INVESTIGATIONS IN THE VIA DOLOROSA (OR THE WAY OF THE CROSS). THE
RELIGIOUS AND OTHER REMARKABLE BUILDINGS IN IT OR IN ITS
NEIGHBOURHOOD AND IN THE REST OF THE CITY, TOGETHER WITH ALL THE
CONVENTS OF THE DIFFERENT RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES.
The _Via Dolorosa_ is the street our Saviour is supposed to have passed
along on his road from the Prætorium to Calvary. The following is the
course assigned to it by the only tradition which mentions it. It begins
in the street which passes by the northern side of the barrack of the
_Haram_[460], and goes westward till it meets the central valley
(Tyropoeon), which it follows for a short distance southward; it then
turns along the first street to the west, and after going through the
Judgement Gate, must have again turned to the south a short distance
beyond it, (opposite to the little street running to the north,) in
order to reach the Church of the Resurrection, just at the north-east
angle inside the Chapel of S. Helena. The last part of its course, if
this were its course, is now entirely covered by the buildings of the
Greek Convent of S. Charalampes. The present Via Dolorosa is divided
into fourteen stations: these are visited with religious care by
pilgrims, because they are asserted to be the very places at which the
last scenes of the Passion of Christ were enacted. They are as follows:
(i). Prætorium of Pilate (Barrack of the Haram); _Jesus condemned to
death_.
(ii). Site of the 'scala sancta' (near to the north-east corner of the
Barrack); _Jesus given His Cross to bear_.
(iii). A column lying on the ground south of the Austrian hospice (at
the north-west corner of the Armenian Catholics' property); _Jesus falls
the first time_.
(iv). South-west corner of the same property (a little street leading to
the house of the Governor of the city); _Jesus meets His mother_.
(v). A stone built into the south wall of the street going up to the
Judgement Gate; _Simon the Cyrenian assists Jesus to bear the Cross_.
(vi). The house of Veronica (in the above street); _Veronica wipes the
face of Jesus_.
(vii). The Judgement Gate; _Jesus falls the second time_.
(viii). A small aperture in the wall of the Greek Convent of S.
Charalampes (west of the above gate); marking the spot where _Jesus
beheld the women weeping_.
(ix). A column lying on the ground by the Copts' convent (at the
north-east corner of the Church of the Resurrection); _Jesus falls the
third time_.
(x). A mark on the pavement at the south side of the platform of the
Calvary (before the window opposite to the Chapel of the Agony); _Jesus
stripped of his garments_.
(xi). A small square of mosaic work before the Latin altar (also in the
south part); _Jesus nailed to the Cross_.
(xii). A hole at the east end of the north side of the platform of the
Calvary, beneath the Greek altar; _Place where the Cross was erected.
Death of Jesus_.
(xiii). In front of the last station (six feet from the Greek altar);
_Jesus taken down from the Cross_.
(xiv). _Sepulchre of Jesus Christ_, under the middle of the great dome.
This is the description of the stations given by the Latins; but the
Greeks and Armenians do not agree with them about all the places; and I
attach importance to this fact, since the Greeks have lived in the city
for the longest time; and this difference of opinion on their part very
much diminishes the value of the tradition. I said that the sole
authority for the Via Dolorosa was tradition; because neither the Bible,
nor Josephus, nor the configuration of the ground, afford us any
positive _data_ to aid in identifying the present road with that trodden
by our Saviour on His way to Calvary; and the tradition is of very
little weight, as I will presently shew.
Let us then consider in detail the places mentioned above. The Prætorium
of Pilate is noticed by the Evangelists, who, however, do not say
exactly where it was situated. However, with the help of Josephus I
have been able to ascertain its position. In the third chapter[461] I
shewed that the tower Antonia occupied the north-west corner of the
_Haram_[462], and that the rock which rises high in the south wall of
the barrack was the _north_ side of that fortress. Hence the Prætorium,
which was inside the tower[463], cannot be identified with the barrack,
which stretches across the greater part of the valley that formerly
defended the Temple on the north, and divided it from Bezetha[464]; and
consequently is outside the Antonia, and so cannot be on the site of the
Prætorium. This therefore I consider to have stood on the surface of
rock now exposed at the north-west corner inside the _Haram_ wall[465].
The tradition relating to the Prætorium is very ancient. The Pilgrim of
Bordeaux, A.D. 333, says, in his description of the city: "As you go
from Sion to the Neapolitan gate, on the right in the valley below are
walls where was once the palace of Pontius Pilate." I think that these
walls were founded, at least in part, on the rock exposed in the south
side of the present barrack, or else he would not have been able to see
them; and since this was the north side of the tower Antonia, it is
quite possible that they belonged to the Prætorium, and perhaps the
projecting rock was mistaken for walls; a thing which is not improbable,
since S. Cyril[466] (in the fourth century) in mentioning the Prætorium
states that 'it is now laid waste.' Antoninus of Piacenza found there
(in the seventh century) a church dedicated to S. Sophia[467], but
whether this was built by S. Helena or Justinian I do not know, since it
is not mentioned by Eusebius or Procopius. It is more probably the work
of the Emperor, who erected other buildings of this kind on Moriah,
while the former paid no particular attention to the place. A historian
of the first Crusade writes as follows[468]: "The Flagellation and the
Coronation (with thorns) of Jesus Christ, within the city, receive the
reverence of the faithful ... but it is now not easy to ascertain their
true positions; because, above all other reasons, the whole city has
been so often destroyed and even razed." It follows then from this
passage that the Christians, about eight centuries ago, had doubts of
the truth of the tradition. John of Würtzburg, and other authors of the
twelfth century, place the Prætorium on Mount Sion, which shews that the
traditions at that time were uncertain and confused. From the end of the
twelfth century all have agreed in recognizing the barrack as its site.
The author of the _Citez de Jherusalem_[469] clearly indicates its
present position: "A little in advance of this street (that of
Jehoshaphat, for so the street leading to S. Mary's Gate was then
called) was the house of Pilate. On the left hand in front of this
house was a gate leading up to the Temple." Quaresmius[470] states that
in his day the remains of a church built on the Prætorium were to be
seen, consisting of the choir and some of the side-chapels with traces
of paintings. Of this only a few fragments now remain in an inner court
of the barrack.
From these _data_ it follows that the site of the Prætorium has been
known since the fourth century, and that no doubt by tradition; but as
there was a great accumulation of ruins upon the place, the position
could only be fixed by what remained uninjured, namely the rock; and it
might very easily happen that in course of time it should be placed to
the south instead of the north of this mark. My opinion as to the
position is supported by Josephus, and is not contradicted by the
expressions in the authors before the Crusades; for the 'standing walls'
could only be on the rock, and the 'waste place' of S. Cyril within the
north-west angle of the _Haram_.
An ancient chapel within the barrack is pointed out as the spot where
Jesus was crowned with thorns; possibly it was originally dedicated to
the Passion of the Redeemer. Its plan is a square, the length of a side
being about 16 feet; above it rises an octagonal dome, supported by a
drum of the same shape. Four sides (alternate) of the octagon are
replaced in the lower part by small pointed arches, in order to adapt
this form of the drum to the square plan of the building. A pointed
doorway in the south wall leads into a small square chapel, with a niche
on each side. The arrangement of the arches, the form, and the
ornamentation of the building, resemble Roman architecture; but the work
shews it to be of the period of the Crusades. Quaresmius[471] is the
first to mention this chapel; no notice of it occurring in any author
anterior to his time. It is now used as a storehouse of barley for the
artillery-horses.
Turning to the east on leaving the barrack, we find in its north wall a
doorway built up; half of which is Saracenic work in red and white
stone. Through it our Lord is believed to have left the Prætorium; and
the staircase which was transported to the Church of S. John Lateran at
Rome is said to have been the very one by which he descended. When I
examined this door at the end of 1854, its lowest part was two feet
above the level of the street, having a semicircular step built into the
pavement, which was pointed out as a fragment of the sacred staircase. I
was surprised that the Christians had not taken care to remove it;
especially as they had had an opportunity when the barrack was built by
Ibrahim Pasha, who would have readily granted their request. In 1857 the
military commandant constructed a raised footpath (one foot high) along
by the barrack-wall, and the step was covered up without any one making
the slightest attempt to preserve it. The tradition about this place is
very untrustworthy; the configuration of the ground does not confirm it,
and the Bible does not mention that our Lord ascended or descended any
staircase. The present street runs entirely over accumulated rubbish,
which at this point is 16 feet thick above the old level of the valley,
so that the door must at that time have had a flight of at least 28
steps to form a communication with the bottom of the valley; and the
lowest part of the door itself is 15 feet below the level of the inner
court of the barrack, which would require 25 steps more; so that
altogether there must have been some 53 steps in all. This would not be
an unlikely approach to a barrack, but it is most improbable that the
Antonia would have had such a weak point in its defences on the most
important side as this stone staircase would have been. The valley which
divided Moriah from Bezetha has been entirely overlooked by the
believers in the 'Scala sancta.' Again, it is well known that the
Prætorium was in the interior of the Antonia; how then could this door
be in the Prætorium? If the Antonia be placed outside the north-west
corner of the _Haram_, then the Prætorium would have been in the valley,
and the fortress could not have been defended on the north, in the way
Josephus says it was; and if (as I think) it be placed inside the
enclosure, then the gate and staircase could never have occupied the
positions now assigned to them. Again, we are told that all this part of
the city was utterly destroyed; therefore the Prætorium too must have
been swept away, and its ruins have helped to fill up the valley. In
fact, the door now shewn is only a fragment of some work of the time of
Saladin or Solyman.
Nearly opposite to the door of the 'Scala sancta' is a little opening
with an iron grate; this is the entrance to the Chapel of the
Flagellation; and beneath the altar in the middle they point out the
exact place where the Redeemer was bound to a column to be scourged.
