities of doing than Mackay had.

To provoke the Highlanders, and to induce them to engage, he ordered

three small leather field pieces to be discharged, but they proved of

little use, and the carriages being much too high, broke after the

third firing.

Towards the close of the evening, some of Dundee’s sharpshooters, who

had kept up, during the day, an occasional fire in the direction in

which they observed Mackay moving, by which they had wounded some of

his men, as already stated, took possession of some houses upon the

ascent which lay between the two armies, for the purpose of directing

their aim with surer effect. But they were immediately dislodged by

a party of musketeers despatched by Mackay’s brother, who commanded

the general’s regiment, and chased back to their main body with some

loss. This skirmish Mackay supposed would soon draw on a general

engagement, and his expectations were speedily realized.

It was within half an hour of sunset, and the moment was at hand,

when, at the word of command, the Highlanders and their allies

were to march down the hill, and with sword in hand, fall upon the

trembling and devoted host below, whom, like the eagle viewing

his destined prey from his lofty eyry, they had so long surveyed.

Having determined, as much to please his men as to gratify his own

inclination, to lead the charge in person, at the head of the horse,

Dundee exchanged his red coat, which he had worn during the day,

and by which he had been recognised by Mackay’s troops, for another

of darker colour, to conceal his rank, and thereby avoid the risk

of being singled out by the enemy. Dundee, after the manner of the

ancient Greek and Roman generals, is said to have harangued his men

in the following enthusiastic strain:--[597]

“You are come hither to fight, and that in the best of causes; for it

is the battle of your king, your religion, and your country, against

the foulest usurpation and rebellion. And having therefore so good

a cause in your hands, I doubt not but it will inspire you with an

equal courage to maintain it; for there is no proportion betwixt

loyalty and treason, nor should there be any betwixt the valour of

good subjects and traitors. Remember that to-day begins the fate

of your king, your religion, and your country. Behave yourselves,

therefore, like true Scotsmen, and let us by this action redeem

the credit of this nation, that is laid low by the treacheries and

cowardice of some of our countrymen, in making which request, I ask

nothing of you that I am not now ready to do myself. And if any of us

shall fall upon this occasion, we shall have the honour of dying on

our duty, and as becomes true men of valour and conscience; and such

of us as shall live and win the battle, shall have the reward of a

gracious king and the praise of all good men. In God’s name, then,

let us go on, and let this be your word--King James and the church of

Scotland, which God long preserve!”[598]

A pause now ensued, and a death-like silence prevailed along the

line, when, on a sudden, it appeared in motion, marching slowly down

the hill. The Highlanders, who stript themselves to their shirts and

doublets, advanced, according to their usual practice, with their

bodies bent forward, so as to present as small a surface as possible

to the fire of the enemy, the upper part of their bodies being

covered by their targets.

To discourage the Highlanders in their advance by keeping up a

continual fire, Mackay had given instructions to his officers

commanding battalions, to commence firing by platoons, at the

distance of a hundred paces. This order was not attended to, as

Balfour’s regiment, and the half of Ramsay’s, did not fire a single

shot, and the other half fired very little. The Highlanders, however,

met with a very brisk fire from Mackay’s right, and particularly

from his own battalion, in which no less than 16 gentlemen of the

Macdonells of Glengarry fell; but, undismayed by danger, they kept

steadily advancing in the face of the enemy’s fire, of which they

received three rounds. Having now come close up to the enemy, they

halted for a moment, and having levelled and discharged their

pistols, which did little execution, they set up a loud shout and

rushed sword in hand upon the enemy, before the latter had time to

screw on their bayonets to the end of their muskets. The shock was

too impetuous to be long resisted by men who, according to their

own general, “behaved, with the exception of Hastings’s and Leven’s

regiment, like the vilest cowards in nature.” But even had these

men been more stout-hearted, their courage would not have availed

them, as their arms were insufficient to parry off the tremendous

strokes of the axes, and the broad and double-edged swords of the

Highlanders, who, with a single blow, either felled their opponents

to the earth or struck off a member from their bodies, and at once

disabled them. While the work of death was thus going on towards the

right, Dundee, at the head of the horse, made a furious charge on

Mackay’s own battalion, and broke through it, on which the English

horse which were stationed behind, fled without firing a single

shot. Dundee, thereupon, rode off to attack the enemy’s cannon, but

the officer (Sir William Wallace) who had that morning produced his

commission as colonel of the horse, appears to have misunderstood

Dundee, who, on arriving near the enemy’s cannon, found himself

alone. He, therefore, gave the horse a signal to advance quickly, on

which the Earl of Dunfermline, who then served only as a volunteer,

overlooking the affront which had been put upon him, rode out of the

ranks, followed by 16 gentlemen, attacked the party who guarded the

cannon, and captured them.

