While, however, he laboured working with _his own hands_ (1 Cor.

iv. 12), he did not neglect his great work as an Apostle. According

to his usual practice, he repaired every Sabbath-day to the synagogue,

and endeavoured to persuade both the Jews and Gentiles there present

(Acts xviii. 4) to believe in Jesus as the promised Messiah and Saviour

of the world. Nor were his labours unsuccessful. Many, both Jews and

Gentiles, professed themselves believers. Amongst these was the _house

of Stephanas_, whom the Apostle calls _the first-fruits of Achaia_

(1 Cor. xvi. 15). Another convert, and one of considerable note, was

Crispus, a ruler of the synagogue (Acts xviii. 8); a third was Gaius,

or Caius, with whom he afterwards lodged. All these he baptized _with

his own hand_ (1 Cor. i. 14–17).

After he had been thus labouring about two or three months, Silas

and Timothy returned from Macedonia (Acts xviii. 5), and relieved the

Apostle’s intense anxiety respecting the churches he had planted there

(1 Thess. i. 2; ii. 13; iii. 6), informing him of the continuance of

their faith and love, of their fond remembrance of himself, and their

eager desire to see him again (1 Thess. iii. 6). The effect of this

welcome news seems to have been an instantaneous increase of the zeal

and resolution with which he prosecuted his labours. Already there

were signs of opposition to the progress of the truth, and he had begun

his work at Corinth _in weakness, and in fear, and in much trembling_

(1 Cor. ii. 3). But now a weight was taken off from his mind (1 Thess.

iii. 1–6), and _he was pressed in the spirit_, or, according to a

preferable reading, he was _pressed by the word_[1012] (Acts xviii. 5).

His zeal was a positive pain to him. His anxieties removed, he felt he

could not restrain the impulse to give utterance to the Word of God,

and to apply himself with redoubled energy to his work.

Satisfactory, however, as had been in the main the tidings brought

by Silas and Timothy from Thessalonica, some irregularities which

had crept in, and some mistaken notions the new converts entertained,

required correction. Since the Apostle’s visit several of their

relatives and friends had died, and they feared that these departed

Christians would lose the happiness of witnessing their Lord’s second

coming, which they conceived to be close at hand (1 Thess. iv. 13–18).

Under the excitement of the same expectation others had abandoned

their lawful callings, and fancying that they need not work claimed

the support of the richer members of the church (1 Thess. iv. 11, 12).

Others, again, had not learned to subdue their carnal appetites

(1 Thess. iv. 1–8), and there were symptoms of a lack of order (1 Thess.

iv. 9, 10), and a tendency to despise the gift of prophesying, or

inspired teaching, in comparison with other and more showy gifts

(1 Thess. v. 20; comp. 1 Cor. xiv.).

For these reasons he addressed his first Epistle to the Thessalonians.

Meanwhile the progress of the Church at Corinth had awakened the

determined opposition of the Jews, who not only obstinately opposed

the truth, but poured forth coarse blasphemies on the name of Jesus

(Acts xviii. 6). Accordingly the Apostle confronted them sternly, and

declaring that their blood must rest upon their own heads, announced

his intention of turning to the Gentiles, and made the house of a

Gentile convert named Justus, which was contiguous to the synagogue,

the place of his public teaching (Acts xviii. 7). The difficulties

of his position were thus much increased, and so greatly was he

discouraged, that, though Crispus remained faithful, and many of the

Corinthians had embraced the faith, he appears to have thought of

withdrawing from the city[1013]. But while he was thus hesitating,

the Lord Jesus appeared in a vision of the night, and bade him be

not afraid, but speak forth boldly, for He _was with him, and He

had much people in the city_ (Acts xviii. 8–10). Thus encouraged the

Apostle resumed his labours, and continued them without any apparent

interruption for a space of eighteen months.

During this period intelligence received from Thessalonica induced him

to address a second Epistle to the Church there. His previous letter

had not abated the excitement connected with the expectation of the

Saviour’s speedy advent. A fanatical section had even laboured to

increase it, claiming imaginary revelations from the Spirit (2 Thess.

ii. 2), and the authority of a rumoured letter from the Apostle himself

in support of their views (2 Thess. ii. 2). To discourage such ideas,

and that neglect of daily employments (2 Thess. iii. 6–16) to which

they led, the Apostle wrote again, A.D. 53, explaining more fully

certain signs he had already told them must precede the Redeemer’s

second coming (2 Thess. ii. 1–12), and exhorting the Thessalonians to

an orderly and diligent life after the example he had himself set when

present in their city (2 Thess. iii. 8, 9).

