EXCURSIONS IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF THE CITY ON THE NORTH AND
WEST--THE MONUMENT OF HELENA OF ADIABENE, AND THE CHURCH DEDICATED
TO S. STEPHEN--ROYAL CAVERNS--GROTTO OF JEREMIAH--HOUSE OF THE
VINE--TOMBS OF THE KINGS--SHEIKH JERRAH--ANCIENT SYNAGOGUE--TOMB OF
SIMON THE JUST--TOMBS AT THE HEAD OF THE KIDRON VALLEY--KIDRON
POOL--VARIOUS TOMBS ON THE NORTH-WEST--TOMBS OF THE JUDGES--SHEIKH
AYMAR--RUSSIAN BUILDINGS--VALLEY OF GIHON--BIRKET
MAMILLAH--MONUMENT OF HEROD, AND RUINS OF THE CHURCH OF S.
BABYLAS--GREEK CONVENT OF THE HOLY CROSS--PROPERTY OF THE
ARCHIMANDRITE NICOFERUS.
Let us return to the picturesque Damascus Gate[794], and begin our
examination from this point. In the first chapter[795] I mentioned that
there was a Cufic inscription under the archway on the west side; this
contains the Mohammedan confession of faith, namely, "There is no God
but God, and Mohammed is his Prophet." Outside the gate, on either hand,
is a mound, formed by the continual accumulation of rubbish and soil
which have been brought and cast down here for many centuries; the last
addition being on the building of the Austrian hospice in 1857. These
render it impossible to see the full extent of the ditch, which was made
in the reign of Agrippa to defend the city-walls[796]. Following the
road northward, some chiselled rocks are seen on the left hand, which I
have already[797] stated to be, in my opinion, the remains of the
monument of Helena of Adiabene. We must now consider the claims of this
place to be the scene of S. Stephen's martyrdom; since we saw[798] that
the present site, near S. Mary's church, was inadmissible. The
Bible[799] tells us no more than that the Saint was "cast out of the
city;" and as S. Paul witnessed the martyr's death, he may not
improbably have pointed out the place to the Christians. In the fourth
century this was said by tradition to be on the north of the city, as
we gather from a letter of the Priest Lucian, preserved by
Quaresmius[800]: "He was stoned outside the north gate, which leads to
Kedar." In the fifth century a magnificent church was erected here by
the Empress Eudoxia, in honour of S. Stephen. This must have been built
between the years A.D. 450 and A.D. 461, as she resided at Jerusalem
during that period, having retired there on the death of her husband,
Theodosius II., and died in 461; that is, in the fourth year of the
reign of Leo I., Emperor of the East[801]. She was buried in this
church[802]. From Evagrius[803] we also learn that "she built a church
in memory of S. Stephen, Proto-deacon and Proto-martyr, of remarkable
magnificence and beauty, which is not a stadium distant from Jerusalem."
This place is about a stadium from the Damascus Gate. Nicephorus
Callistus[804] also informs us that the church was the above distance
from the city, and was of great size and beauty. This church is also
celebrated for the synod which assembled there, A.D. 518, at the
instigation of S. Saba, to maintain the decisions of the Council of
Chalcedon, at which a great number of monks was present; and we learn
incidentally from the author of S. Saba's life[805], that the church was
"able to hold a very large multitude." Antoninus of Piacenza, in the
sixth century, calls the present Damascus gate the Gate of S. Stephen,
and expressly states that through it was the way to Cæsarea and
Diospolis, so that there can be no doubt of his meaning. This name was
retained until the walls of Jerusalem were rebuilt by Solyman I., A.D.
1536, when it was changed, for what reason history does not tell us; but
we may conjecture that the church had by this time disappeared, and the
tradition was misinterpreted by the Christians. The church built by
Eudoxia can scarcely have escaped destruction during the persecutions of
Chosroes II. in 614, and Hakem in 1010; but it was probably rebuilt on a
smaller scale, for we learn from Robert the Monk[806], an author of the
time of the first Crusade, who describes the details of the siege, that
"the Counts of Normandy and Flanders encamped on the north of the city,
near the church of S. Stephen the Proto-martyr, on the spot where he was
stoned by the Jews." Again, Sæwulf[807] informs us that "the stoning of
S. Stephen took place about two or three arbalist-shots without the
wall, to the north, where a very handsome church was built, which was
entirely destroyed by the Pagans." Again, we find the following allusion
in Albert of Aix[808]: "But Robert, Prince of the Normans, and the
British Count, pitched their tents near the walls, where is the oratory
of the Proto-martyr Stephen." Hence it is evident that up to the
eleventh century, the traditional site of the Saint's martyrdom was
always on the north of the city; and that the ruined church of Eudoxia
was replaced by an oratory, which was also destroyed by the Mohammedans
on the approach of the first Crusaders. The church was rebuilt in the
earlier part of the twelfth century under the Latin kingdom, for it is
marked on the Plan of the Brussels manuscript with this title,
'Monasterium S. Stephani[809],' and is by the side of the north gate,
there called 'Porta S. Stephani Septentrionalis.' It was served by the
monks of a convent, which, however, is not mentioned in any history; but
its seal has been published by Sebastian Pauli. Before its doors ran the
Royal road[810], along which all the pilgrims from beyond the sea
travelled to Jerusalem. On the other side of the road, on the left hand
going to the city, "was a great house in front of this church, which was
called the _asnerie_; there they were wont to keep the asses and beasts
of burden of the house of the Hospital, whence its name _asnerie_. The
Christians of Jerusalem destroyed this church of S. Stephen before they
were besieged, because it was near the walls. The _asnerie_ however was
not demolished, as it was used by the pilgrims who came to Jerusalem in
time of truce[811]." Indeed, on the east of the road leading to
Jerusalem, opposite to the rocks marking the site of the church of
Eudoxia, are some cisterns; and traces of walls are found when the
labourers are digging in the fields, the sole remains of the buildings
that once stood here. The Church of S. Stephen was, as we have said,
destroyed by the Crusaders, A.D. 1187, to prevent its covering the
advance of Saladin's troops towards the walls. Willibrand of
Oldenburg[812] saw its ruins in 1211, and must have occupied the
_asnerie_, for he speaks of "a certain house situated near the walls. At
this place S. Stephen was martyred, in whose honour our faithful, as
still appears, founded a church and archiepiscopate, where now the
Sultan's asses are kept ... with the materials of the church a dunghill
has been formed." The ruins of this church and _asnerie_ have
disappeared in the course of time; the tradition itself has been
transplanted to another locality, as we have seen, and would now pass
for correct, were it not for the historic documents which have preserved
for us the probable position of S. Stephen's martyrdom.
Between the Church of S. Stephen and the north-west corner of the city,
near the bastions of the walls, was the men's lazaretto, with a church
dedicated to S. Lazarus. By the side of it was the small gate of S.
Ladro, where the Royal road from the north came to an end by joining
that which went from S. Stephen's Gate[813].