As soon as Mackay perceived that Dundee’s grand point of attack was

near the centre of his line, he immediately resolved to attack the

Highlanders in flank with the two troops of horse which he had placed

in the rear of his line, for which purpose he ordered Lord Belhaven

to proceed round the left wing with his own troop, and attack them

on their right flank; he ordered at the same time the other troop to

proceed in the contrary direction, and assail them on their left.

Mackay himself led round Belhaven’s troop, but it was scarcely in

front of the line when it got into disorder, and instead of obeying

the orders to wheel for the flank of the enemy, after some confused

firing it turned upon the right wing of Lord Kenmure’s battalion,

which it threw into disorder, and which thereupon began to give way.

At this critical moment Mackay, who was instantly surrounded by a

crowd of Highlanders, anxious to disentangle his cavalry, so as to

get them formed, called aloud to them to follow him, and putting

spurs to his horse galloped through the enemy, but with the exception

of one servant whose horse was shot under him, not a single horseman

attempted to follow their general. When he had gone sufficiently

far to be out of the reach of immediate danger, he turned round to

observe the state of matters, and to his infinite surprise he found

that both armies had disappeared. To use his own expression, “in the

twinkling of an eye, in a manner,” his own men as well as the enemy

were out of sight, having gone down pell-mell to the river where his

baggage stood. The flight of his men must have been rapid indeed, for

although the left wing, which had never been attacked, had begun to

flee before he rode off, the right wing and centre still kept their

ground.

Mackay now stood in one of the most extraordinary predicaments in

which the commander of an army was ever placed. His whole men had, as

if by some supernatural cause, disappeared almost in an instant of

time, and he found himself standing a solitary being on the mountain

side, not knowing what to do, or whither to direct his course.

Whether had they had the courage to follow him, the timid troop would

have turned the tide of victory in his favour, may indeed be well

doubted; but it is obvious that he adopted the only alternative which

could render success probable. Judging from the ease with which he

galloped through the Highlanders, who made way for him, he thinks

that if he had had but 50 resolute horse such as Colchester’s, he

“had certainly,” as he says, “by all human appearance recovered all,”

for although his whole line had begun to give way when he ordered the

horse to follow him, the right of the enemy had not then moved from

their ground.[599] While ruminating upon the “sad spectacle” which he

now beheld, his mind preyed upon by the most gloomy reflections, he

fortunately espied to the right, “a small heap of red coats,” which

he immediately galloped for, and found it to consist of a part of

the Earl of Leven’s regiment, mixed with a few stragglers from other

regiments who had escaped from the swords of the Highlanders. The

Earl himself, his Lieutenant-colonel, the Major, and most of the

other officers of the regiment, were with this body. Mackay perceived

a part of Hastings’s regiment marching up to the ground it had

occupied at the commencement of the action. Having rode up to this

party, he was informed by the Colonel that he had left his ground in

pursuit of the enemy, a detachment of which had attempted to outflank

him, but having wheeled to the right upon them with his pikes, they

abandoned the idea of attacking him, and repaired to their main body,

which they observed among the baggage at the river-side.

The plunder which the baggage offered was too tempting a lure for

the Highlanders, whose destructive progress it at once arrested. It

was in fact solely to this thirst for spoil that Mackay and the few

of his men who escaped owed their safety, for had the Highlanders

continued the pursuit, it is very probable that not a single

individual of Mackay’s army would have been left alive to relate

their sad disaster.[600]

As soon as Mackay had got up Hastings’s battalion and joined it to

that of Leven’s, he despatched his nephew, Captain Mackay,--who,

though he had received eight broad-sword wounds on his body, was

still able to ride his horse,--in quest of such of his officers as

might be within his reach, about the bottom of the hill, with orders

to collect as many of their men as they could, and join the general.