Thus while continuing to labour at Corinth, did he seek to promote

the growth of the Churches he had planted in Macedonia. By this time

a new proconsul of Achaia had arrived in the person of Gallio[1014],

the brother of Seneca the philosopher, and of Mela, whose son Lucan

was the author of the Pharsalia. The new governor had the reputation of

being a man of remarkable sweetness of disposition and great popularity,

whom “every one loved too little, even he who loved him most[1015].”

Accordingly the Jews thinking they might presume with impunity upon

his easy temper, with accord set upon Paul and dragged him before

his judgment-seat[1016], alleging the old charge that _he persuaded

men to worship contrary to the law_ (Acts xviii. 13). When, however,

the Apostle was on the point of entering upon his defence, Gallio,

probably acquainted with commotions of the same kind at Rome and

with the nature of the Jewish opposition to Christianity, refused to

listen to it. If the question brought before him had been some act of

crime or wickedness, it would have been only reasonable that he should

have heard it through. But if, as it appeared to him, it was merely a

question of doctrine, of words and names and Jewish law, he would have

nothing to do with it, they must see to it themselves; and he drove

them from the judgment-seat (Acts xviii. 16).

This decision had a remarkable result. The mob[1017], always unfriendly

to the Jews, seized Sosthenes, one of the rulers of the Synagogue[1018],

or perhaps the successor of Crispus, and began to beat him in the

very presence of the proconsular tribunal. But Gallio left him to his

fate, and _cared for none of these things_ (Acts xviii. 17). Thus the

assurance given to the Apostle in the late vision was fulfilled. Though

bitter enemies had set upon him, none had “hurt” him, and it had been

proved that the Lord _had much people in the city_.

Having tarried, therefore, at Corinth yet a good while, he took his

leave of the brethren, and after[1019] terminating a religious vow,

taken for some unknown reason, by cutting his hair at Cenchreæ[1020],

sailed, accompanied by Silas and Timothy, Priscilla and Aquila, in the

direction of Syria. A voyage of about 13 or 15 days brought them to the

port of Ephesus. There Aquila and Priscilla remained, while the Apostle,

after only staying long enough to hold one conference with the Jews

in their synagogue, hastened on by sea with his other companions to

Cæsarea, and thence by land to Jerusalem, in time to keep the great

national festival of Pentecost (Acts xviii. 20–22). His stay was very

brief, and after saluting the Church there he returned to Antioch, from

which he had been so long absent, and there continued some time (Acts

xviii. 23).

SECTION III.

_St Paul’s Third Missionary Journey,

and Imprisonment at Cæsarea._

CHAPTER I.

_VISIT TO EPHESUS._

A.D. 54–57.

AFTER staying some time at Antioch, the Apostle resolved to enter

upon his third missionary journey. Accompanied, it is probable, by

Timothy[1021], he began by a systematic visitation of the Churches

he had planted in Galatia and Phrygia, establishing all the disciples

in the true principles of the Gospel (Acts xviii. 23), and exhorting

them to evince their sympathy with their brethren in Judæa, by weekly

collections in behalf of the poorer Christians (Comp. 1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2).

While he was thus employed there arrived at Ephesus a certain Jew of

Alexandria, named Apollos[1022], an eloquent man, and mighty in the

Scriptures (Acts xviii. 24). He had been instructed in the way of the

Lord, and was acquainted with the main facts of the Saviour’s earthly

history, but had received no other baptism than that of His forerunner.

Aquila and Priscilla listened to his eloquent words in the synagogue

of Ephesus, and having sought his acquaintance, did much to correct his

imperfect conceptions of Christian doctrine, and to explain to him more

accurately the _way of God_ (Acts xviii. 26). Though trained in the

schools of Alexandria, Apollos was not above receiving instruction from

these humble natives of Pontus, and when made fully acquainted with

the Christian doctrine was desirous of crossing over into Achaia. On

communicating his wishes to the brethren at Ephesus, he received from

them much encouragement; and furnished with letters of introduction

to the disciples in Achaia, set out for Corinth, where he contributed

important aid to the establishment of the Christian Church, employing

his extensive acquaintance with Scripture to the confutation of Jewish

disputants, and proving incontestably that Jesus was the Messiah (Acts

xviii. 28).