Going back from the place of S. Stephen's martyrdom towards the Damascus
Gate, we find on the left a road leading eastward; and on the right of
this is an aperture, under the city-walls, which stand on a high rock;
and close to the aperture a deep excavation. These are the Royal
Caverns, and opposite to them, on the north, is the so-called Grotto of
Jeremiah[814]. I have already mentioned[815], in speaking of the third
line of walls, that I consider these two spots, now separated, to have
been formerly united; and now, in giving a more minute account of them,
I trust to shew that I am right in my opinion, and that the first-named
place has been properly identified with the Royal Caverns of Josephus.
It is not unfrequently stated in Jerusalem, that Dr Barclay discovered
these great caves, which I call the Royal Caverns: and perhaps he was
the first European in this century to describe them, but they were not
unknown to the inhabitants of the country. They are called by the Arabs
_Megharet el-Kotton_ (the Cotton Grotto), and were known to
Mejir-ed-Din, who thus writes of them: "Opposite to and to the south of
the _Zahara_" (a Mohammedan cemetery situated above the Grotto of
Jeremiah), "and below the northern gate of the city, is a great oblong
excavation, called the Cotton Grotto, and some say that it even extends
below the _Sakharah_." The notion, indeed, was common in the country,
that from these caverns it was possible to penetrate into the _Haram
es-Sherîf_: so that the adherents of the government would not allow any
one to enter them. The Bedouins, however, and the Arabs of the country,
took possession of them during the insurrection, and threatened to blow
them up if their demands were not satisfied. I claim the merit of having
rendered the passage practicable, and contributed to prove that there is
no communication between them and the _Haram_. I have also made a
correct plan of them, and conducted many persons thither, acting as
their guide; among others, His Excellency Surraya Pasha, M. de Barrère,
Consul of France and M. Gérardy Saintine, who in his book 'Trois ans en
Judée' has entirely availed himself of my discoveries, which I shewed
him, without acknowledging his obligation to me for them, and for the
two Plans of ancient and modern Jerusalem annexed to his book, which
were furnished by me.
Nothing can be more surprising than these caverns, which seem to have
been excavated by the generations of old, as a challenge to posterity.
Immense halls, with their roofs supported by piers of natural rock,
exhibit in their sides openings leading into long dark galleries,
terminating in other chambers of large dimensions. On the left hand is a
disordered heap of accumulated fragments of rock, a pile of enormous
limestone blocks, lying in confusion one on the other; the spaces
between which have been filled up by the soil falling down from above,
so that on one side it rises like a rugged hill, on another presents a
gentle slope; but any one who incautiously attempts to traverse it has
reason to repent of his undertaking. At the south end of the first
excavation is a kind of fountain, surrounded by stalactites of the
strangest shape, which have arranged themselves so as to form a sort of
lengthened dome. The water, which falls in drops from above into the
little basin, is not good to drink. It is brackish, and from my
investigations I have come to the conclusion that it is not supplied by
a spring, but filters through from the cisterns excavated in the rock
above: in fact, in the rainy season there is an abundant supply, but in
summer it is dried up. It becomes brackish in passing through the rock,
which contains many saline and ferruginous particles. Going eastward
from this fountain, we pass along a cliff on the right hand, while on
the left high white walls of rock shew the cavities from which the large
stones have been extracted. At last we arrive at the deepest part, where
is a chamber about 260 feet long, where we can examine in detail the
manner in which the ancients quarried the monolithic columns, the great
building stones, and large paving slabs. I think that the monolith in
the vaults of _el-Aksa_, in the inner chamber of the Gate of Huldah, was
taken from these caves; for here we find a place where a column of stone
still hangs down from the roof, like a great stalactite. On comparing
with this the measurements of the monolith, they were found to
correspond in width and height; and the conjecture is still further
confirmed by the colour and character of the stone. The process by which
the blocks were extracted can be examined in the side walls. The masses
were separated from the rock by vertical grooves nearly four inches
wide, the inner boundary of which is a quadrant of a circle. These I
believe to have been cut with a circular disk, worked with a handle,
which moved it backwards and forwards through a half-revolution. At the
present time the Arab masons use an instrument of the same kind in
making a groove in a wall. When the groove was made of a sufficient
depth to give a stone of the required thickness, they detached it with a
pick, or raised the hinder face which adhered to the rock; this explains
the great width of the vertical groove: consequently in the process of
quarrying the stone was cut smooth on three faces. I have frequently
measured the cavities from which blocks have been removed, and also the
stones themselves which have been left partially attached to the rock,
or which are lying on the ground, and found them correspond perfectly
with many large blocks built into the east side of the _Haram_ wall,
more especially in its lower parts. Moreover, the mineral character of
the stones is the same; so that I am fully persuaded that these caverns
were made by Solomon, when he built the Temple, and were afterward
enlarged by Herod for the same purpose, and by Agrippa for the new or
third lines of walls, which he was obliged to leave unfinished. The
stones quarried here well deserve the term applied to them by
Josephus[816], that they were 'exceeding white.' Before leaving these
caverns I should warn the traveller that he ought not to visit them
alone, relying simply on his own powers and his map for finding his way
out again, but should take a guide, or at least a companion, and leave
another trusty friend at the entrance. Of late years the place has
become a haunt of ill-disposed persons, who retire here, not to lie in
wait for travellers, but to celebrate their orgies; and therefore the
stranger may, if alone, be pelted, without knowing where his assailant
is. Besides, the road is not very safe in parts, and not easy to find by
the light of a single candle. In winter, during the rainy season, let no
one risk a journey in them; the falls of stone which happen at that time
are sometimes not only alarming, but even fatal. In 1857 a large rock
detached itself, and fell with a loud crash, while I was measuring at
the eastern end of the cavern. I felt far from comfortable until I found
that the way back was still open, and I speedily availed myself of it,
carrying out, with the help of my European servant, an Arab youth, whom
the noise had frightened out of his senses. The pure air outside is
refreshing, for the small opening which forms the entrance is
insufficient for proper ventilation, and the close dense atmosphere
within often causes faintness. This opening is only the upper part of
the ancient one; formerly the caverns were entered through a large gap,
which is now built up, and in a great measure buried in the soil. From
this place the blocks of stone were transported into the city through
the ancient North Gate, as I have already mentioned[817].
Let us now visit the Grotto of Jeremiah, where, according to tradition,
the Prophet composed the Book of Lamentations. At the first glance we
recognize it as the continuation of the caverns we have just quitted;
and noticing the horizontal strata of limestone, from which the great
blocks in the city-wall have been extracted, can readily conceive that
those huge masses, mentioned by Josephus[818], may have been quarried
here, although we cannot now find any traces of them. To enter this
grotto we must obtain permission of a dervish, the keeper of the place;
who, however, never refuses, as he not only hopes to receive a present,
which he applies to adorn his retreat, but also is a man of a kind and
courteous nature.