This mission was totally unsuccessful, for although he had fallen in

with several officers, few of them took any notice of him; and all

who had survived the battle were now scattered far beyond Mackay’s

reach. While receiving this afflicting intelligence, Mackay descried

in the twilight, a large body of men, who appeared to form themselves

along the edge of a wood on Balfour’s left, where Lieutenant-colonel

Lauder had been posted with 200 men. As he was not yet aware of

the fate of Lauder’s corps, which was among the first that fled, he

supposed that the body he had observed might either be that party or

another body of his men who had retired to the wood on the descent of

the Highlanders, and he therefore rode off to reconnoitre them, after

directing his officers to endeavour to put their men in a condition

to fire one discharge, at least, if attacked. Mackay approached the

party sufficiently near to discover that they were Dundee’s men,

and having turned his horse’s head he walked slowly back, that he

might not excite the apprehensions of the Highlanders. The ground

on which Mackay stood with the wreck of his army, amounting to

scarcely 400 men, was the farthest removed of any other part of the

position he had selected in the morning, from the point to which

he was necessarily obliged to direct his retreat, and over the

intervening space he could not but expect to fall in with parties

of the Highlanders, who would fall upon him, and kill or disperse

his tired followers. But he extricated himself from the difficulties

which beset him, with considerable adroitness. He advised them on no

account to show any inclination to run, as it could not add to their

personal safety, but, on the contrary, might endanger it the more,

as the Highlanders, observing their terror, would certainly break in

among them, and pursue them with the greater avidity. When about to

retire down the hill the party was joined by Lord Belhaven, and a

few other horsemen, who proved very serviceable as scouts during the

retreat. Mackay then led his men slowly down the hill, and evaded the

enemy so completely that he did not meet with the least interruption

in his march. He retired across the Garry without molestation, and

made a short halt to ascertain whether he was pursued. Seeing no

disposition on the part of the Highlanders to follow him, he began

to think of the best way of retiring out of Athole. All his officers

advised him to return to Perth through the pass of Killiecrankie, but

he saw proper to reject this advice, and resolved to march several

miles up Athole and cross over the hills to Stirling.

Giving orders, therefore, to his men to march, he proceeded to the

west along the bank of the river, and had the satisfaction, when

about two miles from the field of battle, to come up with a party of

about 150 fugitives almost without arms, under the command of Colonel

Ramsay, who was quite at a loss what direction to take. Mackay then

continued his march along the edge of a rivulet which falls into the

Garry, till he came to some little houses. Here he obtained from

one of the inhabitants, information as to the route he meant to

follow, and having made himself acquainted, as far as he could, by

an examination of his map, with the situation of the country through

which he had to pass, he crossed the stream and proceeded across the

hills towards Weem castle, the seat of the chief of the clan Menzies,

whose son had been in the action with a company of 100 Highlanders he

had raised for the service of the government. After a most fatiguing

journey, he reached the castle before morning. Here he obtained some

sleep and refreshment, of which he stood greatly in need, having

since his departure from Dunkeld, on the morning preceding, marched

about 40 miles.

[Illustration: Pass of Killiecrankie in last century. From an old

crayon drawing.]

The news of Mackay’s defeat had preceded his retreat; and on his

march during the following day, he found the country through which he

passed in an uproar, and every person arming in favour of King James.

The people of Strathtay alarmed at the approach of Mackay’s men, whom

they took to be Highlanders, and considering their houses and cattle

in danger, set up a dreadful shout, which so frightened Mackay’s men

that they began to flee back to the hills under an apprehension that

the Highlanders were at hand. Mackay and some of his officers on

horseback, by presenting their pistols and threatening the fugitives,

succeeded in rallying them, but owing to the thickness of the morning

more than 100 escaped, all of whom were killed, stripped, or taken

prisoners by the country people. Mackay continued his march with very

little halting all that day, being Sunday the 28th, and arrived late

at night at Drummond castle, in which he had a garrison. Next day he

reached Stirling with about 400 men.

On the morning after the battle--for night had thrown its curtain

over the horrors of the scene, before the extent of the carnage

could be ascertained--the field of battle and the ground between it

and the river, extending as far as the pass, presented an appalling

spectacle in the vast numbers of the dead which strewed the field,

whose mutilated bodies attested the savage and unrelenting ferocity

with which Mackay’s men had been hewn down by the Highlanders. Here

might be seen a skull which had been struck off above the ears by a

stroke from a broad-sword--there a head lying near the trunk from

which it had been severed--here an arm or a limb--there a corpse

laid open from the head to the brisket; while interspersed among

these lifeless trunks, _dejectaque membra_, were to be seen broken

pikes, small swords and muskets, which had been snapt asunder by the

athletic blows of the Lochaber axe and broad-sword.[601]

If the importance of a victory is to be reckoned by the comparative

numbers of the slain, and the brilliant achievements of the victors,

the battle of Killiecrankie may well stand high in the list of

military exploits. Considering the shortness of the combat, the

loss on the part of Mackay was prodigious. Not less than 2,000

of his men were either killed or captured. Among the slain were

Lieutenant-colonel Mackay, brother of the General, Brigadier Balfour,

and several other officers. Highland tradition reports that Balfour

was cut down by the Reverend Robert Stewart, a Catholic clergyman,

nephew to Stewart of Ballochin, for having contemptuously refused to

receive quarter when offered him by the priest. The same tradition

relates that Stewart, who was a powerful muscular man, followed

the enemy in their flight down to the river, and towards the pass,

wielding a tremendous broad-sword, with which he cut down numbers of

the fugitives, and so much did he exert himself in the use of his

fatal weapon, that, at the conclusion of the carnage, his hand had

swollen to such an extent, that it could only be extricated from the

basket-hilt of his sword, by cutting away the net-work.