Thus where _Paul had planted, Apollos watered_, and God _gave_ an

abundant _increase_ (1 Cor. iii. 6). Meanwhile that Apostle’s circuit

through the Galatian district being ended, in accordance with a promise

he had made (Acts xviii. 21) he also came to Ephesus. Here Aquila and

Priscilla were awaiting him ready to aid him in his work[1023]. They

had already dispatched to the Church of Corinth an eloquent teacher,

and now there was present a company of about twelve men (Acts xix. 7),

who, like Apollos, were acquainted only with John’s baptism, and who

were probably introduced to the Apostle by his friends from Pontus.

Thereupon he enquired of them, _Did ye receive the Holy Ghost when ye

became believers[1024]?_ To this they replied that they had not so much

as heard of Him and of His great outpouring on the day of Pentecost.

This led to further enquiry on the part of the Apostle as to the nature

of the baptism they had received, and becoming aware that they had only

been made partakers of John’s baptism of repentance and preparation,

he proceeded to speak of a yet higher baptism to which it was intended

to lead up. On this the men were baptized into the Name of the Lord

Jesus Christ, and on the imposition of the Apostle’s hands were endued

with miraculous gifts and enabled to speak with tongues and to prophesy

(Acts xix. 4–7).

Ephesus now became the centre of St Paul’s missionary labours.

Repairing, according to his invariable practice, to the synagogue,

he was employed during _three whole months_ (Acts xix. 8) in arguing

with the Jews from their own Scriptures, and persuading them that

the kingdom of God was truly come, and that Jesus was no other than

the long promised Messiah. While some believed and joined themselves

to the Christian Church, others were hardened and disobedient, and

began openly to calumniate the Apostle’s doctrine before the people.

Perceiving this, and resolved that their example should not contaminate

the rest, he resolved to abandon his attendance at the synagogue, and

separating the disciples transferred his instructions to the school

of _one Tyrannus_, probably a teacher of rhetoric or philosophy to the

young of Ephesus, and who may or may not have been himself a convert

(Acts xix. 9).

This continued for two years, A.D. 55–57, and during this period the

labours of the Apostle were carried on with unceasing energy. Not only

in the school of Tyrannus, but _from house to house_ he went about

amongst the brethren, instructing them in their most holy faith, and

warning them _with tears_ (Acts xx. 20–31) to hold fast that which they

had been taught, _repentance towards God, and faith towards our Lord

Jesus Christ_ (Acts xx. 21). The result of such labours, carried on by

the Apostle himself, and probably by his immediate[1025] converts, was

speedily perceptible. An important church was founded at Ephesus itself,

over which “presbyters” were appointed to preside (Acts xx. 28), and

the Word was made known throughout the Roman province of Asia, and

probably contributed to the foundation of the seven famous churches of

that region (Acts xix. 10).

Ephesus, it must be borne in mind, was no common city[1026]. The

capital of the province, the principal emporium of trade on the nearer

side of Mount Taurus, it claimed with Smyrna the honour of being

one of the “eyes” of Asia. Though Greek in its origin it was half

Oriental in the prevalent worship and the character of its inhabitants,

and contained the famous temple of Diana, or Artemis, deemed by the

ancients one of the wonders of the world[1027]. The original temple,

built at the expense of all the Greek cities in Asia, the erection

of which was begun before the Persian, and lasted even through the

Peloponnesian war, was set on fire by Herostratus on the night that

Alexander the Great was born. But in its place there soon arose a still

more sumptuous structure, on which all that art and skill could achieve

was freely lavished. The Temple-area was 425 ft. long by 220 in breadth,

and was surrounded by 127 marble columns, 60 ft. high, each the gift

of kings, and 36 of them beautifully ornamented. The roof was supported

by columns of green jasper, eight of which may be seen in the mosque of

St Sophia at Constantinople, whither they were removed by the emperor

Justinian after the temple had been destroyed by the Goths. The altar,

richly adorned, was the work of Praxiteles, and here and there were

statues from the chisels of the most eminent sculptors. The walls were

adorned with the finest paintings in the world, the master-pieces of

Apelles and Parrhasius, while the sacred precincts, to the extent of

a furlong from the building, offered an inviolable sanctuary to all who

sought an asylum there.