On passing the entrance we find, on the right hand, a large rectangular
chamber, the walls of which at first sight appear to be entirely Arab
masonry; but a careful examination detects large blocks of Roman
workmanship, especially in the lower parts, and a piece of wall of the
date of S. Helena. I am confirmed in my opinion on this point by the
words of Nicephorus Callistus[819], who informs us that this Empress
built a church near the grotto; therefore it is not improbable that
these may be the remains of that edifice. To the east of the above
chamber is a little irregular court, on the north of which is a very
deep cistern excavated in the rock; and on the south is a cavern of
great size, which has been converted into a cistern. This is perhaps the
origin of the tradition that here was the dungeon in which the prophet
was placed[820]. The tradition is inadmissible, whatever system be
adopted for the line of the third wall; for in any case this place would
be outside the second wall, and therefore a palace and a prison[821]
would not occupy this position. Beneath the vaulting formed by the rock
is the tomb of a Mohammedan santon, and a court enclosed by a low wall,
in which the followers of the Prophet come to pray; where also the
good-natured dervish has sometimes allowed the parties of distinguished
travellers to lunch after a long excursion round the city-walls. The
interior of the grotto in every part affords unquestionable signs of its
having been a stone-quarry; for the cavities left by the blocks are
still visible, and the holes on which the workmen have been engaged. I
think therefore that this place was separated from the Royal
Caverns[822] in quarrying stone, and may, strictly speaking, be called a
part of them. Dr Schultz[823] has endeavoured to identify the grotto
with the monument of Alexander Jannæus, because of the statement in
Josephus[824], "that John and his party defended the tower Antonia, and
the northern cloister of the Temple, and fought the Romans before the
monuments of King Alexander." As these posts were held by John, after
Titus had taken the outer line of walls, this position is of course
inadmissible according to my theory; but putting that out of the
question, it seems to me very improbable that Alexander, whom we know to
have been honoured with a magnificent funeral[825], would have been
buried in a place like this; and after the most careful examination of
the interior, I have not been able to discover the slightest trace of
sepulchral chambers; nothing beyond the chiselled faces of the limestone
rock and heaps of rubbish.
Quitting the grotto we mount above it to the Mohammedan cemetery, called
by the Arabs _Turbet ez-Zahara_, whence a view of the city is obtained;
which, though limited, will, I think, shew the correctness of the
position I assign to Bezetha.
Proceeding hence towards the north-east corner of the city, we find the
Pilgrims' Pool, _Birket el-Hijah_, close to the Gate of Herod on the
east, as I have already remarked[826]. This reservoir was unquestionably
at first constructed to receive the waters of the narrow valley above,
which I call the North Valley; whence they were conducted by a
subterranean conduit across the city to the Pool of Bethesda. Its walls
are formed of ancient blocks, perhaps of the date of Herod, or even of
an earlier period; but have been greatly modified afterwards in the
construction of a vault (now in ruins) which covers the greater part of
it. The Christian tradition concerning this pool differs so much from
the Mohammedan, that I transcribe it, without however in any way
asserting its truth. It says that, when the Empress Helena arrived at
Jerusalem, she chose to enter it with all humility; and so without pomp,
clad in a mean dress and barefoot, she entered the Gate of Herod; and
that this circumstance gave the pool its name. From this point to the
north-east corner the city-wall rises but slightly above the general
level of the ground; consequently this is the weakest part of the
defences, although it is strengthened by a ditch. Here it was that
Godfrey of Bouillon scaled the wall and captured the city.
North of the pool is a plateau, on which stands an ancient Arab house,
overshadowed by an old pine-tree, and surrounded by an olive-grove. This
is called _Kerm es-Sheikh_ (the farm or vineyard of the chief). The
Mohammedan authorities of the highest rank who come to the Holy City,
either as its governors or as pilgrims, are accustomed to pass the night
here before their entry, and prepare themselves (as they say) by prayer
to visit Jerusalem. There is a curious Mohammedan tradition attached to
the place which may interest the reader; it is as follows: "When the
potent and valorous Nebuchadnezzar, Sultan of Babylon, came to Jerusalem
by the Divine command to punish the Jews who had abandoned the laws
given them by God, he despoiled the Temple of all its valuables;
reserving for himself the throne of Solomon, with its two golden lions
which spoke by the power of magic, and distributing the rest of the
booty to the other Kings who had joined him in the expedition. The King
of Roum had the coat of Adam and the rod of Moses; the King of Antioch
received the throne of Belkis and the miraculous peacock, whose tail,
all studded with gems, formed a rich back to the throne; the King of
Andalusia had the Prophet's golden table. A smaller coffer of common
stone, containing the Law (_Torat_), lay in the middle of all these rich
prizes, and no one heeded it; though it was the most precious of all
treasures. It was consequently abandoned, and disappeared in the
confusion that reigned during the sack of the city. Forty years
afterwards God determined to re-establish the children of Israel in
their old fatherland, and raised up the Prophet Euzer (Ezra); who,
destined by Heaven for a glorious mission, had spent his youth in
prayers and meditation, despising human knowledge in order to devote
himself to the contemplation of the Eternal. He had lived in one of the
grottoes that surround the Holy City[827]; but now came forth from his
retreat, and went among the children of Israel to shew them how they
ought to rebuild the Temple, and again worship God befittingly,
according to the ancient rites. But the people, having little faith in
the Prophet's mission, declared that they would not submit to the laws,
but would rather leave off rebuilding the Temple and emigrate to another
country, if the book were not produced in which Moses had written the
Law given to him by God on Mount Sinai. This book, as we have seen, had
disappeared, and all endeavours to discover it were vain. In this
difficulty Euzer with earnest prayers entreated God to interfere, and
hinder the people from persisting in their blindness. He was seated in a
vineyard, on the spot where the pine-tree now stands, regarding with
sorrow the ruins of the Temple, around which the tumultuous populace was
assembled. Suddenly a voice from heaven commanded him to write; and
though he had never before taken a pen in his hand, he obeyed at once:
From the hour of mid-day prayer to the same time on the morrow, without
eating or washing, he wrote down all that the heavenly voice dictated;
and stopped not for the darkness of night, for a supernatural light
illumined his spirit, and an Angel guided his hand. All the Jews beheld
with amazement this manifestation of the Divine Power; but when the
Prophet had finished his miraculous writing, the Priests, jealous of the
special favour shewn to him, asserted that the new book was an invention
of the devil, and did not in any respect resemble the former one. Euzer
again betook himself to prayer, and, yielding to a sudden inspiration,
directed his steps to the fountain of Siloam, followed by all the
people. When he arrived before it he raised his hands to heaven, and
offered up a prayer to the Almighty, while the multitude knelt around.
Suddenly a square stone rose above the surface of the water, and glided
along as if supported by an invisible hand; in which the Priests
recognized with terror the long-missing sacred coffer. Euzer received it
reverently, and opened it with his own hands: the _Torat_ of Moses
sprang out as though endowed with life; and the new copy, quitting the
Prophet's bosom, took its place. All doubt was now at an end;
nevertheless the holy man bade the Priests compare the two copies. They,
despite of their confusion, did so; and, after a long examination,
lifted up their voices and proclaimed that the two books did not differ
by so much as a word or an accent. After they had rendered this homage
to truth, they were struck with a life-long blindness, as a punishment
for their former crimes." Though the whole of this story is but an
Oriental fantasy, it is curious for its mention of the Law, and the
circumstances and persons it records.