But as the importance of a victory, however splendid in itself, or

distinguished by acts of individual prowess, can only be appreciated

by its results, the battle of Killiecrankie, instead of being

advantageous to the cause of King James, was, by the death of the

brave Dundee, the precursor of its ruin. After he had charged at the

head of his horse, and driven the enemy from their cannon, he was

about to proceed up the hill to bring down Sir Donald Macdonald’s

regiment, which appeared rather tardy in its motions, when he

received a musket shot in his side, through an opening of his armour,

the ball probably passing out in front through the centre of his

breastplate (See Plate of Dundee’s Armour).[602] He attempted to ride

a little, but was unable, and fell from his horse mortally wounded,

and almost immediately expired.[603] The loss on the side of Dundee

was never properly ascertained, but is supposed to have been about

900.

[Illustration: ARMOUR WORN BY VISCOUNT DUNDEE AT KILLIECRANKIE

1. Breast Plate, in possession of his Grace the Duke of Athole.

_See Page 376. Vol I._

2. Remains of Helmet in possession of J P M^cInroy Esq. of Lude,

taken out of Dundee’s grave in the church of Blair Athole in 1794.

3. Sword in possession of A Æ. Mackintosh Esq. of Mackintosh,

given to Lachlan 21^{st} Laird of Mackintosh by Dundee’s

Relations.--The hilt is silver and bears the Graham Arms--The

date on the blade is A.D. 1504.

4. Pistol, in possession of Miss Stirling Graham of

Duntrune--representative of the Claverhouse family.--In the plate

both sides of the Pistol are shown; the stock is of iron and is

richly inlaid with silver.]

Among the slain, Alister Dhu (black Alexander) the chief of

Glengarry, who, at the head of his battalion, mowed down two men at

every stroke, with his ponderous two-handed sword, had to lament the

loss of a brother, several other relatives, and still nearer and

dearer to him, of his son, Donald, surnamed Gorm, from the blueness

of his eyes. This youth, who had exhibited early proofs of bravery

worthy of his name, and the race whence he sprung, killed, it is

said, 18 of the enemy with his own hand. No less than five cousins

of Sir Donald Macdonald of the isles fell, together with the tutor

of Macdonald of Largo and his sons. Colonel Gilbert Ramsay, and the

brave laird of Pitcur, “who, like a moving castle in the shape of

men, threw fire and sword on all sides,”[604] were also numbered with

the dead on this eventful day.[605]

In the Viscount Dundee, King James lost the only man in Scotland

possessed of all the qualifications necessary for conducting to

a successful issue the great and important charge which had been

committed to him by his sovereign. Educated in the strictest

principles of toryism, he could never divest his mind of the

abstract ideas of passive obedience and hereditary right, and

to him, therefore, any attempt to resist the authority of the

sovereign, no matter how far that authority was abused, appeared

highly treasonable. Though a sincere Protestant Episcopalian, the

heresy of the successor of Charles II. as the religion of James must

have appeared to him, in no respect altered his ideas of implicit

fidelity to the sovereign, nor did his views undergo any change when

the arbitrary and unconstitutional proceedings of James seemed to

the leading men of the nation to have solved the great political

problem, when resistance should commence and obedience end.[606]

In his eye, therefore, the revolution which drove the unfortunate

James from his throne, was a great national sin, which could only

be atoned for by restoring to him his crown, an object, in the

accomplishment of which, he conceived all good men were bound to lend

a helping hand. These ideas ingrafted upon a temperament peculiarly

sanguine, made him an enthusiast in favour of hereditary right, and

his appointment by the fallen monarch as the chosen one by whose

instrumentality his restoration was to be effected, imparted a charm

to his enthusiasm which dispelled every difficulty that appeared

to obstruct the grand object of his ambition and his hopes. With an

inflexibility of purpose, which no temptation could overcome, he

steadily pursued the course which the duty he conceived he owed to

his sovereign and the natural inclination of his own mind directed

him to follow. But Dundee had not merely the will, but, what was of

no less importance, the ability, had he lived, to have executed the

commission intrusted to him, one of his highest qualifications for

such a purpose--considering the fickle and unruly bands he had to

command--being that he stood unrivalled among his contemporaries in

the art of gaining the affections of his troops, and communicating to

them a full measure of the spirit which animated himself. His death,

therefore, was a fatal blow to James’s prospects, and with him the

cause of the Stuarts may be said to have perished. Dundee and his

friend Pitcur were interred in the church of Blair-Athole. “Never

vaulted roof or marble monument covered the last abode of a more

restless and ambitious heart than that which has slept in this quiet

spot amidst peasant dust.”[607]

FOOTNOTES:

