“Now Jove himself hath sent his fearful mandate through the skies:
The post of gods is come!”
After the introduction of letters and the conveyance of messages,
written and printed, the word post was understood to mean “to ride or
travel with post-horses;” “with speed or despatch of post-horses.” What
it means now in such connection can only be explained by calculating the
speed of lightning.
The modern post and post-office form a part and portion of a government,
and act in concert with other great agents of civilization in the
formation of permanent institutions.
The post-office is one of those tests by which the progressive
prosperity of a country may be ascertained. In this respect, perhaps no
other nation in the world presents a more extended view of such
progress, in connection with the postal system, than does that of the
United States. In the short space of eighty years she has set an
example, by the action and the enterprise of her people, to nations who
boast of a political and national existence of centuries.
The literary treasures of England,—accumulating from Alfred, Bede, and
Chaucer, through a succession of enlightened ages, swelling up in their
onward progress the vast catalogue of science, connecting with their
recorded mental wealth the names of men who consecrated with their
genius the age in which they flourished,—did less for her commercial
interest, throughout all those periods, than has the United States in
less than fifty years. Enterprise came forth under the light of liberty,
and extended its operations to every department of trade, commerce, art,
and science. England became alive to the fact that a new people had
created and given a living principle to the mechanical workings in the
world of trade and commerce. Its operations gave vigor to action, and
infused a spirit into merchants and traders which, heretofore, followed
in the wake of _monarchial follies_,
“As peddlers from town to town.”
We purpose to speak now of the post being a branch of the government,
and, in some respects, one of the most important.
The post-office department should be, but it is not, a social agent. The
peculiar character of a republican government is such that the post
becomes essentially a great political one. Its connection with an
administration is one of the links connecting party with its political
interests, and which becomes broken immediately on the success attending
that of a rival. It is rotary in its motion; hence the various changes
which necessarily occur at elections have a tendency to retard, rather
than advance, the postal system on its road to perfection. Indeed, it is
not assuming too much if we say that civil liberty, practically
speaking, partly consists in these changes; for opposition is an
essential and vital element of such liberty, and opposition, with these
possible changes, would have little or no meaning. If, however, they
were limited to the heads of the department, and not extending down to
the humblest workers in the office, the evil effects ever attending on
such changes would not so materially operate against its interests, and,
of course, that of the community. A general sweep of the employees of
any one State or government department makes the whole system a gigantic
political, rather than what it should be, a social, institution.
In whatever light, however, we view the post-office, it presents to us a
subject of the highest interest. Connect it with commerce, and it
assumes the power of a “Merlin,” whose magic wand, raised in the ages of
superstition, astonished the world! Connect it with the arts, and
nations are brought together by the mere stroke of the pen! Associate
it with science, religion,—in fact, with any of the prominent features
which make up civilized life,—it becomes at once the great medium
through which their mysteries and developments are made manifest to all.
Viewed historically, we trace the history of the post to Moses, and the
peopled countries, even to the children of Canaan, in the swamps of
Egypt. We link it with the hieroglyphic, or symbolical, characters of
that age, long before Hermes substituted alphabetical signs. We follow
it up, through sacred and profane history, to the exclusive royal
messengers in Persia mentioned by Herodotus, and the grant of the postal
establishment as an imperial fief, made by Charles V. to the princely
family of Thurn and Taxis, and from that down to the establishing of
that system which is now followed by all civilized nations.
The making a branch of a government an hereditary one, particularly that
of the postal, could only have originated under the genial rule of
Charles. The family of Thurn and Taxis held the post-office as a fief,
given to them by the Emperor Charles V., and they continued to hold it
long after the different German States had become independent. Of
course, like all such fiefs, (even those of _Saxon_ notoriety,) it
became, in time—instead of what the true meaning implied, “fealty or
fidelity,” to “keep and sustain any thing granted and held upon oath,
&c.”—a most vile and corrupt institution.[1]
_THE FIRST RECORDED RIDING-POST._
The first recorded riding-post was established in Persia, by Cyrus, 599
B.C. Cyrus was the son of Cambyses, King of Persia, and Mandane,
daughter of Astyages, King of the Medes. The history of Cyrus is a
lesson worthy to be read by all who can appreciate in one man all those
elements which combine to make a great one. He was educated according to
the Persian institutions, of which Xenophon gives such glowing accounts.
Among the numerous inventions he made and carried into operation, that
of the posts and couriers, to facilitate the transportation of letters,
was probably the most important. He caused post-houses to be built and
messengers to be appointed in every province. There were one hundred and
twenty provinces. Having calculated how far a good horse with a brisk
rider could go in a day, without being spoiled, he had stables built in
proportion, at equal distances from each other, and had them furnished
with horses and grooms to take care of them. He likewise appointed a
“postmaster,” to receive the packets from the couriers as they arrived,
and give them to others, and to take the horses and furnish fresh ones.