On the north, a few yards from the _Kerm es-Sheikh_, is an old
Mohammedan cemetery, in which are some tombstones with ancient dates;
none, however, earlier than the time of Saladin.
Going on northward over cultivated land planted with olives, we arrive
at the Tombs of the Kings. I may observe, that during all this walk
nothing is seen but a reddish clayey soil with a rich vegetation, or
bare rocks without any marks of chiselling; nor are there traces of
walls nor any dressed stones; all which proves, in my opinion, that this
ground never formed part of the city; which must in that case, have had
its houses and walls built of shapeless fragments and clay, of which
there is no lack.
To visit the Tombs of the Kings[828], called by the Arabs _Kubur
el-Maluk_, we descend a slope, from west to east, which originally was a
staircase with wide steps hewn in the rock; but its form has been
completely hidden by the quantity of soil mixed with fragments of stone,
which have been accumulated by the rain, the wind, and the hand of man.
However, I ascertained that it once existed by an excavation at the top
of the slope on the west, where I discovered three steps. At the lower
end is an aperture of irregular shape, formed in the rock, through which
I entered into a cave, after much trouble in clearing away the rubbish
that blocked it up, and was able to determine, notwithstanding the
accumulation of earth within, that it had never contained sepulchral
chambers, but had been a cistern, large though not deep. Towards the
eastern end of the wall, on the left hand as we descend, is a
round-headed doorway hewn out of the rock, and ornamented with a small
incised fillet. It is buried up to the spring of the arch, so that it is
necessary to stoop in order to enter it. I began to make an excavation
to examine its full height, but the large stones which I found below the
surface would have rendered the completion of the undertaking so
expensive that I abandoned it. However, I uncovered the door to a height
of 8-1/2 feet including the arch. It leads into a rectangular court,
open to the air, and surrounded by vertical walls hewn in the rock, as
is the floor, which is buried under rubbish formed of the earth brought
down by the rains from the fields above, and broken stones thrown in by
the Arabs; who, barbarians as they are, exhibit the most provoking
indifference to the preservation of ancient monuments, and view with a
jealous eye everything that interests visitors, often mutilating what
they cannot entirely destroy.
In the west wall of this court a vestibule is excavated with remarkable
skill, the roof of which was formerly supported by two columns, also
hewn out of the rock: these have now disappeared, owing to the effects
of individual Vandalism, and the injuries of the earthquake in 1837. M.
de Saulcy[829] has given the following excellent description of this
monument: "Above the porch, on the face of the rock itself, runs a long
frieze, carved with exquisite taste and delicacy. The centre of the
frieze is occupied by a bunch of grapes, an emblem of the promised land,
and the habitual type of the Asmonæan coinage. To the right and left of
this bunch are placed symmetrically a triple palm, carved with the
greatest elegance, a crown and triglyphs, alternating with pateræ, or
round shields, three times repeated[830]. Below this runs a rich garland
of foliage and fruit, falling down at right angles on each side of the
opening of the porch. The left-hand portion of this garland has been
much more injured by time than that on the right. Above the line of the
triglyphs a fine cornice begins, formed of elegant mouldings,
unfortunately much damaged, and rising up to the top of the rock, that
is to say, nearly to the level of the surrounding country." The
left-hand portion of this cornice is almost destroyed, not only by the
Arabs, but also by the Americans; among whom a certain Mr Jones has
especially distinguished himself by breaking off all the ornaments that
could be carried away. Beyrout and Jaffa have been the chief centres of
his destructive industry, so that he has destroyed the few monuments of
Phoenicia and of Palestine that remained in their original positions.
Hammer in hand, and dead to every sense of artistic beauty, he chops off
fragments from the inscriptions of Sesostris, from the columns of
Baalbek, and from the monuments of Jerusalem. The Tombs of the Kings
have suffered more at his hands than from all the hostile invasions that
have devastated Palestine.
On descending into the vestibule, we see in its south wall a small low
door, which can only be passed by creeping on the ground. Here, though
the result of my observations[831] will be found to differ from those of
M. de Saulcy, I take this opportunity of expressing my respect for him,
as one of the first persons to investigate with technical precision the
monuments of Palestine. We come, then, to the entrance of the sepulchral
chambers, by descending six steps hewn in the rock, which start from a
circular hollow about two feet deeper than the general level of the
floor of the vestibule, in which, no doubt, the funeral ceremonies were
completed. I removed all the stones from this place in order to be able
to give an exact account of it. On the left-hand side of the door in a
kind of narrow gutter, which joins the steps again by a course of three
sides of an oblong, is a large stone of an ellipsoidal form, the outline
near the extremities of the shorter axis being flat instead of curved.
On the right hand is a hollow in the wall, into which one of the apses
of this stone was inserted. This arrangement enables us to form an
accurate idea of the manner in which the Tomb of Christ was closed. The
stone now rests with one of its apses on the ground, so that its longer
axis is perpendicular to the level of the floor. The upper segment of
the stone corresponds with the cavity in the rock on the right hand; and
the square, formed by the flattened edges of the stone and two lines
joining their extremities, is larger than the doorway by rather more
than an inch each way. It is therefore evident that it was not necessary
to roll this stone, but simply to lower it from left to right, so as to
turn the axes through a right angle and bring the shorter axis
perpendicular to the ground; when the apse fitted into the
above-mentioned cavity, and the stone, resting upon the lowest step,
effectually closed the doorway. The means employed to raise and lower
this stone was no doubt a chain, passing over two pulleys, with
vertical axes, which a person drew towards himself to raise the stone
from its place. The two right-angled elbows in the above-mentioned
channel were to apply the force to the chain more conveniently. The
channel in which the stone lies was covered by a long slab, and we can
still see the points on which this rested.