[556] General Hugh Mackay, third son of Colonel Hugh Mackay of

Scowry, was born about 1640. Soon after the Restoration in 1660, he

obtained an ensign’s commission in the Royal Scots, now the Scots

Greys, and accompanied it to France on that corps being lent by

Charles II. to the French king. In 1669 he entered the Venetian

service, in which he distinguished himself. Leaving the service of

that republic, he again went to France, where he obtained a captaincy

in Douglas’s regiment. After serving under Marshal Turenne, in the

campaign in the Netherlands, in 1672, Captain Mackay offered his

services to the Prince of Orange, who gave him the commission of

Major in one of the Scotch regiments, then serving in Holland. After

reaching the rank of Colonel in the Dutch service, Mackay was invited

to England by James II., from whom, on the 4th of June, 1685, he

received the appointment of major-general, or commander in chief, of

the forces in Scotland; and was admitted a member of the Scottish

Privy Council, by virtue of a warrant from the king, dated the

18th of the same month. But disliking the arbitrary proceedings of

James, or preferring the service of his son-in-law, Mackay resigned

his commission in 1686, and returned to Holland. The prince raised

him to the rank of Major-general, and gave him the command of the

British regiments, with which he invaded England. By a warrant

signed by William and Mary, dated from Kensington, 4th January,

1689, Mackay was appointed “Major-general of all forces whatever,

within our ancient kingdom of Scotland.” Mackay was raised to the

rank of Lieutenant-general in 1690, and was killed at the battle of

Steinkirk, 3d August, 1692.

[557] “To the regular trained officers, such an army as he commanded

was as unstable and capricious as a giddy mob. If he did not study

the peculiarities of the race, and of each individual clan, some

untoward accident was ever occurring to vex his disciplinarian

spirit, and make him suspect that the cause was ruined; and if

he did not at once recognise and yield to the peculiarities as

they occurred, a trifle might readily sacrifice the army or the

cause,--for the Highland soldier’s immediate cause was his leader or

his clan. The succession to the crown of Britain, or the preservation

of the constitution were distant and secondary objects, to be

sacrificed without hesitation to any question of precedence or

etiquette.”--Burton’s _Scotland from the Revolution_, vol. i. pp.

101-103.--“If anything good was brought him (Dundee) to eat, he sent

it to a faint or sick soldier. If a soldier was weary, he offered

to carry his arms. He kept those who were with him from sinking

under their fatigues, not so much by exhortation, as by preventing

them from attending to their sufferings. For this reason he walked

on foot with the men; now by the side of one clan, and anon by that

of another. He amused them with jokes. He flattered them with his

knowledge of their genealogies. He animated them by a recital of the

deeds of their ancestors, and of the verses of their bards. It was

one of his maxims, that no general should fight with an irregular

army, unless he was acquainted with every man he commanded. Yet,

with these habits of familiarity, the severity of his discipline was

dreadful. The only punishment he inflicted was death. ‘All other

punishments,’ he said, ‘disgraced a gentleman, and all who were

with him were of that rank; but that death was a relief from the

consciousness of crime.’ It is reported of him, that, having seen a

youth fly in his first action, he pretended he had sent him to the

rear on a message. The youth fled a second time. He brought him to

the front of the army, and saying, ‘That a gentleman’s son ought not

to fall by the hands of a common executioner,’ shot him with his own

pistol.”--Dalrymple’s _Memoirs_, part ii. p. 47.

[558] Mackay’s _Memoirs_.

[559] _Memoirs of Dundee._--Burton’s _Scotland from the Revolution_,

vol. i. p. 112.

[560] _Scotland from Revolution_, vol. i. p. 114.

[561] “Lord Athole, Lord Tarbet, and Lord Breadalbane, men of great

power in the North, were prevailed upon to give him no disturbance:

The two first because they thought themselves neglected by the new

government; the last to make himself necessary to it.”--Dalrymple’s

_Memoirs_, Part ii. p. 45.

[562] P. 38, of Bannatyne club edition.

[563] _Memoirs_, p. 46.

[564] The following letter to Macleod of Macleod shows Dundee’s

notion of his prospects at this time:--

“_For the_ LAIRD _of_ MACLEOD.[565]

“MOY, Jun 23, 1689.

“SIR,--Glengaire gave me ane account of the substance of a

letter he receaved from yow: I shall only tell yow, that if you

heasten not to land your men, I am of opinion yow will have

litle occasion to do the king great service; for if he land in

the west of Scotland, yow will come too late, as I believe yow

will thinck yourself by the news I have to tell yow. The Prince

of Orange hath wreaten to the Scots councell not to fatig his

troops any more by following us in the hills, but to draw them

together in a body to the west; and, accordingly, severall of the

forces that were in Pearthshire and Angus, are drawn to Edinr.,

and some of Mackay’s regments are marcht that way from him....