Here Quaresmius[472] saw a small but handsome and well-preserved chapel,
which had been used as a stable by Mustafa Bey, son of the Governor of
the city. Abbé Mariti, who visited it A.D. 1767, says[473], that he saw
"a large square hall, covered by a high vaulted roof; the façade
resembled that of a church or oratory, and though the walls were very
black, traces of pictures could still be discerned on them. They assert
that the Saviour was scourged on this spot, but I do not see on what
grounds. As this building is in a way connected with the Prætorium, many
have given credence to this tradition; though, as I believe, it is only
founded on the reverence felt by the Christians for that chamber, which
no doubt induced them to build there a chapel in memory of the
Flagellation. Many miracles are said to have been performed here. The
people of Jerusalem, both Christian and Mohammedan, relate stories about
them, which remind us of the mediæval legends. The Mohammedans have
converted the place into a stable." The above shews that the tradition
itself is not ancient. The Franciscan monks relate that the chapel and
the adjoining land, occupied by the hospice, were given to them by
Ibrahim Pasha, and that they restored and enlarged the chapel in 1839,
aided by the liberality of Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria; but that the
expense of laying the foundations was very great, as they were extremely
deep, especially on the south side. The place therefore now pointed out
beneath the altar cannot be the exact spot where our Saviour stood,
because of the great quantity of earth above the rock. How, too, can
this site for the Flagellation be reconciled with the position of the
'Scala sancta' or of the Prætorium? It is quite impossible that they can
have been connected together in former times, because of the above-named
valley. The size also of the tower Antonia is an obstacle, for each of
its sides was only half a stadium, whereas, if we accept the traditional
site for the Flagellation, the Prætorium alone must have been nearly of
that size. The present chapel is dedicated to the Flagellation, and is
in no way remarkable: the few remains of antiquity it possesses have
been covered over with whitewash, excepting some capitals built into the
side walls, which appear to be Roman work.
Quitting the above place and following the road westward, we arrive at
the arch of the 'Ecce Homo,' called at the time of the Crusades the
'Porta Dolorosa[474].' It is so named because it is believed that from
it our Lord was shewn to the people by Pilate[475]. I have already
proved[476] that the arch is much too modern to admit of this being the
case; and if it were so, it seems impossible that the place should have
been passed over in silence by Eusebius at the time of the Empress
Helena, and by other authors after him, like Antoninus of Piacenza,
Willibald, and Bernard the Monk. How is it that the writers before the
time of the Crusades do not mention it? Had there been any tradition of
the kind, it would never have been omitted (at least if they believed in
it): so that it seems certain that the belief sprung up during the
Crusades, the origin of it, no doubt, being that the arch was at first
regarded as dedicated to the Passion of Christ. I have already stated,
and now repeat it, that, for military reasons, the Jews would never have
allowed this arch to stand during the siege, and that if they had, it
would not have escaped the Romans. An author of the present day has
attempted to interpret the letters carved on two stones in the north
pilaster on the west side; but with regard to that, I will quote the
words of the Abbé Mariti[477]. "They have assured me that about sixty
years ago (i.e. before 1767) these words were read TOL...TO..., and at a
still earlier period TOLLE TOLLE CRUCIFIGE EUM. Others assert that they
have read thus TO. C. X. For my own part I have only been able to make
out a single O in a clear Roman character; but the stones on which the
letters are carved are so much injured that they will soon crumble
away, and thus put a stop to all conjectures." As then only one letter
could be deciphered at the time of Abbé Mariti, I hope to be believed
when I say that even this is now indistinct. But even if the inscription
was rightly read as above, that is no proof that the arch was standing
in our Lord's life-time; it establishes no more than that some one
carved the inscription in remembrance of an event which unquestionably
happened in the vicinity.
On some high ground to the north of the arch of the 'Ecce Homo' are a
ruinous mosque and a minaret, which are approached by the little street
running along the east side of the new buildings of the Daughters of
Sion; this, according to tradition, is the site of the palace of Herod
Antipas, to which Pilate sent our Lord to be judged by the Tetrarch of
Galilee[478]. I have carried on many excavations in order to examine
this spot, and have discovered stones of the Herodian period in the
lower parts of the walls, besides others scattered about among the
ruins, or built into the masonry, and therefore think that this is
really the site of the palace; and that it must be the place from which
Antigonus went to visit his brother Aristobulus by the way of the
subterranean passage, Strato's tower, in which he was murdered[479]. It
appears probable that a church was erected here during the Latin
kingdom, but it has been so much altered that now it can hardly be
recognized. No writer before or after the Crusades mentions it, but the
remains, and their position with reference to the subterranean passage
and the Antonia, induce me to believe the tradition.
Returning to the arch, and going along the street westward as far as the
central valley, we come on the south side to the Station of the First
Fall of Christ. The Evangelists make no mention of any falls; but, from
reading their narrative, we may well suppose that, worn by the sorrow
and agony of that night, He fell many times: still to the faithful heart
and thoughtful mind all additions to the sublimity of the Gospel
narrative are offensive, while they cannot be instructive to the man in
whom these qualities are wanting.
Some yards from this spot, rather to the west, are the ruins of a
church, perhaps of the date of the Crusades; said to be on the spot
where the Virgin Mary swooned at the sight of her Son's sufferings; to
record which a chapel was erected, bearing the name Chapel of the
Virgin's Swoon. This had already been destroyed in the time of
Quaresmius; but it appears that afterwards the Mohammedans repaired it,
converting it into a mosque. The upper part has again fallen to ruin; in
the lower is the Agency of the Austrian Lloyd.
Following the street southward from the Station of the First Fall, we
come to the spot pointed out as the place where the Virgin Mary met
Jesus. There is no mention of this circumstance in the Evangelists; it
is therefore only a tradition; and how can it be true of a place in a
street which has only existed a few centuries (as is shewn by the
houses on each side), and runs over a mass of ruins? Moreover, in this
direction the Roman armies under Pompeius, and again under Titus, made
their attacks on the Temple; it is therefore very improbable that after
the time of the latter there would be any traces of a street left. When
Hadrian rebuilt the city he set up idols in the principal sacred places
to insult the Jews and Christians; and we may therefore believe that, in
laying out the streets afresh, he would have swept away every trace of
the tradition, if any had then existed. Close to the station, on the
south, is a great pointed arch with delicately executed details,
supported by two well-built piers. It dates from the Crusades, and very
probably was the entrance to some religious building, erected to
commemorate one of the events of the Passion; or perhaps a convent may
have been at this place. Arab houses are built on each side of it facing
the street, so that nothing can be made out there. I entered these to
see if I could ascertain anything, but my examination produced little
result, because an Arab wall completely masks it; while a number of
small longitudinal and transverse party-walls, all of Arab work, have
entirely transformed the appearance of the place. However, in these I
found some polished stones, and fragments of ornaments, with mutilated
capitals and broken columns; all proofs of the existence of a building
of the time of the Crusades. Perhaps a nunnery[480], dedicated to S.
John, once stood on this spot, belonging to the Benedictines of Bethany,
and used by them as a refuge in time of war. Here the guides not
unfrequently point out the house of the beggar Lazarus, opposite to the
arch; and also shew the palace of the wicked Dives, at a little distance
to the south in the same street. This is a house built of different
coloured stones. These 'Jerusalem antiquarians' have converted the
parable into a historic fact, and so endeavoured to preserve the traces
of the dwellings! I suppose they think that the poor men "full of sores"
were of more importance in former times than now. There are still
numbers of lepers, who, from morning to evening, wait outside the Jaffa
Gate to beg; and many give them an alms, but who now ever bestows a
second thought on them, or would remember where they lived? The 'palace
of Dives' is a handsome building of the sixteenth century, erected by
the liberality of Solyman for a hospital. It is still used for the same
purpose by the soldiers belonging to the garrison; but if not soon
repaired, it will share the usual fate of Mohammedan government
property, and fall into ruins.
The Evangelists tell us that Simon the Cyrenian aided our Lord in
bearing His Cross, but do not mention the place where he encountered
Him[481]. It very probably was near the present Station, or a little to
the south of it, as he no doubt entered the city from the country by
the North Gate or Gate of Ephraim (now the Damascus Gate). A small stone
built into a modern Arab wall marks the place. We must, however,
remember that this street runs upon a mass of rubbish 17 feet thick, as
I discovered during the repairs of the sewer; so that the actual site of
the meeting is covered up. This remark also applies to the next station.
The Mohammedans and Jews are wont to throw dirt at the stone, when they
see Christians kneeling before it, so that one frequently finds it
necessary to make the fanatics undo their work, reminding the former
that Isa (Jesus) was one of their prophets, and the latter that it is no
longer the time to renew the ancient scenes of persecution. I mention
this to shew how serious quarrels frequently arise in Jerusalem, which
are not appeased without much difficulty.
The Evangelists make no mention of Veronica. Much has been written upon
this point: some considering her to be the sick woman who was healed by
touching the hem of the Saviour's garment[482]; others, a lady of noble
birth named Berenice, whose name was changed to Veronica after she
became a follower of Christ; deriving the word from Vera-icon (true
image)! The tradition of Veronica and the Holy Napkin dates from a very
early period in the history of Christianity; as do the different Holy
Napkins, which are in existence in various places. In 1854 the walls
(Arab work) of the House of Veronica were in a ruinous condition, and
were entirely rebuilt by the Mohammedan owner. I then discovered that
its foundations rested on made ground, so that they were of no very
great age. On digging down for the rock, to lay the new foundations, the
workmen came upon large stones, which I consider to be the remains of
the second wall of the city, not of any former House of Veronica.
Further on the street is arched over, and in the side-walls are remains
of ancient masonry. Here some place the House of the Wandering Jew! This
tradition however (or rather legend) is not accepted by the Christians
of Jerusalem. The number of stones of ancient Jewish workmanship in the
lower parts of the wall and inside the buildings on each side, and the
position in the line of the second wall, in its course from the Antonia
across the Tyropoeon, lead me to think that the Gate of Ephraim
formerly stood exactly on this spot. The pointed arches in the doors
half buried in the accumulated earth seem to shew that some building
occupied this site in the time of the Crusades.