This is not the only way in which the aperture was closed, for, after
passing this, we see the jambs which must have supported another stone
door, moving on two pivots, the holes for which still remain above and
below. When it was hung it must have yielded to the slightest push from
without. Through this we enter a square antechamber, in which are three
doors, one in the middle of the western wall, and the other two in the
southern, one near each corner. Entering the western door, we come to a
room with three smaller chambers opening out of the middle of each wall,
each of which contains three sepulchral niches[832], consisting of a
stone bier or slab under an arch; these three chambers are flanked on
each side by casemate vaults, each having a channel cut in the rock in
the middle of the floor; to each of which, with one exception, a small
recess is attached to receive articles which had been valued by the
deceased. Out of the central room a narrow sloping gallery in the north
wall leads into a lower chamber, with a sepulchral niche in the west
wall, and two steps against the north, the lower of which is larger than
the upper. On one of these lay the sarcophagus[833], which M. de Saulcy
has deposited in the Museum of the Louvre at Paris; a similar one,
broken in pieces, was found near. He considers the former to be the
sarcophagus of David; but with this opinion I am unable to agree. Here
there are places for three corpses. Returning into the antechamber we
enter the door on the south-east, and find ourselves in a room with the
openings of three casemate vaults in the south wall, and three in the
east; two of these are provided with channels, and one with the recess
in its wall; the other four are narrower than the rest; which have been
completely finished off by their excavators, as is proved by their
correspondence one with another in length, breadth, and height, by the
regularity of their angles, and by the jambs supporting the doors which
closed them. M. de Saulcy thinks that the latter were never finished,
perhaps because they are not so wide as the others, and have no channel
in the floor; but, in my opinion, this was only made to catch the
moisture that dripped from the corpse during putrefaction, and by
draining it off to allow the body to become dry more rapidly. Therefore
I consider that in the narrower vaults bodies which had been previously
dried up were placed. Let us now return again into the antechamber and
visit the room on the west of that just described. In the south wall of
this are three finished casemate vaults, and the same number in the
west, five of which have the channel, while the sixth belongs to the
narrower class already mentioned. Two of the five have also the attached
recess. In the north wall is a small door leading by a narrow descending
passage into a small chamber containing three sepulchral niches. Thus
there are altogether thirty-three biers, including among these the two
steps on which the sarcophagi were found. Round each of the three rooms
communicating with the vaults runs a small foot-path, raised above the
general level of the floor, so that a kind of basin is formed at the
bottom of the chamber. Into this I suppose the moisture escaping from
the bodies during putrefaction flowed; perhaps there were holes in the
sides to admit water, or allow of the escape of fluids; but this I could
not ascertain, as the floor was covered with rubbish. Each chamber was
closed by a stone door, which worked on pivots fixed in two holes. At
the present time the doors lie on the ground broken to pieces, and
though every one must admire their workmanship, no one has attempted to
preserve them from total ruin by conveying them away to some European
museum. Many authors have endeavoured to explain how they were
made[834]; but I think they were brought from some other place, when
completed, and then set up. I am led to this conclusion by observing
that they are of a different kind of stone to that seen in the walls of
the chambers; that is, of a more compact limestone without veins. All
the workmanship in the excavation is admirable, and the angles are
formed with the greatest accuracy. Chisels, hooks, and the revolving
cutters, appear to have been the instruments used. There have been many
controversies about the origin and use of these tombs: some consider
them to have been the monument of Helena of Adiabene; but in that case
it would be difficult to explain for what purpose the thirty-three
receptacles were made, as Josephus says that she and her son alone were
buried there. M. de Saulcy endeavours to prove them to be the Tombs of
the Kings; but I have already shewn[835] that this is contrary to the
Bible, Josephus, and tradition. From the Books of Maccabees and
Josephus, we are enabled to determine the Tombs of many Asmonæan
princes. With regard to the family of Herod, we know that Herod the
Ascalonite was buried in Herodium; his sons, Alexander, Aristobulus, and
others, in Alexandrium near to Shiloh; Agrippa in the valley of Gihon;
Antipas died in Gaul; consequently none of these can lie here. We know
that when Aristobulus was poisoned by the partizans of Pompeius, his
body was preserved in honey, and sent to Jerusalem by Antonius[836]. He
may therefore be one of those who were buried in these tombs, in which
other members of the royal family, especially women and children, may
have been interred. The monument being of the Doric order does not allow
us to assign it to an earlier period. The Jews visit these tombs with
reverence, and the Arabs exact from them a payment on entrance, to which
they patiently submit. They do not, however, consider these to be the
burial-places of their first Kings, but of the last; so that here
tradition agrees with the architectural evidence furnished by the
monument.
About a hundred yards from the Tombs of the Kings, to the south-west, in
a field planted with olives, is a sepulchre, excavated vertically in the
rock[837]. It is almost the only example of its kind in the open country
in Palestine, and is the more remarkable because the Tombs of the
Patriarchs in the cave of Machpelah at Hebron, that of Rachel near
Bethlehem Ephrata, and of Samuel at Ramah (_Neby-Samwîl_) are of the
same kind. Round the edge of the oblong grave runs a step, into which a
stone is fitted so as to close the hole firmly, and on this was placed a
sarcophagus. This I have ascertained by a careful examination of those
at Ephrata and Ramah.
Hence we return to the road running to the north, and, after passing the
Tombs of the Kings, find on the left an Arab building called _Sheikh
Jerrah_; a place in much veneration among the Mohammedans, especially
those of the country; since it contains the tomb of a santon, who, as
they believe, has the power of granting them prosperous expeditions,
abundant harvests, and good luck, especially with their fowls and eggs;
of which articles a small tribute is paid to a live dervish, who acts as
go-between for them in their petitions to the dead santon.
Keeping along the road to the right leading to the open country on the
north-east, we come to a spot on the southern bank of the Kidron Valley,
where there are signs of excavations, if not of tombs. One of these is
remarkable for its large dimensions; it is entirely excavated with the
chisel, and shews some trace of a gallery hewn out of the solid rock in
its upper part. This is _Jadagat el-Ahel_, which I have already
mentioned[838]. All the Jews assert that during the persecutions their
race underwent, in the times of Hadrian and of the Byzantine emperors,
this place was used as a synagogue by those, who, despising the perils
of the journey, came from far that they might behold their ancient
capital, if only from a distance. I have already mentioned the
explanation of the name; but another tradition is current among the more
ignorant and prejudiced Jews, which is given by Saintine[839]: "When
Titus was besieging Jerusalem, and had completely blockaded the town
with his legions, in the month _Bûl_ (November) provisions began to fail
the inhabitants. Then universal misery prevailed in the city, and the
famine slew more than the Romans. In this extremity, even the women and
children were killed to nourish the combatants; but these sufferings,
terrible as they were, did not appease the wrath of Heaven, and the city
was taken and sacked with every atrocity of war. At this time there
lived at Jerusalem a very wealthy Jew, who had been educated at Rome,
and for this reason was allowed to retain his riches. But what good were
they now to him? His wife and boys had been sacrificed to the horrible
cravings of hunger. This fearful scene was ever present to his mind, and
banished repose. He could only find one solace: he determined to give a
portion of his property to his wretched fellow-citizens; and further, he
made a vow to distribute corn, meat, and wine, among them at this place,
every year at the feast of Purim; so that they might be able to share in
the general joy, and celebrate the festival in a proper manner. So sped
the years; the evils of the war were beginning to be less felt, when the
new generation, seduced by a false Messiah named Cosiba, again
endeavoured to shake off the Roman yoke. The aged man still remembered
too well the miseries of the former siege; he implored his brethren to
abandon their fatal determination, relating to them what he had seen and
suffered; but his efforts were fruitless. At length it was revealed to
him from heaven that soon the city would again be destroyed by the
armies of Hadrian. For the last time he tried to induce the rebels to
submit, but in vain; then, preferring to die rather than witness the
misfortunes of his country, he prayed to God to remove him from the
earth; the roof of the cavern fell in, and buried him in its ruins under
the heap which still lies before its mouth. Still however, every year,
at the feast of Purim, the dead man takes a piece of money from his
hidden treasures, and places it on the rock in order to continue the
'alms of food' to the poor." Before 1857 there was an isolated mass of
rock in the middle of this monument, to which the Rabbins and a great
number of people came on their feast of Pentecost to pray and read the
Pentateuch, but it has now disappeared, because, in building the
Austrian hospice, this place was used as a stone quarry, and greatly
mutilated. It is to be hoped that what remains will not be destroyed by
a repetition of this vandalism, when another work of charity is executed
for a European nation.