Some of the French fleet hath been seen amongst the islands, and

hath taken the two Glasgow frigats. The king, being thus master

by sea and land, hath nothing to do but bring over his army,

which many people fancy is landed alraidy in the west. He will

have little to oppose him there, and will probably march towards

England; so that we who are in the graitest readiness will

have ado to join him. I have received by Mr. Hay a commission

of lieutenant-general, which miscairied by Breidy. I have also

receaved a double of a letter miscairied by Breidy to me, and

a new letter, dated the 18th of May; both which are so kind,

that I am asham’d to tell. He counts for great services, which

I am conscious to myself that I have hardly done my deutie. He

promises not only to me, but to all that will join, such marks

of favor, as after ages shall see what honour and advantage

there is, in being loyall. He sayes, in express terms, that

his favours shall vy with our loyalty. He hath, by the same

letters, given full power of councell to such councellors here,

as shall be joined in the king’s service, and given us power,

with the rest of his freends, to meet in a convention, by his

authority, to counteract the mock convention at Edinr., whom he

hath declaired traitours, and comanded all his loyall subjects

to make warr against them; in obedience to which, I have called

all the clannes. Captain of Glenrannald[566] is near us these

severall days; the laird of Baro[567] is there with his men. I am

persuaded Sir Donald[568] is there by this. M’Clean[569] lands in

Morven to-morrow certainly. Apen,[570] Glenco,[571] Lochell,[572]

Glengaire,[573] Keppoch,[574] are all raidy. Sir Alexander[575]

and Largo[576] have been here with there men all this while

with me, so that I hope we will go out of Lochaber about thre

thousand. Yow may judge what we will gett in Strathharig,

Badenock, Athol, Marr, and the duke of Gordon’s lands, besides

the loyall shires of Bamf, Aberdeen, Merns, Angus, Perth, and

Stirling. I hope we will be masters of the north, as the king’s

army will be of the south. I had almost forgot to tell you of my

Lord Broadalban,[577] who I suppose will now come to the feelds.

Dumbeth, with two hundred hors and eight hundred foot, are said

to be endeavouring to join us. My L. Seaforth[578] will be in a

few dayes from Irland to rais his men for the king’s service.

Now, I have layd the whole business before yow, yow will easily

know what is fitt for yow to do. All I shall say further is, to

repeat and renew the desyre of my former letter, and assure yow

that I am,

“Sir

“Your most humble servant,

“DUNDIE.

“Yow will receave the king’s letter to yow.”

[565] The original of this letter, which is addressed to John Macleod

of Macleod, is in possession of the present Laird of Macleod, his

descendant.

[566] Allan Macdonald, captain of Clanranald, then under age. Ronald

Macdonald of Benbecula, his tutor, attended him.

[567] R. Macneil of Barra.

[568] Sir Donald Macdonald of Slate.

[569] Sir John Maclean of Dowart and Morven.

[570] Stewart of Appin.

[571] Alexander Macdonald, or MacIan of Glencoe.

[572] Sir Ewen Cameron of Locheil.

[573] Alexander Macdonell, younger of Glengary.

[574] Dundee “used to call him Coll of the Cowes, because he

found them out when they were driven to the hills out of the

way.”--_Deposition of Lieutenant Colt_ in appendix to acts of

parliament, 1690.

[575] Sir Alexander Maclean of Otter.

[576] Alexander Macdonald of Largo.

[577] John, first Earl of Breadalbane.

[578] Kenneth, fourth Earl of Seaforth.

[579]

“_For the_ EARL _of_ MELFORT.[580]

“MOY IN LOCHABER, _June 27, 1689_.

After exculpating himself from a charge made against him by

the Earl, of his name having been ‘made use of for carrying on

designs against the Earl,’ Dundee thus proceeds:--

“When we first came out I had but fifty pounds of powder; more

I could not get, all the great towns and seaports were in

rebellion, and had seized the powder, and would sell none. But

I had one advantage, the Highlanders will not fire above once,

and then take to the broadsword.... The advocate[581] is gone

to England, a very honest man, firm beyond belief; and Athol is

gone too, who did not know what to do. Earl Hume, who is very

frank, is taken prisoner to Edinburgh, but he will be let out

on security. Earl Breadalbin keeps close in a strong house; he

has and pretends the gout. Earl Errol stays at home; so does

Aberdeen. Earl Marshall is at Edinburgh, but does not meddle.

Earl Lauderdale is right, and at home. The Bishops, I know not

where they are. They are now the kirk invisible. I will be

forced to open the letter, and send copies attested to them, and

keep the original, till I can find out our primate. The poor

ministers are sorely oppressed over all. They generally stand

right. Duke Queensberry was present at the cross, when their

new mock King was proclaimed, and I hear, voted for him, though

not for the throne vacant. His brother the Lieutenant General,

some say is made an Earl. He has come down to Edinburgh, and is

gone up again. He is the old man, and has abused me strangely,

for he swore to me to make amends. Tarbat is a great villain.

Besides what he has done at Edinburgh, he has endeavoured to

seduce Lochiel, by offers of money, which is under his hand.