Tradition asserts that the sentence of death was affixed to the
Judgement Gate, by which the condemned criminal went out on his way to
execution, and that as our Lord passed by here He fell the second time.
Adrichomius holds that the name is derived from its being the place
where the Sanhedrim assembled to pronounce sentence, but he gives no
reason for their meeting there rather than in any other place. I
consider that probably it was called the Gate of Ephraim[483] previous
to the building of Herod's wall, and that the name was afterwards
changed. The Evangelists make no mention either of it or of the second
fall of Christ.
Our Lord's meeting with the 'daughters of Jerusalem' is mentioned by S.
Luke[484], but, owing to the circumstance that Titus attacked the second
line of walls from this side, it is obvious that, even if the event
happened in this neighbourhood, all traces of the exact spot must have
been swept away in the changes that the place has undergone; so that the
tradition is valueless.
The station of the Third Fall needs no comment. With regard to the
Calvary and Sepulchre I have already expressed my opinion in the fourth
chapter. I believe the other stations to be in the neighbourhood of
them, so that while I cannot undertake to fix their exact position, I do
not absolutely refuse to give any credence to them.
I hold, therefore, that the present Via Dolorosa is only a
representation of the true one; and regard it in the same way as I do
the Stations in Churches; that is, as a useful agent in arousing
religious feelings, and bringing to remembrance the solemn scenes of the
Redeemer's Passion. The changes wrought in the city at its destruction
by Titus and rebuilding by Hadrian, and the numerous alterations at
other times, the accumulation of rubbish, and, above all, the
impossibility of the position of one part of the street, lying, as it
would do, in the north ditch of the Antonia, seem to me insuperable
difficulties in the way of establishing the identity of this with the
road trodden by our Saviour. That I believe to have commenced on the
west side of the Antonia, and to have followed the line of the present
street of S. Helena's Hospital up to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.
Along this, in my opinion, the Stations might more reasonably be placed;
for, whatever theory be adopted about the tower Antonia, the difficulty
of the valley cannot be explained away.
I now pass on to consider the other buildings, religious and civil, in
the city; and with this view conduct my reader to S. Mary's Gate, from
which point we will begin our examination. Near the gate is the Church
of S. Ann, now belonging to France. When I first saw it in 1854 it was
used as a shelter for the Governor's horse-soldiers, while the
courtyard, all strewed with ruins, was frequented by camel-drivers, who
tethered their beasts there, so that it had become covered with filth:
and as the Mohammedans took no care of the fabric, it became more
ruinous every day, without any attempt at repairing it, even so far as
was necessary to keep it in use for a stable. Since the year 1761 it had
been abandoned by the Mohammedans, because (as they said) shrieks and
howls were heard every time that they went there; and in 1767 they were
so fully persuaded of this, that the Santon himself, who was in charge
of the place, offered the keys to the Franciscans, by whom (after due
consideration of the consequence of accepting them) they were refused.
It was then entirely deserted, except that the monks, by permission of
the Pasha, continued to celebrate mass in it on the Festival of the
Conception, and on that of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, who
(according to them) was born there. So matters went on until in 1856 M.
de Barrère happily thought of endeavouring to obtain it for the Roman
Church, and was so well seconded by his government at Constantinople,
that his hopes were realized; for on October 19, 1856, the Sultan
granted it to France, and on November 1, M. de Barrère took possession
of the building with all formality, receiving the keys from Kiamil
Pasha. The repairs were begun about a year ago, and soon Jerusalem will
possess a new church, one of the finest in Palestine. Having given this
preliminary account, let us examine into the history of its foundation
and its vicissitudes.
Some think that it was founded (as usual) by S. Helena; but of this we
cannot be certain, as it is not mentioned among the churches built by
the Empress, which, according to Nicephorus, exceeded thirty in number.
"Moreover this woman, the mother of the Emperor, most pleasing in God's
sight, founded more than thirty churches in these Holy Places[485]." In
the seventh century the pilgrims speak of a church of the Nativity of
the Virgin near the pool 'Probatica.' S. John of Damascus[486] writes
thus: "The Virgin was brought forth in the house of 'the Probatica,' of
Joachim;" and again, in the First Oration on the Nativity of the
Virgin[487]: "Happy be thou in all respects, O Probatica, ancient temple
of the seed of Joachim, but now a church!" Phocas mentions it in his
description of the remarkable places of Antioch and Jerusalem. Other
authors, from Sæwulf to William of Tyre, name it, and all agree in
placing it on the same spot, and repeating the tradition; but none of
them give us any certain clue to the history of its foundation. As every
one expresses his own opinion on this point, I will follow the general
example[488]. That the church was in existence before the Crusaders
entered Jerusalem is evident from the Arabian historians; for Abulfeda
tells us that under the rule of the Khalifs, before the Franks gained
possession of Jerusalem, the Church of S. Ann was converted into a
college for public instruction[489]. Again, Sæwulf visited it A.D. 1103,
that is, in the first four years of the Latin kingdom, when as yet they
had not thought about building churches. William of Tyre[490] relates
that three or four nuns inhabited the adjoining convent; which is also a
proof of its existence previous to the Crusades; because so small a
number of sisters would not have had the means of building such a
church. Now the remarkable edifices which were erected during the whole
period of the Latin kingdom are recorded by several writers; and many
manuscripts of this age have come down to us. Considering the importance
of this Sanctuary (the supposed birthplace of the Virgin), and the
station in life of those who there dedicated themselves to the monastic
life under the rule of S. Benedict, we can draw but one conclusion from
their silence; namely, that the present building is older than the
Crusades. But further, Arda, wife of Baldwin I., being repudiated by her
husband, entered the convent A.D. 1104, and liberally endowed it.
William of Tyre[491] speaks of her munificence, and also of the unseemly
manner in which she quitted the place. Why then does not he mention the
church? Jueta or Gioeta, daughter of Baldwin II., in 1130, dedicated
herself to the monastic life, and lived in the convent until that of S.
Lazarus at Bethany was finished, which was built for her by her sister
Milisendis. On this occasion also William of Tyre[492] mentions the
buildings, but not the church.
M. de Vogüé[493] writes as follows: "Towards the middle of the twelfth
century, John of Würtzburg expresses wonder at the number of the nuns
(who followed the rule of S. Benedict), and at their devotion; and
mentions the church; meaning, I think, on this occasion, the church now
remaining." I cannot agree with this opinion, for the reason that, had
the church been rebuilt, the author would not have omitted to mention
it, since it would have been one of the first buildings erected under
the Latin kingdom. If the plates be examined[494], I need not enter into
details, as they will be found sufficiently clear; but will only call
attention to the shape of the church (a trapezium)[495]; a plan which I
think prevents us from attributing it to the time of the Crusaders. I am
therefore induced to consider it as originally a Byzantine building,
which was restored by them. From Plate LXIII. we see that the Church of
S. Cross has the pointed arch like that of S. Ann, and is still
plainer[496]. Now the former was standing when the Persians under
Chosroes II. invaded the country; as is stated by Georgian manuscripts
in the Greek convent of S. Constantine at Jerusalem. Hence the presence
of pointed arches does not forbid us to suppose that S. Ann's Church was
also built before the Crusades. M. de Vogüé[497] says "that the last two
western piers (inside the church) are much more massive than the rest,
and were intended to sustain bell-towers." With this I do not agree,
because the difference in size is imperceptible; indeed, perhaps they
are even smaller than the rest: and further, I do not find the walls at
the north-west and south-west corners sufficiently strong to support
towers; on the contrary, through their weakness they have fallen greatly
to ruin; and lastly, I find no traces of them on the roof. Until then
stronger arguments are brought forward than have hitherto been, I retain
the opinion expressed above; which is, I believe, sustained by history
and the place itself.
In the church we must not omit to notice the dome as belonging to a date
posterior to the original building, but a little prior to the minaret at
the south-west corner, a large part of which is still standing.
When Saladin took Jerusalem, A.D. 1187, he established various
institutions for the Mohammedans; and among others founded a school,
A.D. 1192, in the Church of S. Ann, after repairing the injuries caused
by the destruction of the neighbouring convent. The Arabic inscription
on the entrance-gate on the west records this event. It runs as follows:
"In the name of God, kind and merciful! All the blessings ye enjoy come
from God! This sacred _Medresse_ (School) has been founded by the
victorious King, our Master, Salah-ed-Din, Sultan of Islam, and of the
Mohammedans. Abul Muzafar Yusef, son of Eyub, son of Sciasi, has given
life to the empire of the Head of the Faithful. May God bless his
victories, and pour out His bounty upon him, in this world and in the
next. This institution has been founded for the doctors of the rite of
Imam Abu-Abdallah Mohammed, son of Edris-es-Shafei. May God grant him
mercy. The year five hundred and eighty-eight[498]." This school was
deserted in the fifteenth century, owing to the want of means to carry
it on, caused by malversation on the part of its managers. We have seen
what its condition was in 1767. In 1842 Tayar Pasha entertained the
design of re-opening the school, and with that view ordered the interior
to be repaired, and the minaret to be built. The latter however was
never finished, because the builders and stone-masons of Bethlehem (some
of whom told me the circumstances) got on slowly with the work, and even
threw many of the stones prepared for building into the cisterns; acting
thus because they were unwilling to see a place sacred to Christians
profaned by the Mohammedans. By examining the spot, I proved the truth
of the workmen's story; for I found a quantity of prepared materials in
a cistern on the west, and also in another on the south of the church.
Into these I descended before the place was examined by the three French
architects who were sent, one after the other, to Jerusalem to begin the
repairs; which are now progressing well under the superintendence of M.