On ascending the Kidron Valley we find, on its northern bank, a place,
commonly called the Tomb of Simon the Just. A few years ago a
Mohammedan, seeing that it was frequented by the Jews, affixed a door to
it, expecting that he would be able to extract money from those who
wished to visit it. He has not been disappointed in his hopes, and reaps
large gains. Whether the name is rightly given, I do not know; but it is
not contrary to any tradition. The interior is not remarkable; only
there is a small cistern, well constructed, on the side of the casemate
vault. The Jews visit this spot for prayer at all seasons, but
especially when rain is needed for the country, after it has been
parched during nine months by a blazing sun.
Further up the valley, after crossing the road to Samaria, we find,
still on the northern side, an ancient tomb[840], the exterior of which
is completely mutilated. In the front court is a fragment of the western
end of a wall, hewn out of the solid rock; all the rest of it has been
destroyed. In the piece which remains we find a conduit and small basin;
these clearly prove that water must have been supplied from some higher
ground on the north; but I have not been able to discover whence it
came. Against the north wall is a heap of soil, nearly covering up an
aperture; through the part still open, though overgrown with creepers,
it is possible to crawl into the interior[841]. Here we find a
rectangular vestibule which evidently has been converted into a cistern,
as its walls have been covered with strong cement, and a hole made in
the roof, through which soil and broken stones are brought down from the
hill-side above, in the rainy season. A small door in the middle of the
north wall leads into an antechamber in good preservation, in the east
wall of which is the passage into a chamber with eight biers, one of
them being a sepulchral niche, and the rest casemate vaults, without
channels, but sloping slightly downwards towards the floor of the
chamber, round which runs a kind of footpath, above the general level of
the floor, as in the Tombs of the Kings. At the end of one of these
vaults is the small recess. As the dimensions and finish of these
correspond with those of the small vaults in the above-named tombs, they
would be considered unfinished by M. de Saulcy. Returning into the
antechamber, we find in its western wall a small door leading into a
single casemate vault, which is much larger than any other of its kind
in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem. This monument does not bear any
special name, but must have belonged to a wealthy family, because,
although it is not so large as the other great tombs, its execution is
not inferior to theirs.
Descending from this point to the bed of the Kidron Valley, we find a
nearly square pool. Though this is now almost filled with earth, yet in
the rainy season the waters flow into it from the slopes above, and form
a sort of little lake, which is then the source, so to say, of the
Kidron. I have investigated carefully the ground above, endeavouring to
discover some proof of the existence of a spring, but in vain. By
excavating I found that the depth of the Pool was fifteen feet.
From this position we ascend in a north-westerly direction, and then
turn southward towards an ash-coloured mound. All along our course we
observe numbers of ruined and broken tombs, and can readily comprehend
the account given by Josephus[842] of the levelling executed by Titus'
army, between Scopus and the city. The small mound mentioned above has
been examined by Liebig, who considers it to be composed of the ashes of
bones and animal remains. This might be true of the specimen submitted
to him, but I am of opinion that it chiefly consists of ashes from the
soap-works of Jerusalem, mingled with soil and broken stones, with bones
of dogs and other carrion, that have been cast out there. I have arrived
at this conclusion, after making large excavations in the heap, and
availing myself of its materials to mix with lime in making a strong
cement, which I used in building and repairing terrace-roofs, and in
conduits and cisterns. The inhabitants of Jerusalem, and the proprietors
of the soap-works themselves, have assured me that the greater part of
this deposit was formed during the time of Ibrahim Pasha, by whose
orders the refuse of their manufactories was conveyed outside the city.
By following the road, which leads in a north-westerly direction to
Gibeon, we find on the left-hand side, at a distance of about two
hundred yards from the above mound, a tomb which differs in form from
all those already described. It has an antechamber, and from it three
doors lead into three small chambers, in which there are no biers. At
the first glance I was inclined to consider it as an incomplete
work, but from the perfect execution of its interior and its
frontispiece[843], I came to a different conclusion after I had had many
opportunities of examining both finished and unfinished sepulchres.
Keeping along the road, we see before reaching the Tombs of the Judges,
numbers of tombs dispersed about the ground on our right hand, some
partly destroyed, some converted into cisterns, and others still
uninjured. All this land was a large field of the dead, where the
ancient Jews excavated sepulchres suitable to their wealth and station.
One among them is remarkable as giving us a correct idea of that in
which our Lord was laid; for it consists of an antechamber, and a burial
chamber, in which is a single niche to receive a corpse, on the right
hand of the entrance[844]. A few yards further on, we come, after
turning to the right, to the Tombs of the Judges[845], called by the
Arabs _Kubur el-Godka_. There does not appear to be any reason for the
name. Eight of the fifteen Judges who ruled the people between the death
of Joshua and the accession of Saul were certainly buried elsewhere: and
it is far more likely that the rest would sleep with their fathers among
their own tribes, after the usual custom of the Israelites. It seems to
me much more probable that certain members of the Sanhedrim were buried
here, according to the traditional belief of the Jews now in Jerusalem,
who visit this spot from no other motive than curiosity. The exterior of
the vestibule is decorated with a frontispiece resembling that in the
Tomb of Jehoshaphat, consisting of a cornice and pediment, the tympanum
of which is richly carved with palm-leaves and foliage, with three
acroteria, perhaps intended for funeral emblems (torches), one on the
summit (effaced), and the other two at each end. Under the cornice is a
row of small modillons. Beneath the cornice, and on each side of the
opening, runs an ornamental group of mouldings. A low narrow door
similarly decorated is placed in the middle of the vestibule, and gives
admission to the sepulchral chambers, six in number, and containing
altogether sixty-three biers. Sixty of these are narrow casemate vaults,
of the class which M. de Saulcy considers as incomplete receptacles, and
three are sepulchral niches. The execution displayed in these tombs is
not inferior to that at the Tombs of the Kings, nor do they yield to
them in elegance or arrangement, especially in the interior. At the
south-west corner of the first chamber is a narrow staircase, which I
found blocked up with enormous stones, fitted together in order to close
the entrance. After removing them with no small trouble I understood the
reason why they were so placed. In the entrance below lay a corpse, not
yet reduced to a skeleton; the head and right hand of which had been
severed from the body; signs of a cruel vengeance, of which I discovered
other instances in my researches in the country. This unfinished
sepulchral chamber fully supplies us with the means of studying the
construction of these receptacles of the dead. In it are the beginnings
of nine casemate vaults, and the instruments used have evidently been
the chisel and the revolving cutter which I have already described[846].