The presiding deity of this magnificent pile was an ancient, black,

wooden idol, said to have fallen down from heaven, representing Artemis,

not the huntress-goddess of the Greeks, but an Asiatic divinity[1028],

the impersonation of nature, the prolific “mother of life,” as shown by

the many breasts represented on her image.

Round this worship of Artemis there clustered a host of minor

superstitions, and Ephesus was at this time the head-quarters of the

magical arts. Here were to be bought charms and incantations of all

kinds; amulets to preserve men from bodily danger; formulas to ward off

the influence of demons; mysterious symbols called “Ephesian letters,”

copied from the inscriptions on various parts of the idol, deemed a

safeguard against all kinds of evil. These arts were not studied merely

by strolling vagabonds, for the purpose of imposing on idle women and

ignorant men; they were believed by the educated, and studied by men of

letters, who wrote many books on the subject, opening up the secrets of

the art, which were highly valued and fetched great prices.

Here, then, was a new field for the efforts of the Apostle, and in this

stronghold of heathenism it pleased God to work special miracles by his

hands (Acts xix. 11), so that napkins[1029] and aprons[1029] brought

from his body were enabled to communicate a healing power, to expel

disease and deliver the possessed. Such miracles produced a deep

impression on those who witnessed them, and before long, as in the case

of Moses in Egypt, certain Jewish exorcists, who wandered about the

Asiatic cities, strove to effect the same marvellous results by their

enchantments. Fancying that the Name of Jesus was used by the Apostle

as a kind of spell, and was in fact his secret, they also began to

pronounce the same over the possessed saying, _We adjure you in the

name of Jesus, whom Paul preacheth_ (Acts xix. 13).

One particular family, consisting of seven brothers, sons of one Sceva,

a Jewish High-priest[1030], were especially addicted to this practice,

and on one occasion while thus engaged the evil spirit answered, _Jesus

I recognise[1031], and Paul I know, but who are ye?_ and thereupon the

possessed flung himself upon them, and with the terrible strength of a

madman and a demon drove them forth naked and wounded from the house.

This incident was quickly noised abroad throughout all Ephesus, became

known both to Jews and Gentiles, and proved that the power of the name

of Jesus was one “fatal to counterfeit and impossible to resist.” Fear

fell upon all. The magicians of Ephesus confessed that this was the

finger of God, and many of the converts, who even as Christians had

continued the practice of “curious, or magical arts, and had not parted

with their books of charms,” confessed their errors, and publickly

burned the magic scrolls in the presence of the Church. An estimate of

the value of these books was made, and was found to amount to upwards

of 50,000 pieces of silver[1032], _so mightily grew the word of the

Lord and prevailed_ (Acts xix. 20).

CHAPTER II.

_LETTER TO THE CORINTHIANS――DISTURBANCE AT EPHESUS._

A.D. 57.

DURING the Apostle’s stay at Ephesus disastrous intelligence arrived

from Corinth. The Church established there combined two distinct

elements, Jews or proselytes and Gentiles, of whom the latter were the

most numerous. The natural jealousy between these two bodies repressed

during the Apostle’s presence, had burst out on his departure, and

divided the Church into various parties. Some affected fidelity solely

and exclusively to St Paul himself (1 Cor. iii. 4); others, probably

the Jewish section, to Peter and _the brethren of the Lord_ (1 Cor.

i. 12, ix. 5); a third, fascinated by the eloquence and learning of

the Alexandrian Apollos (1 Cor. i. 12), had attached themselves to him,

and probably “hung halfway between the extreme Jewish and the extreme

Gentile party;” while a fourth abjured all devotion to any human

teachers, and styled themselves the “Christ” party (1 Cor. i. 12).