He is now gone up to secure his faction, which is melting, the

two Dalrymples and others against Skelmarly,[582] Polwart,

Cardross, Ross, and others now joined with that worthy prince,

Duke Hamilton. M. Douglas is now a great knave, as well as beast;

as is Glencairne, Morton, and Eglinton, and even Cassillis is

gone astray, misled by Gibby.[583] Panmure keeps right, and at

home, so does Strathmore, Southesk, and Kinnaird. Old Airly is at

Edinburgh under caution, so is Balcarras and Dunmore. Stormont is

declared fugitive for not appearing. All these will break out,

and many more, when the King lands, or any from him. Most of the

gentry on this side the Forth, and many on the other, will do

so too. But they suffer mightily in the mean time; and will be

forced to submit, if there be not relief sent very soon. The Duke

of Gordon, they say, wanted nothing for holding out but hopes

of relief. Earl of Dunfermling stays constantly with me, and so

does Lord Dunkell, Pitcur, and many other gentlemen, who really

deserve well, for they suffer great hardships. When the troops

land there must be blank commissions sent for horse and foot, for

them and others that will join.”

[580] This letter was printed by Macpherson from the Nairne papers.

[581] Sir George Mackenzie.

[582] Sir James Montgomery.

[583] Dr. Gilbert Burnet, the historian.

[584] Mackay’s _Memoirs_.

[585] No. 14 of Appendix to Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 245.

[586] Balcarras, p. 68. Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 62.

[587] No. 15 of Appendix to Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 246.

[588] Mackay’s _Memoirs_, p. 51.

[589] “Mackay’s force was certainly not double that of his

adversary; but had it borne a far greater proportion, the trained

warriors and command of the ground, when in the hands of one well

fitted to use them, were advantages outweighing a large numerical

preponderance.”--Burton’s _Scotland from Revolution_, vol. i. p. 131.

[590] Balcarras, p. 69.

[591] Dalrymple’s _Memoirs_, part ii. p. 56.

[592] _Memoirs_, p. 51.

[593] Macpherson’s _Original Papers_, vol. i. p. 369.

[594] Mackay’s army is said to have outwinged Dundee’s by nearly a

quarter of a mile, which obliged the latter to leave large intervals

between each clan. On this account there was a deficiency of troops

in Dundee’s centre.--Memoir of Dundee in _Miscellanea Scotica_, vol.

iii.

[595] “The night before the battle, Dundee having reflected that the

Highlanders had not been tried in general actions since the battle

of Philiphaugh, which had been fought 40 years before, and being

desirous to put their courage to the test, gave an alarm, and caused

a false attack to be made upon his own camp. In an instant he found

every man at his post and firm in it. The event of the stratagem

removed the diffidence of the general, and confirmed the confidence

of the soldiers.”--Dalrymple’s _Memoirs_, part ii. p. 57.

[596] Stewart’s _Sketches_, vol. i. p. 63.

[597] Among the papers of the exiled prince’s secretary is a very

well composed document, called “Lord Dundee’s speech to his troops

before the battle of Killiecrankie,” which he certainly never

delivered, for the excellent reason that not a tenth of his audience

could have understood a word of it, and he was not a man tempted

either by capacity or inclination to the useless composition of

flowing sentences. Burton’s _Scotland from Revolution_, vol. i. p.

132. Burton, however, thinks we may readily believe General Mackay’s

statement as to the few homely sentences which he says he dropped to

his men.

[598] Macpherson’s _Original Papers_, vol i. p 371.

[599] _Memoirs_, p. 57.

[600] In a conversation respecting the battle between General Wade

and an old Highlander, who had fought at Killiecrankie, the latter

is reported to have spoken lightly of Mackay as a commander, calling

him a great fool, because he did not put his baggage in front of his

army at Killiecrankie. Wade dissented, of course, but the old man

insisted that the baggage should have been placed before the line,

in which case Mackay, he observed, would have gained the battle, as

the Highlanders would have first attacked the baggage, and would have

thus fallen an easy prey to Mackay’s army.

[601] In allusion to this battle, the author of the memoirs of

Viscount Dundee, (in _His. Scot._, vol. iii.,) says, “Then the

Highlanders fired, threw down their fusils, rushed in upon the enemy

with sword, target, and pistol, who did not maintain their ground two

minutes after the Highlanders were amongst them; and I dare be bold

to say, that were scarce ever such strokes given in Europe as were

given that day by the Highlanders. Many of General Mackay’s officers

and soldiers were cut down through the skull and neck to the very

breast; others had skulls cut off above their ears like night-caps;

some soldiers had both their bodies and cross-belts cut through at

one blow; pikes and small swords were cut like willows; and whoever

doubts of this, may consult the witnesses of the tragedy.”

[602] Balcarras.

[603] The authenticity of the letter alleged to have been written

by Dundee after he received his wound, may well be doubted. 1st.