Mauss, a young man of distinction and great promise. Within the church,
under the choir, is a crypt in which the rock is exposed. There,
according to an old tradition, was the abode of S. Joachim and S. Ann;
and there the Virgin Mary was born. It was already known in the seventh
century, and the first who mentions it is S. John Damascenus[499]. It is
difficult to see what authority can be found to establish the truth of
the tradition. It is doubtful whether the Virgin was born at Jerusalem
or Nazareth; but even supposing she was born at the former place, why
did S. Ann live in a crypt? Surely there were houses in Jerusalem! I
think that the church was simply dedicated to S. Ann. We find in a
manuscript, preserved in the Latin Convent of S. Saviour, that a passage
formerly ran from this church to the Tomb of Mary in the Kidron Valley;
but all my attempts to discover its opening into the interior of the
church were unavailing; perhaps it may be buried under the ruins of the
Convent. In the Tomb of Mary, at the extremity of the western arm of the
cross, there is a doorway closed with masonry, which cannot be seen from
the outside, because of the accumulation of earth. In 1858 a Greek monk
was working in a plot of land on the western bank of the Kidron Valley,
at no great distance from the tomb, and found a cistern, very long from
east to west, hollowed out in the rock, its walls being covered with a
strong cement. When I heard of this I went to examine it, and by
striking the walls inferred the existence of two openings, one on the
east, the other on the west. Perhaps they communicated with the
subterranean passage; and the reason why they are in these positions,
may be that the cistern was made by widening the passage which was
already on the spot. I trust that the architect in charge of the
restoration at S. Ann's Church may be able to discover these
subterranean passages. I do not describe the insignificant remains of
the Convent of Benedictine nuns, because they possess nothing of
interest. Not a capital nor a shaft of a column is to be found among the
shapeless fragments of ruins, which reveal nothing of their former
splendour, nay, not so much as whether they could have been ever
beautiful.
The Church of the Magdalene (called _Maïmonieh_ by the Arabs) is
situated to the north-west of the Church of S. Ann, and to the
south-east of Herod's Gate. According to tradition it stands on the site
of the house of Simon the Pharisee, where the penitent sinner washed the
Saviour's feet with tears, and wiped them with the hairs of her head. S.
Luke[500] does not mention the place at which this circumstance
occurred. The three other Evangelists[501] state that it happened at
Bethany, so that I cannot admit the truth of the tradition without
denying that of the Bible; consequently I consider the church as only
dedicated to the memory of the penitent Magdalene. All that now remains
of this building is the porch, part of the choir, and the side walls,
which are left standing at irregular heights above the ground;
everything else is a heap of ruins, overgrown with creeping plants; and
in the middle a potter carries on his craft of making pipes, water-pots,
and the like. It is commonly said to be the property of the Greek
Convent, but I am not certain whether this is true. I removed the
rubbish from the interior to search for the remains of pillars, in the
hope of being able to ascertain the plan of the building; but my labours
were fruitless, and I must therefore refer my reader to M. de Vogüé's
work[502], only observing that the Church of the Magdalene does not (as
he asserts) belong to the same class of churches as that of S. Ann, for
the former is a rectangle in plan, the latter a trapezium. For the rest
I highly appreciate the labour he has bestowed upon the subject; but, as
I have not been fortunate enough to verify his discoveries in my
subsequent visits to the spot, I cannot say whether the church belongs
to the era of the Crusades, or to an earlier period. I cannot however
admit that it can be called a French work[503], because the Crusaders
were not French alone, but of many different nations. The same author
writes, "The only contemporaneous documents which we possess relating to
the Magdalene Church are in the account of John of Würtzburg, and in the
Cartulary. He tells us that it was served by the Jacobite monks. 'Near
the city-wall, not far from S. Ann's on the north, is the Church of S.
Mary Magdalene, occupied by the Jacobite monks. These assert that it
stands on the site of the house of Simon the Leper.... A cross marked on
the pavement of the church indicates (according to the same monks) the
spot where Mary knelt at the feet of Jesus[504].' The Cartulary contains
the title of an agreement[505] between the Latin Canons of the Holy
Sepulchre and the Jacobite monks of S. Mary Magdalene. The document is
not dated, but from the signatures it must have been written about A.D.
1160. After Jerusalem had been taken by the Saracens the church was
converted into a school, and was called _Maïmonieh_, the name it still
bears among the Mohammedans. 'The school of _Maimun_' (writes
Mejir-ed-Din) 'near to the gate of the city called Sahera, was formerly
a Greek church (i.e. Christian): it was endowed in 593 (A.D. 1197) by
the Emir Faris-ed-Din-Abu-Said-Maimun, son of Abdallah-el-Kasri,
treasurer of King Salah-ed-Din.'" Let us now consider the testimony
quoted above. John of Würtzburg undertook his journey after the middle
of the twelfth century, and found the Jacobites already established in
the Magdalene Church. Now if the church had been built by the Crusaders,
the pilgrim would have been sure to mention it, nor would they have been
likely to give it up to the Jacobites. I believe that the Canons allowed
it to remain the property of the Jacobites, because it had originally
belonged to them. It also appears to me that the names of the Canons
must be exactly known before it can be proved, on the evidence of the
signatures alone, that the agreement was made in A.D. 1160. Again, why
are the words of Mejir-ed-Din[506], 'a Greek church,' necessarily to be
taken as equivalent to a Christian church? I maintain that Saladin and
his followers were too well acquainted with the difference between the
Latins and the Greeks to make this slip in a public document. I am
therefore inclined to believe that the church had been built before the
arrival of the Crusaders, and that possibly it might have been injured
during the siege, and repaired afterwards by the Jacobites, who were for
that reason allowed to retain it. I cannot adopt any other theory,
because I am unable to understand the Crusaders giving a church to the
Jacobites, who were considered heretical after A.D. 541, because they
maintained that there was but one (the divine) nature in Christ, and
were therefore called Monophysites.
On the east of the Chapel of the Flagellation is an ancient chapel,
called _Deïr Addas_ by the Mohammedans, and by the Christians, the
Chapel of the Nativity of the Virgin. It is now used as a warehouse.
There is no mention of it in any ancient documents; and it is very
small, being not more than 16 feet wide, with a dome about 10 feet in
diameter. Perhaps it is owing to its insignificance that there is no
dispute about the founders. Its masonry shews that it is older than the
time of the Crusades.
On the north of the Austrian hospice is the ancient Church of S. Peter,
now converted into a mosque, and kept by the dancing Dervishes. Its plan
consists of a nave with two side aisles of equal length, terminated by
semicircular apses; they are divided by two perfectly plain piers on
each side, sustaining a vaulted roof, with sharp groins, and supported
by pointed arches. The total length of the building (inside) is 40 feet
2 inches, the nave is 10 feet wide from pier to pier, while the north
aisle is 5-1/2 feet, and that on the south, owing to an irregularity in
the wall, is a little narrower, being about 5-1/4 feet. It is difficult
to assign a date to this church, because it is not mentioned by ancient
authors, and is built in a mixture of several styles. Some think that it
belonged to the order of the Knights of S. Lazarus, whose mission was to
succour and cure, if possible, the lepers. From this order has arisen
that of S. Maurice and S. Lazarus of the kingdom of Italy.
On returning to the central valley we find, exactly at the vaulted
passage under the house of Dives, a street rising westward (which I
consider to have been the true way of the Cross,) and on the south side
of it is a building (several centuries old), of Saracenic architecture,
having doorways elegantly ornamented with arabesques and mosaics, and
with white, red, and black stones found in Palestine[507]. This is
considered, by the Christians, to be the hospital built by the Empress
Helena; and it is said by tradition to have been erected before the
church of the Resurrection, in order to accommodate the labourers
engaged upon it, and to have been afterwards devoted to the reception of
poor pilgrims. I admit the truth of the tradition, but not that the
present building is of that date, for it is entirely Saracenic work.
The Mohammedans call it Tekhiyeh el-Khasseki-Sultane (Convent of the
favourite Sultana), and from documents which they possess in the
_Mekhemeh_ concerning the registers of landed property, it is clear that
it was built by the Sultana Rossellane, the favourite consort of Solyman
the Magnificent, who established there a hospice for the poor and the
pilgrims. It is shewn by the same authorities that the Sultana had
obtained large revenues from the Sultan for the support of this charity,
consisting of an annual tax paid by the villagers of Bethlehem, Bethany,
and Beitjala, together with the fees paid by the Christians on entering
the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. This fact is also confirmed by an
Arabic inscription on a stone built into the wall near the entrance to
the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, at a height of 8 or 9 feet above the
ground. This charitable foundation is still daily at work, but on a
reduced scale, owing to its diminished income. I think, then, that this
charity may have been commenced by S. Helena (whence its name); then
continued by the Latins after her death, and during the Crusades; and
kept up by the Mohammedans after their conquest of Jerusalem, till it
was finally enlarged and enriched by Rossellane; who also built large
rooms there, and resided in it herself to minister to the poor and
destitute; as is stated in the Mohammedan traditions, and in the
chronicles preserved in the mosque _Kubbet es-Sakharah_.