The limestone from which the whole of the monument is hewn resembles in
quality that at the Tombs of the Kings; but it is of a yellowish colour
veined with red, and takes a polish like marble. It is easily quarried
at first, but becomes hard when exposed to the atmosphere.
Returning from the Tombs of the Judges, by the field-path southward, we
reach the road to the village of Lifta, which we follow westward, in
order to visit the little Mohammedan mosque, wherein repose the ashes of
a santon called Sheikh Aymar, who fell in battle against the Christians.
The place is not worth a visit for the sake of its architecture, but
there is a curious legend connected with it. Over the entrance-gate is a
large architrave of finely polished red granite. The story is, that an
Arab devoted to the saint found this block in some distant country, and
was enabled to bear it on his back to ornament the tomb of his patron,
although from its natural weight eight men at least would have been
required to move it. They say also that Ibrahim Pasha, struck with the
beauty of the stone, tried to take it away, but the invisible hand of
the saint kept it fixed in the wall; so that the Pasha himself became
his devotee. Returning towards the city, we can visit the buildings
which Russia has erected at great cost in a short time, for the use of
the mission of its Church at Jerusalem, and to receive pilgrims who
visit the Holy Places. I have already spoken of them[847], and the
description of the Plan[848] will explain their arrangements. Though
Russia began her work the last, she will in a short time surpass all the
other religious communities. It was also upon this spot, and as far as
up to the convent of S. Saviour, that Sennacherib encamped his troops.
Titus at a later period fixed his head-quarters here, when he was
preparing to attack the third line of walls; here also he reviewed his
army, in the hope that the sight of his power and resources might
terrify the Jews into submission. As the troops would extend from the
north-west angle of the present wall towards the east, the citizens
would be able to see them very well[849]. The Crusaders also occupied
the ground belonging to Russia, and all their positions may be seen at a
glance from here. Godfrey of Bouillon attacked the north-east corner of
the wall; Robert Duke of Normandy the part by the Grotto of Jeremiah;
Robert Count of Flanders, that opposite to the rock where I place the
tomb of Helena of Adiabene; Tancred from this position stormed the
castle of Goliath (_Kâsr Jalûd_), the tower Psephinus in my opinion;
Raymond Count of Toulouse pitched his camp on the west, where the small
Greek convent of S. George now stands, and directed part of his troops,
commanded by the Count of S. Gilles, against Sion: these, after many
valiant deeds, gained the south wall, above the present Christian
cemetery.
We now descend into the Valley of Gihon, to visit the Pool of Mamillah
and the surrounding Mohammedan cemetery; but before reaching it we
observe a large and level boulevard leading to the city. I proposed to
Surraya Pasha to make this in order to give a promenade to the
inhabitants; and though the plan was not carried out as I desired, still
I think that I have done a service to the citizens in giving them one
good road for walking, instead of stony paths or rugged tracks on the
hill-sides. Entering the cemetery, from the western end of this
promenade, we come to the Pool of Mamillah, which I identify with the
'Upper Pool[850].' From this started the deep canal by which Hezekiah
brought the waters of Gihon within the western part of the city, when he
closed up the fountains on the approach of Sennacherib's army. The
subterranean conduit still exists, though it is now exposed and
devastated in places, and is used to convey the rain-water from the
Upper Pool to that of Amygdalon within the city; for which reason the
latter is still called the Pool of Hezekiah. Josephus[851] gives to the
Upper Pool the name of 'The Serpent's Pool,' and the Arabs call it
_Birket Mamillah_. The derivation of the name I have already
explained[852]. S. Jerome[853] calls it the 'Fuller's Pool;' perhaps
founding the name on the passages in the Bible[854], which shew that the
Fuller's field was in its neighbourhood. In the middle ages it was
called 'The Patriarch's Pool.' The passage in which it is mentioned is
as follows[855]: "Outside the David Gate was a pool towards the setting
sun, called the Patriarch's Pool, where the waters of the surrounding
country were collected for watering the horses. Near this pool was a
charnel-house, called the Lion's Charnel-house. Now I will tell you why
it is called the Lion's Charnel-house. One day, as they say, there was a
battle between the Christians and the Saracens, betwixt this
charnel-house and Jerusalem, in which many Christians were slain, and
the Saracens were intending next day to defile the bodies. So it
happened that a lion came by night, and carried them all into this
ditch, as they said. Above this charnel-house was a church, where people
sang services every day." Perhaps this church was dedicated to S.
Babylas, of which now only a mass of ruins remains, also covering
sepulchral caves. Here I place the monument of Herod, mentioned in the
account of Titus' wall of circumvallation[856]. The Mohammedan cemetery
surrounding the pool dates from the age of Saladin; for here are found
some ancient sarcophagi, and epitaphs bearing the names of certain of
his generals. All this spot is highly esteemed by the Mohammedans, and
their chief men are usually buried here.
We will now take the road to the west, leading to S. John in the
Mountains (_Ain Karim_), and visit the Greek convent of S. Cross, called
by the Arabs _Deir el-Mar-sullabi_, which we reach in about twenty
minutes. Its name is derived from the tradition that the tree grew here
from which the Cross of Christ was made. Quaresmius[857] informs us that
the Empress Helena built a church here to mark the spot. Dositheus,
Greek Patriarch of Jerusalem towards the close of the seventeenth
century, who wrote the history of his predecessors in that office, is of
opinion that the monastery of S. Cross was built by Justinian I. at the
prayer of S. Saba, who had gone to Constantinople to refute some
calumnies which had been promulgated by the Samaritan, Arsenius, in
order to bring the people of Palestine into bad repute with the Emperor.
He supposes also that the Georgians, who occupied it for a long time,
were the builders. The Persian invaders under Chosroes II. utterly
destroyed the monastery, but spared a part of the church; murdering,
nevertheless, all the monks who had fled there for refuge, so that the
tesselated pavement, of great antiquity, still preserves the stains of
their blood. The Reverend Dionysius Cleopas, a most courteous and
learned man, the director of the school of S. Cross, pointed out these
stains to me, informing me of the tradition concerning them. Though I am
far from yielding a blind assent to it, I cannot but remember how long
the stain of blood remains upon marble or stone, if it has lain and
dried up there. In this case the blood of more than a hundred victims
must have been shed and left there. At the same time it must be
remarked that the stains, which extend below the surface of the tesseræ
in the pavement, are not red but of a blackish colour.