No contemporary writer mentions its existence. 2d. It is probable

that Dundee died as stated in the text. King James says, that “when

crossing over the plaine to give some orders on the left where the

enemy made the most opposition, he was most unfortunately _killed_

by a random shot.” Clarke’s _James II._, vol. ii. p. 352. See the

authorities referred to by Mr. Smythe of Methven, in a note on the

letter in the Bannatyne collection of Dundee’s letters. These are

supported by the following note, written on a copy of Balcarras’s

_Memoirs_, in the Library of Christ Church, Oxford, upon the passage

relative to a bundle of papers found lying near Dundee on the field.

“N.B.--I spoke with some that were at that fight, and saw the

Viscount of Dundee’s corpse naked upon the ground, and was of the

number that wrapt it in a pladd, and brought it off the field to the

Blair of Athole; they said they saw no papers, nor was there any such

rumour among them.” ...

His Grace the Duke of Athole has kindly sent us the following note

on this matter. “Lord Dundee is reported to have been watering his

horse at a spring within gunshot of Urrard House, and at the same

time lifted his left arm to point or give some directions. At this

instant he was shot out of a window through the chinks of his armour,

_i.e._ between back- and breast-plates, which must have gaped open.

The left side of the breastplate, inside, is stained apparently with

blood, and the ball must have passed out from back to front through

the hole in the centre (See Plate). An old woman who died near here

(Blair) within the memory of persons still living, used to relate how

her grandfather was skulking on the hill above and saw Lord Dundee

fall; and his brother, who was the hostler at the inn at Blair, saw

him carried in _there_, and said that Lord Dundee died in the middle

room, upstairs, of the inn. I think I have seen it stated elsewhere

that he was taken to the Castle, but I should be inclined to believe

the country tradition.”

_The alleged letter from_ DUNDEE _to the_ KING _is as follows_:--

“SIR,

It hath pleased God to give your forces a great victory over

the rebels, in which three-fourths of them are fallen under

the weight of our swords. I might say much of the action, if I

had not the honour to command it; but of 5,000 men, which was

the best computation I could make of the rebels, it is certain

there have not escaped 1,200. We have not lost full out 900.

This absolute victory made us masters of the field and enemy’s

baggage, which I gave to the soldiers; who, to do them all right,

both officers and common men. Highlands, Lowlands, and Irish,

behaved themselves with equal gallantry to what I ever saw in the

hottest battles fought abroad by disciplined armies; and this

M’Kay’s old soldiers felt on this occasion. I cannot now, Sir,

be more particular; but take leave to assure your majesty the

kingdom is generally disposed to your service, and impatiently

wait for your coming; and this success will bring in the rest

of the nobility and gentry, having had all their assurance for

it, except the notorious rebels. Therefore, Sir, for God’s sake,

assist us, though it be with such another detachment as you sent

us before, especially of horse and dragoons; and you will crown

our beginning with a complete success, and yourself with an

entire possession of your ancient hereditary kingdom of Scotland.

My wounds forbid me to enlarge to your Majesty at this time,

though they tell me they are not mortal. However, I beseech your

Majesty to believe, whether I live or die,

I am entirely yours,

DUNDEE.”

“The letter is so happily expressed as to be a forgery on its face;

for it is not to be imagined that he who vainly struggled after

grammar with all his senses with him, would command it when mortally

wounded, and utterly unfit for that species of command with which he

was familiar.”--Burton, vol. i. p. 134.

[604] _Memoirs of Dundee._

[605] “In this battle Lochiel was attended by the son of his

foster-brother. This faithful adherent followed him like his shadow,

ready to assist him with his sword, or cover him from the shot of the

enemy. Soon after the battle began, the chief missed his friend from

his side, and turning round to look what had become of him, saw him

lying on his back, with his breast pierced by an arrow. He had hardly

breath before he expired to tell Lochiel, that, seeing an enemy, a

Highlander in General Mackay’s army, aiming at him with a bow and

arrow from the rear, he sprung behind him, and thus sheltered him

from instant death. This is a species of duty not often practised,

perhaps, by an aide-de-camp of the present day.”--_Stewart’s

Sketches._

[606] “He became a fanatic of the order he found himself in,--the

order of the cavalier who is devoted to his monarch and his monarch’s

allies, aristocratic and hierarchical. His fanaticism was that of the

gentleman. It is not common, perhaps, to associate the reproachful

term, ‘fanatic,’ with a word so expressive of estimable social

qualities as this word ‘gentleman;’ but as there is no hesitation in

applying it to religious opinions carried to excess, surely there can

be no desecration in applying it to social qualities when they become

offensively prurient.”--Burton’s _Scotland from Revolution_, vol. i.

p. 99.

[607] Burton, vol. i. p. 134.

The Scottish Highlands, Highland Clans and Highland Regiments, Volume 1 (of 2) · 第 23 / 48 章