We will now take a survey of its exterior and interior. At the first
glance the negligence of its managers is evident; for a grand and
magnificent building, the finest in the city, which, if in good order,
would be very useful to the Governor of the place, is becoming every day
more ruinous, without any attempt being made to repair it. In 1859
Surraya Pasha was desirous of restoring it, and commissioned me to make
a plan, which he afterwards forwarded to Constantinople; but he was not
seconded by the higher authorities, and in course of time the place will
fall down, unless (as is much to be desired) it be purchased by one of
the wealthier Christian communities. During my investigations in the
interior I found the rock, which in one part forms a slope rising
westward, in which place steps are to be seen four feet wide, but not
more than two inches high. These, I think, may be the remains of the
street that went up to Golgotha; because it is in the direction of the
south-west corner of the tower Antonia (as placed by me). The north
façade is built of well-wrought stones of different colours, skilfully
laid with even joints, especially in the door-posts, where lead is
employed instead of mortar. By this side the guides generally conduct
the visitor into the building. On the ground-floor on the east are shewn
several chambers, where the food, distributed among the poor, is
prepared. One, of great size, has a well constructed vaulted roof
supported by piers: it is occupied by horse-mills, which grind the corn
for the establishment; but the millstones are almost useless, the
fittings broken, and the horses only are excellent, as they belong to
the managers, and therefore work little, and feed well. In another place
the bread is made and baked, and is by no means bad. The chamber next
the oven is used as a granary; in this are two large brass caldrons 6
feet in diameter and 5-1/2 deep, which are no longer used, being too
large. The place which serves as a kitchen is remarkable for its
architecture and its central dome; and I believe that originally it was
a bath-room; it is now all begrimed with dirt, the pavement is broken,
and only one caldron (5 feet in diameter and 4 deep) over a large
furnace is in use; four others are seen as a reproach to the managers,
who keep them unworked, and leave them to be destroyed by the damp, so
that they may then sell them as worthless. In the one in use a quantity
of wheat is boiled, and after being seasoned with good oil, is
distributed among the poor, each of whom also receives from two to four
loaves. This dole is given to all who apply for it, without regard to
their religion. On the great Mohammedan festivals a good piece of meat
is also given to each, with plenty of rice and honey, which are
furnished by the wealthy proprietors, who have made their fortunes out
of the hospital. As this building is assigned to S. Helena by the
Christians, so also are the caldrons. What excellent brass they must be
to have lasted in use from A.D. 326 to the present time! In order to
mount to the upper story it is necessary to leave these rooms and go to
the door opening into the street, more to the west. Let the visitor now
beware where he sets his foot, for a heap of filth covers up several
steps of the stairs, which are flooded in winter with rain-water from
the ruined terrace-roofs, and infested by vermin in summer. It is
therefore better to go round by the central valley to the south gate,
and so avoid the nuisance. I speak from experience.
On the south is a fine pointed doorway, with well-carved ornaments in
good relief, leading into a spacious hall, in which are medallions
containing good arabesques. Beyond this is a very large court surrounded
by a cloister with pointed arches, which also have arabesques in their
details. The hall, the cloister, and the court, are now only used to
shelter the camels and horses of the first comers; consequently they are
in a filthy state, and their ornaments are daily being destroyed. A
spiral staircase in the north-east corner of the hall leads to the upper
floor, where is a Gothic window of two lights, with a marble column as
mullion, crowned by an elegant arabesque capital. After going over this
floor and mounting to the roof, we see the remains of a splendid
apartment with all the requisites of a Mohammedan _Harem_[508]; but here
care is necessary to avoid a fall. The view from the summit of the
terrace is far from uninteresting; the whole _Haram es-Sherîf_ is well
seen, with a considerable extent of the central valley, the hill Acra
(as placed by me) full in view, and also Bezetha, separated from Moriah,
and rising above it. Here the student and the archæologist will form a
good idea of the topography of the ancient city; and the descriptions
of Josephus, especially with reference to Acra and Bezetha, will be
readily understood.
Opposite to S. Helena's Hospital on the north is a Saracenic house,
apparently of the same date, which is in a very unsafe state. In the
south façade is a great number of delicately wrought and interesting
arabesques. It is used by certain Mohammedans, who meet there for
prayer. They belong to an order of Dervishes, who are very free from
fanaticism, and employed in doing good. When I speak of the convents
belonging to the different sects, I will give a fuller account of them.
To the south of the House of Dives is seen on the east side of the road
the front of a Saracenic fountain[509], which (as is stated by an
inscription) belongs to the age of Solyman. To avoid repetition, I may
mention that all the fountains in Jerusalem, so far as regards their
ornamentation, belong to the same epoch. It is now dry, because the
revenues, destined to supply it with water and repair its conduit, have
been absorbed by their former managers.
Keeping along the valley towards the south we come to a street leading
up to Temple Street; following this westward, we find on the left, after
a few yards, a Saracenic doorway, the ornamental details of which are
elegant and well executed[510]. It was the entrance to a boys' school
for Mohammedans, founded by Omar, and afterwards enriched by Saladin;
but a mass of ruins is the only memorial remaining of their liberality.
Near this gate on the west is a street; and at the beginning of this, an
opening in the ground covered with a large slab, giving admission into a
passage leading to the Fountain of the Virgin in the Kidron valley; of
which I shall speak again at greater length.
Opposite to the above-named gate is an ancient edifice, which, from the
masonry, may be attributed to Saladin or Solyman; it is called by the
Mohammedan chronicle the Hospital of Omar. I have examined the interior,
and it appears to me, from the arrangement of some of the principal
walls, to have been a church in the days of the Latin kingdom, most
probably the Church of S. Giles, mentioned by various writers of the
time of the Crusades[511]. The Saracenic architecture in its façade may
have been the addition of one of the two above-named Sultans, and shews
how rich the neighbourhood of Jerusalem is in fine coloured stones,
which take a polish like marble. Many of these are fastened together
with lead without mortar. This building might be thoroughly restored for
a small sum of money; but it is involved in the same destiny as all the
other ancient buildings belonging to the Mohammedans in Jerusalem, and
unless it be sold will soon be a heap of ruins.
In a small street on the west of the above is an ancient edifice, which
shews the hand of a skilful architect in the regularity of its façade,
and the arrangement of its inner walls. The wall of the former consists
of small stones with deeply-cut rustic-work up to the level of the first
floor; along which runs a very plain cornice beneath a row of
square-headed windows, also crowned with a projecting cornice. The
remainder of the façade is constructed of polished stones accurately
laid. In the ground-floor rooms, now converted into offices, are the
shafts and capitals of columns, and from the general appearance of the
building we may infer that it has been a chapel. Local traditions state
that it once belonged to the Germans; and it is not impossible that it
may have been a dependency of the establishment that afterwards gave
birth to the Teutonic order of knights. Returning to the Hospital of
Omar, and following the small street opposite to it, we arrive, after
crossing the central valley, at the spot on the western wall of the
_Haram_, where the Jews (as we have already mentioned[512]) come to
bewail the calamities of their nation. The stranger who visits the place
when the unhappy sons of Israel are gathered together there, returns
saddened by the sight of their grief. Ceaselessly swaying their bodies
from side to side, they utter their prayers in a wailing chant, broken
by sighs and sobs, as they kneel among the ruins of their departed
grandeur, a feeble and waning remnant in their fatherland. This
continual motion, as I was informed, is in memory of the wandering of
their ancestors, during the forty years that elapsed between their
exodus from Egypt and their entry into Canaan. Having easy access to the
_Haram_, and the power of introducing any person with me, I several
times offered to take various Jews into the place, and shew them the
true remains of the Temple of Solomon and of Herod; but they always
refused for the following reason. When the Temple was destroyed a great
number of holy vessels were buried in the ruins; therefore every Jew in
the Holy City refrains from visiting the sacred enclosure, for fear of
treading upon their dust, and so confines himself to lamenting outside
the wall. If one of them enters the _Haram_ (so they told me), he is
excommunicated by the chief Rabbi, and expelled by the whole body as a
sacrilegious person. All rules, however, have their exceptions, and so
has this; for Baron de Rothschild and Sir M. Montefiore, on the occasion
of their visit to Jerusalem, obtained permission from the authorities
and entered the _Haram_. This greatly displeased many of their brethren,
who grumbled loudly at it in secret; but the excommunication was not
fulminated; perhaps because they remembered that these gentlemen had
liberally aided in supporting them in times past, and were likely to do
so for the future; and consequently thought it would be very foolish to
offend them by an act of ignorant fanaticism.
Returning by the same street, we will now enter the Jewish Quarter and
visit the synagogues. The great ancient synagogue may be compared to a
vaulted cave; the way into which is down a badly constructed and worse
kept staircase. Some piers which were formerly ornamented with
wood-carvings and gilding (of which some slight traces still remain)
sustain the roof of these subterranean chambers, many parts of which
threaten to fall down. They are lighted by the feeble rays that struggle
through the broken panes of the closely grated windows. The place is
always damp, both from its low situation, and from the water which runs
into it during the winter-rains by the staircase, the windows, and the
leaky vaulted roof. Round the upper part of the chamber latticed wooden
galleries are built; but these are so separated one from another, and so
patched from repeated repairs, that they look more fit to be fowl-pens
than seats for the women, who seem to me to occupy a very dangerous
position. Below are shattered, rotten, worm-eaten benches, haunted by
swarms of voracious fleas, which are occupied by the men. At the end of
each chamber is a kind of wooden cupboard, with more or less tasteless
ornament about it, in the middle of which is the tabernacle, usually
covered with a torn curtain, which on festival days only is replaced by
another, given by some European benefactress. The tabernacle contains
nothing but a copy of the Scriptures, written on parchment rolls. The
tables of the law are kept with a holy veneration in the principal of
these chambers, wrapped up in a purple cloth embroidered with gold.
While the services are going on, each Israelite has upon his head a
piece of striped blue and white woollen cloth, edged with a cord, which
hangs down from each corner. Many also wear a little box on their
foreheads in which a copy of the ten commandments or of some other
passages of Scripture is enclosed[513]. When the Rabbins unroll the
parchment before the worshippers, each draws near to touch it reverently
with the end of one of the cords of his veil. The sad and solemn
psalmody of the Doctors of the law, answered by verses of the Bible
recited by all the people, with sighs and every manifestation of
profound grief, produces a feeling of compassion for this unhappy
remnant of Israel, whose constancy and resignation under so long and
heavy a burden seem to deserve a better fate.
What I have said of this synagogue may also be applied to the rest,
which, as they are smaller, so are they more inconvenient, and in a
still more ruinous condition. During my stay in the city a new synagogue
was built on the eastern slope of Sion, called the Polish. It rises
majestically, and its dome dominates over a large portion of the city,
but I know too well that it will not last long, as its foundations are
bad; because the master-mason who directed the work had not sufficiently
examined the ground, and so mistook its nature. They were laid in a
great measure on ancient walls, which, not so much from ignorance of
their existence, as from a mistaken economy, were not properly examined.