When the Greeks purchased the convent from the Georgians it was wholly
in ruins; now, however, it is one of the finest establishments in
Palestine. Though rather an irregular building, it stands in a great
measure on the ancient site. In it are the schools where poor youths of
the Greek faith are maintained without charge, together with a library,
and a fine apartment for the use of the Patriarch when he visits the
place. The church[858] deserves a visit. Four large piers, from which
spring pointed arches, divide it into a nave with two side aisles. It is
also adorned with a pointed dome. The walls are decorated with ancient
frescoes, and on these are Georgian inscriptions shewing that the church
and convent were restored two hundred years ago. In the apses are
curious pictures representing the whole history of the sacred tree; the
hole, in which it is said to have grown, is exhibited behind the great
altar. Michael Glycas reports in his annals[859] the tradition from
which the name of the church is derived. Though it is a thorough Arab
story, I relate it, as it explains the pictures. "When Abraham became
aware of the sin which Lot had committed when overcome by wine, he
ordered him to go to the banks of the river Nile in Egypt, and bring
thence three boughs of different trees, in the expectation that he would
be devoured on the journey by the wild beasts, and would thus expiate
his crime. Lot, guided by heaven, accomplished the dangerous task, and
returned unhurt with the three boughs, one of cypress, another of pine,
and the third of cedar. Abraham not being contented with this, ascended
this hill and planted the three boughs in the form of a triangle,
ordering Lot to fetch water for them every day from the Jordan, a
distance of twenty-four miles." (This is the distance of the river from
the convent.) "Lot obeyed this command also, and after three months the
boughs united and budded, but their roots were always separated one from
the other. Therefore Abraham prophesied that by means of their wood
sinful men were one day to be redeemed. In the days of Solomon the tree
had grown to a great size, and was cut down by that King to be used in
building the Temple. But by the decree of Heaven its trunk remained
forgotten till the Saviour's Passion, when the Jews used it to make the
Cross. The hill, on which Abraham is said to have planted the three
boughs, is to the south-west of the convent, and is still called by the
Arabs 'The place of the boughs.'" Heraclius is said to have stayed in
this convent on his return from his expedition against the Persians to
recover the Holy Cross.
On our return to Jerusalem from the monastery by the road to the east of
that by which we came, we see the quarries from which perhaps were
extracted the columns of red breccia which adorn the mosque _el-Aksa_,
and many churches in Palestine. On reaching the summit of the hill we
regain our former road, and enter Jerusalem by the Jaffa Gate. During
our return we notice with admiration the efforts made by the
Archimandrite Nicoforus for the improvement of the country, and the
energy and intelligence displayed in all his agricultural undertakings,
especially in planting trees. It is to be hoped that his attempts will
be crowned with success, and that the Arabs will avail themselves of the
opportunity, and join in a work so calculated to advance the prosperity
of the country.
FOOTNOTES:
[794] Plate VII.
[795] Page 6.
[796] Page 35.
[797] Page 37.
[798] Pages 168, 169.
[799] Acts vii. 58.
[800] Elucidatio Terræ Sanctæ, Lib. IV. pereg. 8, c. 2, Tom. II. p. 295,
col. 2. See also, c. 3, p. 297, col. 1, ed. 1639.
[801] Nicephorus, Hist. Eccl. Lib. XIV. c. 50.
[802] Evagrius, Hist. Eccl. Lib. I. c. 22.
[803] Ibid.
[804] Hist. Eccl. Lib. XIV. c. 50.
[805] Vita Sabæ, c. lxxxii.
[806] Historia Hierosol. Lib. IX. (Gesta Dei, &c. Tom. I. p. 74, ed.
1611).
[807] Early Travels in Palestine. 'Bohn's Ant. Lib.' p. 43.
[808] Hist. Hierosol. Lib. V. c. 46 (G. D. &c. Tom. I. p. 274); cf. Lib.
VI. c. 9, and William of Tyre, Lib. VIII. c. 12.
[809] De Vogüé, Les Églises, &c. p. 333.
[810] Cartulary of the Holy Sepulchre, p. 306.
[811] La Citez de Jherusalem, quoted by De Vogüé, p. 333.
[812] Leo Allatius, Sym. p. 146.
[813] La Citez de Jherusalem, quoted by De Vogüé, p. 441; Cartulary, p.
306.
[814] Plates VIII., IX.
[815] Page 38.
[816] Jewish War, V. 5, § 6.
[817] Page 38.
[818] Jewish War, V. 4, § 2.
[819] Hist. Eccl. Lib. VIII. c. 30.
[820] Jer. xxxviii. 6.
[821] Jer. xxxviii. 6, 28.
[822] Jewish War, V. 4, § 2.
[823] Jerusalem, p. 36.
[824] Jewish War, V. 7, § 3.
[825] Ant. XIII. 16, § 1.
[826] Page 14.
[827] This grotto is still called _el-Oezerie_, and is known to the
Arabs as the Tomb of Lazarus.
[828] Plates LV., LVI.
[829] Narrative of a Journey round the Dead Sea, &c. (edited by Count E.
de Warren, Vol. II. pp. 137, 138).
[830] Plate LX.
[831] My remarks may appear to resemble closely those made by M. Gérardy
Saintine, Trois Ans en Judée, p. 224. As he has used information given
to him by me, without any acknowledgment, I feel entitled to resume my
own.
[832] The term 'sepulchral niche' is used to denote an arched recess
excavated in the wall of a tomb; the body was laid on the slab beneath
the arch, so that it resembled one of the monuments with recumbent
figures, not very uncommon in the walls of churches. The term 'casemate
vault' is used (in default of a better) to denote a narrow, deep, and
rather low excavation, into which the body was thrust head foremost.
Brick vaults are sometimes built on this pattern in the present day.
[833] Plate LVIII.
[834] Mariti, p. 216 seq.
[835] Page 210.
[836] Jewish War, I. 9, § 1.
[837] See Plate LVIII. for Plan and Section.
[838] Page 38; Plate LVII.
[839] Trois Ans en Judée, p. 214.
[840] Plate LIX.
[841] I advise the visitor to take with him an Arab to beat the ground,
in order to make the reptiles conceal themselves, and frighten away the
jackals which frequent it, before he enters the place.
[842] Jewish War, V. 3, § 2.
[843] See Plan, Plate LIX. Frontispiece, Plate LVIII.
[844] Plate LIX.
[845] Plates LVIII., LIX.
[846] Page 226.
[847] Page 13.
[848] Plate II.
[849] Jewish War, V. 7, § 3; V. 9, § 1.
[850] 2 Kings xviii. 17; 2 Chron. xxxii. 3, 4, 30; Isaiah vii. 3.
[851] Jewish War, V. 3, § 2.
[852] Page 24.
[853] De Locis Hebr. litt. T. (Tapheth).
[854] 2 Kings xviii. 17; Isaiah vii. 3.
[855] La Citez de Jherusalem, De Vogüé, Les Églises, &c. p. 442.
[856] Page 40.
[857] E. T. S. Lib. VI. pereg. 4, c. 7, Tom. II. p. 712, col. 2, ed. 1639.
[858] Plate LXIII.
[859] Pars II. p. 254, ed. Bonn, e cod. Claromont.