In addition to these evils the Gentile faction pushed their views of

Christian freedom beyond all due bounds. The profligacy that disgraced

the inhabitants of Corinth and made their name a byword was openly

avowed and gloried in (1 Cor. v. 1). To such a pitch, moreover, did

they carry their disputes that lawsuits were brought into Roman and

Greek courts of Justice (1 Cor. vi. 1–8), and instead of shrinking

from the contaminating influence of sensuality at the sacrificial

feasts, they freely frequented them even in the colonnades of the

temples (1 Cor. viii. 10): the women threw off the head-dress which the

customs of Greece and of the East required (1 Cor. xi. 2–16); the most

solemn ordinance of the Church was profaned by disorderly and reckless

festivity (1 Cor. xi. 17–34); the most showy “gifts” were desired to

the disparagement of those which tended only to instruct and improve

(1 Cor. xii. 1, xiv. 1–4); mixed marriages were freely contracted

(1 Cor. vii. 10–17); and the doctrine of the Resurrection was either

denied or emptied of all meaning (1 Cor. xv. 12).

Rumours of these disorders had reached the Apostle from time to time,

and he had already sent Timothy[1033] and Erastus (Acts xix. 22) from

Ephesus to Macedonia, desiring the former if possible to continue his

journey to Corinth, and recall to the Church there the image of his own

teaching and life. But after their departure members of the household

of Chloe arrived informing him that the factions had reached a still

more formidable height (1 Cor. i. 11), and that an incestuous marriage,

scandalous even to the heathen, of a man with his father’s wife,

had been allowed to be contracted without rebuke (1 Cor. v. 1). This

determined the Apostle to write the first of his extant letters[1034]

to the Corinthians and other Christian communities in the province of

Achaia (comp. 1 Cor. i. 2), in which he treated of all these points,

directed that the incestuous offender should be expelled from the

Christian community, and replied to various questions, which three

members of the Corinthian Church, Fortunatus, Stephanas, and Achaicus

(1 Cor. xvi. 17), themselves the bearers of the Epistle, had brought

for his solution relating to the controversies respecting sacrificial

feasts, meat offered to idols, the right of divorce, and the exercise

of spiritual gifts in the public ministrations of the Church.

At the time he dispatched this letter, it was the Apostle’s intention

to proceed through Macedonia to Corinth, and after spending the winter

there (1 Cor. xvi. 5, 6; Acts xix. 21) to proceed to Jerusalem, whence

he contemplated a journey to Rome itself (Acts xix. 21). Till Pentecost,

however, he resolved to stay at Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 8), for there

_a great door_ was opened to him, and there were many _adversaries_

against whom he had yet to contend. But these designs were destined to

be rudely interrupted.

It was now about the month Artemisius, or the month of Artemis[1035],

when the annual festival of the goddess was observed throughout Greece

and Asia, and a vast concourse of people from all quarters would

be brought together. The preaching of the Apostle had by this time

produced a great effect both in Ephesus and throughout proconsular Asia,

and a great multitude had avowed themselves believers (Acts xix. 26).

Consequently the sellers of portable shrines[1036] of Diana found

their trade sensibly diminished, and _no small tumult arose about

the Way_. Prominent among the malcontents was a certain Demetrius,

a master-manufacturer of these silver shrines, who found employment

for a large body of workmen. These he now called together, and others

similarly employed, and set forth the damage which their trade had

sustained, and the danger lest the temple of the great goddess Diana,

which not only Asia but all the civilized world held sacred, should

fall into disrepute. His words found eager listeners, and an excited

cry arose, _Great is Diana of the Ephesians_ (Acts xix. 28). The

commotion thus aroused quickly spread, and the thousands of citizens

and strangers, whom the games had attracted to Ephesus, made a general

rush towards the theatre. Failing on the way in their attempt to seize

St Paul[1037], they dragged thither two of his companions, Gaius and

Aristarchus of Macedonia. News of the danger of his friends would have

urged the Apostle to venture thither himself, but the disciples, aided

by the Asiarchs[1038], who exercised high authority during the games,

induced him to remain in privacy, and not venture to incur inevitable

risk. Meanwhile the crowded seats of the theatre presented a scene of

the utmost confusion, some crying one thing and some another, and the

majority not knowing _why they were come together_ (Acts xix. 29–32).

At length the Jews, not unwilling to injure the Apostle’s cause,

and anxious to clear themselves, put forward one Alexander, who may

possibly have been _the coppersmith_ mentioned in 2 Tim. iv. 14, and

being connected in trade with Demetrius might have been expected to

have some influence with the people. So he stood forth and beckoned

with his hand for silence. But he was soon recognised as a Jew, and

one unanimous cry which lasted upwards of two hours arose from the

tumultuous throng, _Great is Diana of the Ephesians_ (Acts xix. 34).