Therefore when the new walls were finished, and the greater part of the
dome completed, cracks, caused by a settlement, appeared all along the
building. Consequently it became necessary to strengthen the foundations
and to modify the design of the façade by closing up arches and windows,
and using iron tie-rods. At present it seems likely to stand for some
years; but not for a long period, as its materials and masonry are not
very strong.
A German synagogue on the east of the Polish, reached by threading a
labyrinth of dirty lanes, is now being repaired. Those in charge of the
work have begun to restore the façade, over which they have wasted a
great quantity of money in loading it with useless ornament; and have
paid no attention to the interior, which, in my opinion, should be the
first consideration: consequently they are now at a standstill for want
of funds. There are other small synagogues in the Jewish Quarter, but
these are not worth notice, being only rooms used for that purpose.
Quitting the Jewish Quarter by its south side in order to reach the Sion
Gate, we come upon the Armenian property, and stop a little to examine
their churches. In the outer wall of the Convent, close to the Gate of
David, is a small chapel, said to occupy the site of the house of Annas
the High-Priest, father-in-law to Caiaphas[514], whither our Saviour was
brought after he had been made prisoner at Gethsemane. The tradition is
not very old, and is of little value, because, after so large a part of
the city towards the south has been destroyed, and the whole greatly
changed by the ravages of Titus's army and other causes, it is highly
improbable that the site of a house can be exactly fixed.
Adrichomius[515] says of this chapel, "the house of Annas, father-in-law
to Caiaphas, where afterwards the Church of the Holy Angels was built."
It is small, but divided into a nave and two side aisles by two pillars,
which sustain the vaulted roof.
Outside this chapel, near the wall, is a very old olive-tree, which
gives rise to the Arab name _Deir-Zeitun_ (Convent of the Olive). It
certainly is not so old as the time of our Saviour, as it could not have
escaped the ravages of the Roman troops, and besides, is growing upon a
thick mass of rubbish. The Armenian monks relate that the Saviour was
tied to it when he was brought to the High-Priest's house; and in
consequence of this legend, the Christians (especially those of the
East) hold the tree in great veneration, and think themselves happy if
they can procure a little piece of it. On this point I may adopt the
words of the Abbé Mariti[516]. "In order to check the rush of devotees
upon this tree, and to preserve the advantages resulting from it, the
Armenians have surrounded it with a wall to prevent the faithful from
approaching near to it. Of its fruit they make rosaries, which they
present to pilgrims, who requite the donors with large gifts. In order
to increase the fervour of devotion they keep a lamp burning near the
tree, the oil of which is said by the monks to have worked miracles;"
and therefore has a ready sale among the credulous.
The Church of S. James the Great, one of the best in Palestine, belongs
to the Armenians. Its founder is not positively known, but it was
certainly built after the departure of the Crusaders from Jerusalem. It
is generally thought that it was one of the Spanish Kings, probably
Peter of Arragon, who in 1362, being on terms of amity with the Sultan,
gave large gifts to the Holy Land. The name of the church (after the
patron Saint of Spain), and tradition, are in favour of this
supposition. After the Mohammedan conquest of the city, the Armenians
doubtless occupied it and the adjoining convents, but it is stated in
Jerusalem (by the Franciscans) that in the time of Ibrahim Pasha, A.D.
1837, when the Armenians were obliged to prove their title to certain
parts of the convent and church by producing documents, they had none in
their archives, and, under false pretences, came to the Franciscans to
see if they had preserved any. This would shew that they had some doubt
themselves to their right to the property they enjoy. However, one of
their members (a respectable Armenian from Constantinople) to whom I
mentioned this, asking him whether it were true, asserted that they had,
besides firmans of Omar Kotab, of Saladin, and others, one from Mohammed
himself. This he affirmed with shouts and gesticulations, and with every
sign which an Oriental uses to impress his hearer with a belief in his
veracity. He promised to shew me this document, but some how or other
never found an opportunity, although, unquestionably, the monks do
exhibit it to credulous pilgrims. The church is well worth notice. It is
said to stand on the spot where the Saint was martyred[517], but it
would be difficult to prove the truth of the tradition. The façade[518]
is very plain, and of later date than the rest of the building. It has a
porch where the Easterns leave their shoes before entering the doors;
both from reverence, and to avoid injuring the marble pavement and rich
Persian carpets. In the upper part of the porch is a gallery, occupied
by the women during service, so that they are separated from the men.
The interior is divided into a nave and two side aisles, of different
dimensions, by four large piers, and is lighted by a graceful dome. On
the walls are pictures, which are very remarkable both from the subjects
and style of painting; for example, in depicting the souls in purgatory,
the artist seems to have had before his mind one of Dante's divisions of
Hell. There is a profusion of gilding and mosaic work; the latter is
admirable, being composed of the different breccias abundant in the
country. The design of the inlaid work of mother-of-pearl and
tortoise-shell is remarkably good; and, in a word, the whole church is
kept in such excellent order, that it is an honour to its owners. On the
right hand we find, on entering, a small chapel richly ornamented with
marble and inlaid work, where the supposed spot of the Saint's martyrdom
is shewn. The Latin monks are permitted by the Armenians to celebrate
mass here on the festival of the Saint. On the same side, but nearer the
entrance, is the treasury, which is worth a visit, not so much for the
gems it contains as for certain Armenian antiquities, among which the
most remarkable are some sceptres of the ancient kings, and a staff made
of a single piece of amber 3-1/2 feet long. A piece of the true Cross,
three inches long and as thick as the third finger, enclosed in a casket
enriched with precious stones, is preserved among the numerous relics.
The Latins assert that it belongs to them, and was appropriated by the
Armenians when they were exposed to persecution. In the Chapel of S.
Miazim is a box containing three large stones, which the monks exhibit
with great reverence, stating that one came from Mount Horeb, another
from the Jordan, and the third from Mount Tabor. Thus far I can believe
them; but, in order to render them more marvellous, they say that they
formed part of the twelve stones which the children of Israel set up in
the Jordan[519]. The Armenians had discovered this fact before A.D.
1628, because it was related to and believed by a certain Alberto
Follesi, a Florentine of that date. They have the property of
foretelling rain and wind.
On leaving the Church of S. James, and following the street to the
north, we find, on the right, a small arch opening on to a street
running eastward; and going some little distance along this, we see, on
the left, a ruined chapel, which, at the time of the Crusades, was the
traditional site of S. Peter's prison[520].
Keeping along the street which turns to the north we reach the Syrian
convent, in which is a church said to stand upon the site of the House
of S. Mark, whither S. Peter went on his release from prison[521]. Here
a font is shewn, which is asserted to be the one used for the Virgin
Mary. Besides this there is nothing else remarkable within. It is really
surprising how the Christians at Jerusalem have preserved all the
traditions of the most ordinary localities, and been able to discover
the exact spots after all the changes and injuries the city has
undergone! Behind the English church and near the English hospital is
the small Church of S. James the Less; its plan is an oblong of 32 feet
by 19. The choir, with a cornice running round it on the inside, is
still to be seen. It is said to occupy the site of the ancient House of
S. James.
The English church was built in 1841. It is a cruciform Gothic building,
which style (in my opinion) is altogether out of place in Jerusalem. The
interior is not remarkable. The services are performed with propriety,
and it is the only church free from the insect-plagues of Jerusalem,
and in which the visitor can pray undisturbed by noise or laughter;
because the number of worshippers is small, and the Eastern Christians
are not attracted there by any pomp or ceremony. I may venture to add,
that perhaps this latter circumstance is the reason why the number of
proselytes does not increase in proportion to the benevolent exertions
of the Jews' Society. Both its members, and the zealous missionaries who
from time to time sojourn in the country, should not be ignorant of the
nature of the spirit with which they daily have to deal in the East, and
should know that the greatest obstacle to their success is the severe
form of their religion. The Oriental dislikes reading, and is averse to
hearing sermons, which he either does not understand or is wearied by.
He is more gained over by the eye than by the ear, and is with
difficulty persuaded that a priest in a black gown or plain white
surplice can be as important a person as one of his 'Papas,' who wears a
magnificent vestment in the church, shouts and chants loudly, and makes
a thousand signs of the cross, and as many genuflexions. More ceremony
and a more elaborate ritual would contribute greatly to the success of
the English missionaries, whose excellent organization and conduct
deserves all praise.
Nearly opposite to the above is the citadel of Jerusalem, called the
Castle of David, or of the Pisans. I have already spoken[522] of all the
objects of antiquarian interest which are to be seen there; and have
nothing to add beyond expressing my surprise at the carelessness of the
government in suffering every part of it to fall into decay. The
garrison of the city is not quartered there, but only a guard is posted
at the entrance, to prevent any one from going inside who is not
furnished with an order from the Commandant of the place. The reason of
this strictness is that part of it is used as a powder magazine; and
besides, some cannon are kept there, most of which are useless, as they
have been spiked or battered. Formerly various pieces of armour of the
time of the Crusades, which had been found in the neighbourhood of the
city and in other parts of Palestine, were preserved here, but the
collection has been dispersed. Some of the principal officers of the
garrison thought fit to represent to the department of artillery at
Constantinople, that it would be a good plan to dispose of them, as they
were articles of no value. The requisite order was quickly given, and
then, according to the usual custom of the government, the money was
kept back from the exchequer and used for private purposes. The
traveller who mounts to the top of the tower will be well repaid by the
general view of the surrounding country. The scenery is unattractive and
almost saddening; ranges of arid hills enclose the city, white with bare
faces of heated rock, whereon no herbage grows. Both near and far these
are dotted over with ruined Arab cottages, with little mosques and
tombs; and when the eye turns aside to range over the intervening
fields, it finds nothing more pleasing on which to repose. Everywhere is
barrenness, everywhere desolation; below there seems to lie a city of
the dead rather than of the living; around, a land of tombs rather than
of men.