Thus, the post went continually, night and day, with extraordinary
speed. Herodotus speaks of the same sort of couriers in the reign of
Xerxes. He speaks of eleven _postal stages_, a day’s journey distant
from one another, between Susa and the Ægean Sea.[2]
These couriers were called in the Persian language by a name signifying,
as near as we can comprehend it, “service by compulsion.” The
superintendency of the posts became a considerable employment. Darius,
the last of the Persian kings, had it before he came to the crown.
Xenophon notices the fact that this establishment subsisted still in his
time, which perfectly agrees with what is related in the book of Esther
concerning the edict published by Ahasuerus in favor of the Jews, which
edict was carried through that vast empire with a rapidity that would
have been impossible without these posts erected by Cyrus.[3]
Persia, in some respects, has not kept pace with the progress of other
nations, or carried out those plans of government and schemes which
Cyrus originated in his early reign. Traces of a race far more energetic
than the present inhabitants of Persia are found in various parts of the
kingdom. The ruins of many ancient cities scattered over the land are
imposing and grand, especially those of Persepolis. Next to the pyramids
of Egypt and the colossal ruins of Thebes, they have attracted the
attention of travellers, and, like them, still remain an enigma,—their
history, dates, and objects being involved in the gloom of antiquity.
These evidences prove the existence of a state of refinement in art in
the sixth century, scarcely equalled, certainly not excelled, since, and
fully sustain the _data_ given to that wonderful discovery,—the
establishing the postal system and the first introduction of the
“riding-post.”[4]
In the highest eras of their civilization, neither the Greeks nor the
Romans had a public letter-post; though the conveyance of letters is as
much a matter of necessity and convenience as the conveyance of persons
and merchandise.
There were _stationese_ and mounted messengers, called _tabellarii_, who
went in charge of the public despatches; but they were strictly
forbidden to convey letters for private persons.
In the time of Augustus, post-houses were established throughout the
kingdom, and post-horses stationed at equal distances to facilitate the
transmission of letters, &c. Under his reign, literature flourished,
many salutary laws were established, and he so embellished Rome that he
was declared “to have found it brick and left it marble.” He was born at
Rome, B.C. 63, died at Nola in the seventy-sixth year of his age.
We have alluded to the fact of nations, considerably advanced in
civilization at the early period of the world’s history, being without a
public post for the conveyance of letters. Yet, when we take into
consideration that trade and commerce were then in their infancy, simple
messengers only were required. Indeed, letters at that period were only
written when great occasions called them forth. What with us is now a
pleasure, was with the ancients a task.
It was not until the year 807 that a postal service was established by
the Emperor Charlemagne,—a service which did not survive him. This,
however, differed very little from that which was framed by Cyrus.
The first actual letter-post system, connecting countries together by
communications, furthering the cause of trade and commerce, and
established to facilitate the conveyance of letters throughout the
commercial world, originated in the manufacturing and business districts
of the “Hanse Towns.” The confederacy was established in 1169.
So early as the thirteenth century this federation of the republics
required constant communication with each other; and it became almost a
necessity of their existence that some letter-post system should be
established.
The society termed the “Association of the Hanse-towns,” is better known
in history under the name of “The Hanseatic League.” It consisted
chiefly of merchants,—men who had brought commerce to all the perfection
it was capable of acquiring at that period, which may justly be termed
the dawn of our great commercial history. It was under this league the
banking system, exchanges, and the principles of book-keeping, with
double entries, and various other practices which facilitate and secure
commercial intercourse, originated. We speak here of the banking system
only. Banks existed long prior to this date, but in a very different
form. Those of the ninth century were literally “benches,” from the
custom of the Italian merchants exposing money to lend on a “banco,” or
bench, or tables.
The towns of the “Hanseatic League” were originally a confederacy united
in an alliance for the mutual support and encouragement of their
commerce. Perhaps the world’s history does not present an example so
fraught with interest to the commercial world than that which was here
furnished. Industry, application, a union of interests, combined with a
general knowledge of trade and commerce, the league soon became the
wonder of surrounding nations, who not only imitated its example, but
followed its precepts. It was under its dynasty the postal system was
established and communications of post-routes opened with all the towns.
In proportion as the reputation, opulence, and forces of the league
subsequently changed to “The Hanseatic Confederacy” increased, there
were few towns of note in Europe that were not associated with it. Thus,
France furnished to the confederacy Rouen, St. Malo, Bordeaux, Bayonne,
and Marseilles. Spain: Cadiz, Barcelona, and Seville. Portugal: Lisbon.