Going from the citadel along the street toward the north-west we arrive
at the Latin Convent of S. Saviour, within which is the parish-church of
the same title. On each side two pillars supporting the very low vaulted
roof divide the nave from the two side aisles. In front of the high
altar rises a little slightly-depressed dome, and opposite to it is the
choir with well-carved stalls. The size of the building in length and
breadth is also very small in comparison with the number of people
frequenting it. For many years past the monks have had a plan for
enlarging it; but they have always been prevented from carrying their
design into effect by the prohibition of the authorities; and so the
Latins have to suffer from heat or damp according to the season of the
year. It is therefore to be hoped that the place will soon be made more
commodious.
Besides the churches and chapels which I have already noticed, many
others are indicated either by ruins, or tradition, or history
(especially by the chronicles of the time of the Crusades[523]); but as
they are now destroyed, or at least no longer used for worship, and
their remains are not of any interest, I pass them over in silence. It
is stated[524] that at the time of the Crusades the Christians possessed
as many as three hundred and sixty-five churches and monasteries in
Jerusalem. I now proceed to mention those convents which still belong to
the different religious communities, the number of which is far below
that just mentioned.
The Latin Convent of S. Saviour is the chief and greatest of those
belonging to the Guardians of the Holy Land. Here dwell the Superiors of
the Friars Minor of the Order of S. Francis; and consequently from it
orders and instructions are issued to all the rest of the convents,
which are dependencies of the Holy Guardianship, in Constantinople,
Egypt, Cyprus, Syria, and Palestine. The site of the building is one of
the best in Jerusalem, as it stands on the highest part of Mount Gareb,
near the north-west corner of the city-wall, and there looks down upon
the greater part of the city. It resembles a castle rather than a
convent; but this is due to the additions made by the monks during the
three centuries it has been in their hands, rather than to its original
design. The first abode of the Franciscans was on Mount Sion (which I
will describe in speaking of the 'Coenaculum'), but being dispossessed
by the Mohammedans A.D. 1550, they were obliged to occupy a place on
the same hill, called from its smallness the 'Oven.' In course of time,
being assisted by contributions from Europe, they hired from the
Georgians the Convent of S. Saviour (then called _Deir 'Amud_, Convent
of the Column), where they established themselves on a surer footing
inside the city. This they afterwards purchased from the proprietors,
A.D. 1559, by the favour of the Sublime Porte, who imposed on them hard
conditions[525]. The price of the ground was 1000 sultanins (about
£120), and that of the buildings 1200 Venetian sequins; but as the
property was much too small they obtained permission to increase it,
A.D. 1561, and again on other occasions, and so gradually brought it to
its present condition. The earliest part of the convent is that which is
round the church. There are two entrances, a large door on the south
side, and a small one on the west; both are strengthened and defended
with iron, a necessary precaution in a country where the power of
self-defence is requisite in case of popular tumults; which now,
however, very rarely occur. By entering the great door we can visit the
ground-floor of the convent, in which we find many large cisterns, hewn
in the rock, and supplied by the rains. When there is a drought in the
country, the poor Latins, and not seldom the Mohammedans, draw their
supplies of water from these. Here we see all the offices required by a
great convent that entertains and supports a large number of pilgrims,
such as gardens and courts, stables, extensive cellars, storehouses for
food, wood, and charcoal, horse-mills, ovens, and forges; shops for
carpenters, turners, shoemakers, and wax-candles; a dispensary well
supplied with medicines, and zealously and efficiently served, always
liberally open to all comers; and lastly, a printing-press, which though
small is admirably managed, and annually publishes books on religious
subjects in Arabic, Latin, Italian, and other languages; the type being
cast on the premises. In the upper story are the monks' cells, the
apartment of the Guardian of the Holy Land, and that of the Procurer
General, an infirmary, reserved for the brethren, workshops, in some of
which the vestments are made, in others the clothing of the monks; a
shop where the manufactures of the Holy Land are sold, such as rosaries,
shell-work, crosses, and the like[526]; a library containing some most
valuable manuscripts and many excellent books; and finally, the Church
of S. Saviour (mentioned above), with the adjoining sacristy. In this a
very great number of objects are preserved, valuable not only for the
intrinsic worth of the precious metals and jewels which they contain,
but also for the work of the artists who made them. These are but rarely
shewn, and the more splendid have not seen the light for years. They are
the gifts of many of the European courts in past and present times, and
of countries which have had a love for the Holy Land. The convent
ordinarily contains about fifty inmates, clerics and laics; but can hold
a much greater number; as in fact it does at the Easter festivals.
The Latin Patriarchate is a house belonging to the Franciscans, which
was intended for a hospice. In 1859 the foundations of the new
Patriarchate were laid near the north-west corner of the city. It is not
yet finished, but before long Jerusalem will possess a good new house,
which, while convenience is not sacrificed to vain show, will be
internally well arranged. M. Valerga himself drew the plan.
Opposite to the Latin Convent of S. Saviour on the south, is that of the
Sisters of S. Joseph, who have been lodged in two native houses, altered
to receive them. The interior is very confined and damp, and in
consequence unhealthy. The poor nuns, in number fourteen, suffer with
resignation, waiting until it please Heaven to grant them a better
abode, and with that a wider field for their benevolent labours in the
instruction of poor girls.
To the north of the arch of the 'Ecce Homo' is the Convent of the
Daughters of Sion, which I have already mentioned[527]. It is a new
building, the interior of which might have been very well arranged, but
the plans of the architect were continually altered by the
changeableness of a person who had that power. We, however, must not
deny to him the merit of having introduced into Palestine this excellent
order, whose members came thither with the object of converting the
Jews, but at present are occupied in educating orphans.
The Greek Catholic Convent is near the Jaffa Gate, and is inhabited by
two or three 'Papas,' whose Bishop usually resides at S. Jean d'Acre.
Internally it is in no respect worth notice. The church is a very large
modern room; and on its south wall is a singular picture representing
the Last Judgement, Paradise and Hell; angels are contending fiercely
with devils, and the condemned struggling with the righteous on the
banks of a river, whereon Charon is rowing his boat. The seven mortal
sins are also unmistakeably represented. The painting is not fitted for
the walls of a church.
The Armenian Catholics have at present only a single monk in Jerusalem,
a good and energetic man. As the representative of his co-religionists
he purchased in 1856 a plot of land containing the third station of the
Via Dolorosa, and bounded on the south by the fourth station. This he
would not have been able to acquire, had he not been aided by the alms
of his party and the support of M. de Barrère, the French consul, who,
as usual, earnestly pressed his cause with the local authorities. The
property was utterly neglected by the Mohammedans so long as it was in
their possession, and considered to be the ruin of an ancient bath; the
eastern part was used as the Pasha's stable. A church, convent, and
hospice for pilgrims, will soon rise upon the spot; and I trust that in
removing the ruins they will discover some traces of the second line of
walls, which I believe to have passed over this ground.
The central Convent of the orthodox Greeks is that of S. Constantine,
which is situated on the west of the Church of the Resurrection.
Attached to it, on the north side, is the Patriarch's house, which has
no architectural merit, but is well arranged and comfortable, with a
good garden. The convent itself, though very large, is no better than a
labyrinth of cottages of different sizes and heights, which have been
bought from time to time and joined together as best they could. It is
therefore full of court-yards, large and small, lanes, passages, and
flights of steps; and has also a small but well-kept garden, near the
sacristy. Inside is an excellent dispensary, and all the offices and
workshops, which this Royal Convent requires, not only for its own
purposes, but also for the use of all its dependencies, especially those
in Jerusalem. The chapel is dedicated to S. Constantine; it abuts
against the rotunda of the Holy Sepulchre, and is of great antiquity. It
is adorned as well with pavements of valuable marbles, as with original
pictures, curious specimens of Byzantine art; and possesses a great
number of sacred silver vessels and magnificent vestments. There is also
a very ill-arranged and dusty library, rich in Greek, Arabic, and
Georgian manuscripts, and in ancient Byzantine books; but they are
rarely examined, consequently the rats and worms are more attentive to
them than the monks. They cannot be seen without the permission of the
Patriarch or his deputy; nor can the treasury, which is full of ancient
works of Byzantine art, given by Russia and every other country in which
the members of the Greek church are found, and the cry of Jerusalem is
heard. I have never seen it, nor am I aware of any other traveller who
has. In the lower parts of the buildings, on the east, the native rock
appears, which is a continuation upwards of that seen inside the Church
of the Resurrection, at the tombs of Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea.
The parts of the convent near the Holy Sepulchre, and to the east and
south, enable us to understand the words of William of Tyre[528]
concerning the Hospitalers, "That during the disputes between the Canons
and the Knights, the latter shot arrows out of their own convent into
that of their adversaries." In fact, the Canons then inhabited the
south-east part of the present Greek convent, as well as the church, and
the part behind to the north of it. There are fifty monks in the
convent, and six Bishops, besides Archimandrites, Priests, and laics;
about eighty in all. They are distinguished by the title of Monks of the
Sepulchre. Besides these is a large number of boys who attend upon the
Papas and the church, and wear the monastic dress; and many servants
taken from the people of the city.
In addition to the convent of S. Constantine, the Greeks possess many
other convents in Jerusalem. These are, S. Demetrius, S. George of the
Hospital, S. Michael the Archangel[529], S. John the Fore-runner, S.
George of the Hebrews (in whose church is an ancient Byzantine mosaic
pavement), S. Charalampes, S. Abraham, S. Nicholas (where an ancient
Georgian church is worth a visit, as well as the printing-office, which
publishes good reprints of books in excellent type), the succursal of
Gethsemane, and a new convent by the Damascus Gate. Each of these is
under the government of a Prior, who performs service in their
respective chapels, and, at the season of pilgrimages, entertains
strangers sent to him from the great convents; by whom, as I will
explain presently, his revenues are chiefly supplied.
The nunneries are, Megala Panagia (Great S. Mary's), S. Theodore, S.
Basil (near the position I assign to the tower Psephinus; the Dead Sea
is visible from its terrace-roofs); S. Catharine, Micra Panagia (Little
S. Mary's), and S. Euthymius[530]. The females who come on pilgrimage to
the Holy City are entertained in these. The Prioresses and the sisters
are taken from the lower orders, and many of them act as servants in the
convents of the Priors and Papas.
The principal Armenian convent, to which the Patriarchate is attached,
is on Mount Sion. Its great extent, its situation, its many advantages,
its excellent masonry, and, above all, its admirable internal
arrangements, render it unquestionably the best establishment in the
city. It may be compared to a fortress, without ditches indeed, yet
strong enough to defend itself against an attack of the populace or of
the peasants in case of a riot. Its terrace-roofs command an extensive
panorama, and would supply an ample space for exercise to the monks,
even without the large courts and gardens enclosed within its walls. The
latter are the best in the city, and contain some majestic
cypress-trees, and some cedars, which the vivid fancy of the Easterns
attributes to the age of David. This belief is shared by the pilgrims,
and slips of them never fail to fetch a high price. The west front of
the convent is European work, of the same date as the church. The
Armenians assert that it was erected by Spain for a hospital or hospice;
but nothing certain is known on this point. The Patriarch's apartment is
most comfortable and well appointed. The library is well kept. Many of
the books are of no great value; but there are some important
manuscripts and rare liturgies. The printing-press is well managed: they
print in Armenian, Arabic, and sometimes Turkish characters, and publish
reprints of ancient liturgies and tales, but no books of any size. The
full complement of monks, including the laics, together with the
Patriarch and two Bishops, is from forty to fifty. This number is
necessary in order to supply the services of the Church of the
Resurrection, the Sepulchre of the Virgin, and the Convent of Caiaphas
outside the Sion Gate.
The interior of the Syrian convent is not remarkable. It is a plain
ordinary Arab building, but outside it on the north is a great pointed
arch entirely built up, called by the Orientals the Gate of S. Mark's
House, at which S. Peter knocked. As the arch and its foundations are of
the date of the Crusades, I of course do not believe the legend. The
Syrian Bishop has two or three monks, who assist him in performing the
church services and in receiving pilgrims.
Some houses near the church belong to the English mission, and are
inhabited by the missionaries and other persons attached to it. They are
neat, but do not call for special mention.
The Prussian mission possesses a house near the Judgement Gate, occupied
by the Pastor who has the spiritual charge of the mission, and another,
near the English church, inhabited by deaconesses, who are engaged in
the instruction of girls (as I shall presently explain), and in
rendering charitable aid to the sick.
The Coptic convent is on the north of and near to the Pool of Hezekiah;
it is a plain Arab house. Its inmates are far from clean, and the
visitor generally carries away unpleasant reminiscences of their
dwelling; they also possess another house near the north-east corner of
the Church of the Resurrection, of which I have already spoken[531]; as
well as of the miserable dens that shelter the Abyssinians.
The convent of the Kusbeck Dervishes stands against the south end of the
arch of the Ecce Homo. With the exception of their chief, they are
engaged in work in Jerusalem, and spend the money thus earned in
pilgrimages to the Mohammedan sanctuaries. They are sober, prayerful,
peaceable men, free from the vice of fanaticism. When I was
superintending the buildings of the Daughters of Sion I had good
opportunity of learning their character. Even at the time of the
massacres of Lebanon I never saw them shewing signs of joy. Their chief
is an intelligent and very moderate man.
The convent of the Dancing Dervishes is on the summit of Bezetha (as I
call it), next to the ancient Church of S. Peter, which I have already
mentioned. Inside and outside, especially in the lower part, we see
remains of the Crusaders' work. At the present time there are only two
inmates, who are more disposed to good than evil. Its minaret commands a
view of Jerusalem, and of the whole length of the Tyropoeon valley,
from which the topography of the ancient city is far more readily
understood than from any description or plan.
The Howling or Lancer Dervishes, as I call them, do not live in a
community, but very frequently assemble in a house opposite to the
Hospital of S. Helena, which may be considered as their convent. Many of
the principal Effendis of the city belong to this order. The badge of
membership is a necklace of wooden beads round the neck, and a long
staff with an iron lance-head in the hand. They were founded by an old
Mohammedan santon, an inhabitant of the neighbourhood of S. Jean
d'Acre, who came to Jerusalem in 1856 to preach a course of sermons.
When these dervishes hold their meetings, or are coming from them, they
sing at the top of their voices in the streets, from which practice I
have given them their name. Their distinctive marks might lead us to
mistrust them, but in difficult circumstances they have proved
themselves worthy of confidence; so perhaps I did wrong when I was
hard-hearted enough to break the lance-handle of a country dervish, who
met me on the Jaffa road, and demanded a _bakshish_ rather in the tone
of a soldier than of a monk. I made him amends by repairing his lance,
and gave it back to him, comforting him with the assurance that it would
be as good as ever for the next traveller he met.
The Jews have no establishments where the Doctors and Rabbins live in
common, so that I pass over in silence their dwellings, which are
destitute of everything except neatness.
I believe that I have now gone through all the buildings in the interior
of Jerusalem without exception, and have only to speak of the waters;
but these I shall leave for another chapter, and consider them after I
have described the neighbourhood.
FOOTNOTES:
[460] Plate II.
[461] Page 64.
[462] Jewish War, V. 5, § 8.
[463] Ibid. V. 5, § 8.
[464] Ibid. V. 4, § 2.
[465] Plate XI.
[466] S. Cyril. Catech. Lect. XIII. (Libr. of Fathers, Vol. II. p. 163).
[467] Holy City, Vol. II. p. 375.
[468] De Vogüé, Les Églises de la Terre Sainte, p. 299, quoting from
Gesta Francorum expugn. Hierus. Bongars. p. 573.
[469] Quoted by De Vogüé, p. 299.
[470] Elucidatio Terræ Sanctæ, Lib. IV. Pereg. 6, c. 2, Vol. II. p. 181,
col. 2, ed. 1639.
[471] Ibid.
[472] Elucidatio Terræ Sanctæ, Lib. IV. Pereg. 6, c. 5, Vol. II. p. 196,
col. 2, ed. 1639.
[473] Hist. de l'état présent de Jérus. Ch. XIII.
[474] Note I; Plates XII., XIII.
[475] S. John xix. 5.
[476] Ch. III. page 60.
[477] Histoire de l'état présent de Jésus. Ch. XIII.
[478] S. Luke xxiii. 7-11.
[479] Jewish War, I. 3, § 3.
[480] M. de Vogüé (Les Églises de la Terre Sainte, p. 304) states that
it is mentioned in the Citez de Jherusalem.
[481] S. Matt. xxvii. 32; S. Mark xv. 21; S. Luke xxiii. 26.
[482] S. Matt. ix. 20.
[483] Nehem. xii. 39.
[484] S. Luke xxiii. 28.
[485] Nicephorus, H. E. Lib. VIII. c. 30.
[486] De Fide Orth. Lib. IV. 14. Quoted by Quaresm. E. T. S. Lib. IV.
Pereg. 3, c. 12., Tom. II. p. 103, col. 2, ed. 1639.
[487] C. 11 (cf. c. 6), also quoted by Quaresm. Ibid.
[488] See De Vogüé, Les Églises, pp. 233, et seq.
[489] Note II.
[490] Lib. XI. c. 1. Gesta Dei, Vol. II. p. 795 (ed. 1611).
[491] Lib. XI. c. 1. Gesta Dei, Vol. II. p. 795 (ed. 1611).
[492] Lib. XV. c. 26. Gesta Dei, Vol. II. p. 887 (ed 1611).
[493] Les Églises, &c. pp. 242, 243.
[494] Plates XL., XLI., XLII.
[495] I was the first person who made a plan of it before it came into
the possession of France.
[496] Note III.
[497] Les Églises, &c. p. 235.
[498] i.e. of the Hejra, corresponding with A.D. 1192.
[499] De Fide Orthodoxa, Lib. VI. c. 5.
[500] S. Luke vii. 37, 38.
[501] S. Matt. xxvi. 6, 7; S. Mark xiv. 3; S. John xii. 1.
[502] Les Églises de la Terre Sainte, p. 292.
[503] Ibid. p. 294.
[504] John of Würtzburg, c. VII.
[505] Cartulary, p. 221: "Between the Latin Canons of the most glorious
Sepulchre and the Jacobite monks of S. Mary Magdalene."
[506] Mejir-ed-Din, p. 123.
[507] Plate XLIII.
[508] The part of a house assigned to the females of a family.
[509] Plate XLIV.
[510] Plate XLIV.
[511] La Citez de Jherusalem: see De Vogüé, Les Églises, &c. pp. 303,
439. Furnus S. Egidii in vico Templi. Cart. p. 331.
[512] Ch. III. page 72.
[513] A custom derived from a literal interpretation of Deut. vi. 8. See
also Prov. vi. 21; vii. 3.
[514] S. John xviii. 13.
[515] Adric. No. VIII. (Quaresm. E. T. S. Lib. IV. pereg. 5, c. 14, Tom.
II. p. 172, col. 2, ed. 1639).
[516] Mariti, p. 82.
[517] Acts xii. 2.
[518] Plate XXXIX.
[519] Josh. iv. 9, 20.
[520] M. de Vogüé, Les Églises, &c. p. 304.
[521] Acts xii. 12.
[522] Ch. II. p. 29. See also Note VIII. to the same chapter.
[523] See De Vogüé, Les Églises, &c. pp. 303, 304.
[524] By an anonymous Greek writer in Scriptt. Hist. Byzant. XXV. c. 12.
Ed. Venet. 1733.
[525] Note IV.
[526] Note V.
[527] Ch. III. p. 60.
[528] Lib. XVII. c. 3 (Gesta Dei, &c. Tom. II. p. 933).
[529] Note VI.
[530] Note VI.
[531] Ch. IV. page 126.