Italy and Sicily: Messina, Leghorn, and Naples. Russia: Novogorod.
Norway: Bergen, &c. Lastly, England furnished London to this celebrated
association, whose warehouses and factories were the wonder and the
admiration of the commercial world.[5] As we have said, it was under
this league the first practical post system was established; and its
legitimate object and purpose was only interfered with when it became
subject to a higher power.
This great commercial league fully sustained the opinion—at least
entertained at that period—that “Commerce alone is sufficient to insure
greatness.” Subsequent events, arising out of the political elements of
a country, afford convincing proofs that something more substantial than
commerce is requisite to maintain the independence of any nation. This,
however, is a question which involves that of the laws of nations and
the ethics of political economy. Mr. Oddy ascribes the downfall of the
Hanse Confederacy to their becoming warlike, and preferring political
importance to wealth obtained by their original modes. It is, however,
probable that no system of policy, either commercial or political,
however wise or moderate, could have prevented the wars in which the
Hanseatic League were involved. They stood on the defensive against
their hostile neighbors, whose envy and jealousy were excited by the
showy wealth of these cities. If commerce, therefore, brought on these
wars, and defeated the great object of the league, it is evident that
something more powerful than commercial sway was necessary to keep it in
contact with the agricultural and political interests of the nation.[6]
The combination of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce is no doubt
the true cause of greatness,—the opulence and power of those nations who
study the interest of each alike. It ought therefore to be the policy of
the rulers to guard the progress of these great branches with the same
fostering care and protection,—to encourage one without depressing the
other; and to watch their reciprocal bearings, connection, and affinity,
that the general interest may be promoted and the resources consolidated
into a mass of strength adequate or superior to the power of their
enemies. The United States has not lost sight of this fact; and hence
every department of its great interests is alike defended, protected,
and encouraged. We may have wars; but they will never arise from our
neglect of any one particular branch of the government, or of its source
of revenue.
Perhaps no city in the world presented a greater display of wealth than
did that of Bruges in the year 1301. She was one of the cities of the
confederacy. It contained in that year sixty-eight companies of traders
and artificers, while its citizens rivalled many of the European
monarchs in their sumptuous mode of living. Some idea of their splendor
may be formed from the following anecdote, recorded by Dr. Robinson in
his “Historical Disquisitions,” who relates that, in the year
1301, Joanna of Navarre, the wife of Philip the Fair, of France, having
been some days in Bruges, was so much struck with the splendor of the
city and its grandeur, as well as the rich and costly dresses of the
“citizen’s wives,” that she was moved by female envy to exclaim with
indignation,—“I thought that I had been the only queen here; but I find
that there are many hundreds more.”
The Hanse Towns had attained the summit of their power in 1428; but they
began to decline the moment they became warlike,—thus neglecting their
great commercial power, wealth, and influence. The rise of Holland
accelerated their decline; and the general attention which other nations
began to pay to manufactures and commerce, by distributing them more
generally and equally amongst the people in different parts of Europe,
destroyed that superiority which they had so long enjoyed.
The number and variety of the military undertakings in which the Hanse
Towns embarked, contributed more powerfully, perhaps, than any of the
causes above specified to accelerate their ruin. A general jealousy was
raised; and the kings of France, Spain, and Denmark, and several States
of Italy, forbid their towns to continue members of the confederacy.
Upon this, the Teutonic Hanse Towns restricted the confederacy to
Germany. About the middle of the seventeenth century the confederacy was
almost wholly confined to the towns of Hamburg, Lubeck, and Bremen. They
retained the appellation of the Hanseatic Towns, and claimed their
former privileges, among which their postal system was included. Under
the appellation of the Hanse Towns they were recognized at the peace of
Utrecht, in 1715, and at the Definite Treaty of Indemnity, in
1805,—almost the last moment of their political existence.[7]
The first serious blow struck the postal system was that which it
received from the Emperor Maximilian. He established a post between
Austria and Normandy, and, as a sort of retaliatory measure, made it an
espionage over his subjects through the medium of their correspondence,
and also for the purpose of enriching himself by the profits of the
enterprise. Fortunately, however, for the cause of justice and of
letters, Maximilian died before he had inflicted this great wrong on the
people to any extent. He died January 12, 1519.
Having brought the reader to this point of our postal history, it may
not be out of place before we reach the fifteenth century—when it
assumed a very different aspect—to give some account of the earlier
history of art, pastoral life, language, writing materials, letters,
&c., more or less connected with our subject.