When this had partially subsided, another effort was made to calm the

storm. The Town-clerk[1039] or Recorder, who was the lawful president

of the assembly, stood forward and reminded his hearers that the city

of Ephesus was beyond all question the devoted “warden[1040]” of the

great goddess Diana and the image that came down from the sky. The

statements of a few unknown foreigners could not contradict a fact so

patent to all the world. Let them, therefore, avoid doing anything rash

or inconsiderate, especially as St Paul and his companions had neither

profaned their temple nor uttered calumnious words against the goddess.

If Demetrius and his friends had any just cause of complaint, it could

be decided in the assize-courts[1041], then open, or by an appeal to

the proconsul, or, if necessary, in the regular assembly. Above every

thing, let the present tumultuous proceedings be discontinued, which

could only bring down upon them the displeasure of the Romans, who

could not be expected to tolerate such causeless and disorderly doings,

however willing to indulge an ancient and loyal city (Acts xix. 35–40).

With these arguments the cautious man of authority tranquillized

the assembly, and the crowd dispersed to their own homes. Thus by

the intrepidity of his friends[1042] Aquila and Priscilla, and the

interposition of a Greek magistrate, the Apostle’s life was saved;

and having assembled the disciples and given them his last farewell,

set out towards Macedonia (Acts xx. 1), and accompanied, it is not

improbable, by Tychicus and Trophimus, reached Alexandria Troas[1043].

(Acts xx. 4, 5.)

CHAPTER III.

_TROAS――SECOND JOURNEY TO GREECE._

A.D. 57, 58.

ON the occasion of his former visit to Troas[1044] the Apostle had

been able to stay but a very short time. Now, however, though disturbed

in mind by the late outbreak, he occupied himself for some time in

preaching the Word (2 Cor. ii. 12). But a cause of still deeper anxiety

harassed him. He had sent Titus to Corinth, either with or soon after

the first Epistle, to superintend the great collection now being made

for the poorer Christians at Jerusalem, to enforce the instructions

contained in his Epistle, and to report the state of the Corinthian

church; and he had directed him to return through Macedonia and rejoin

him probably at Troas[1045], where he hoped to have arrived shortly

after Pentecost. But the late tumult had driven him sooner than he had

intended from Ephesus, and he waited for Titus at Troas with a heart

full of anxiety respecting the Church at Corinth. Day after day passed,

and still Titus came not. At length the suspense became unbearable,

_his spirit had no rest_ (2 Cor. ii. 13) in the prolonged absence of

his brother, and though at Troas a door _was opened to him of the Lord_,

and he was enabled to lay the foundation of a flourishing church, he

resolved to sail to Macedonia, hoping the sooner to meet Titus on his

return.

Bidding farewell, therefore, to the disciples, he embarked, and

probably, as before[1046], landing at Neapolis, pressed on to Philippi.

There he paused, and for a while was cheered by the zeal and warm

affection of his Philippian converts (2 Cor. viii. 1, 2). But still

he could think of nothing but Corinth. “Corinth, and Corinth only, was

the word which would then have been found written on his heart[1047].”

Timothy, indeed, appears to have met him at Philippi (comp. 2 Cor.

i. 1), but till Titus arrived his flesh could find no rest; he was

_troubled on every side, without were fightings, within were fears_

(2 Cor. vii. 5).

At last the long-expected messenger reached Philippi, and bore with him

tidings sufficiently cheering to relieve the Apostle of the chief load

of his anxieties. His first Epistle had not only been received, but

bore good fruit. The majority of the Corinthian church had submitted

to his injunctions, and were deeply repentant for the sins they

had committed (2 Cor. vii. 7–11); the incestuous person had been

excommunicated (2 Cor. ii. 6), and afterwards forgiven (2 Cor. ii. 10);

and the collection for the poor Christians at Jerusalem had made good

progress (2 Cor. viii. 10). All, however, was not as it ought to be.

The parties which claimed the authority of Christ, aided by an emissary

from Palestine (2 Cor. xi. 4), who had brought letters of commendation

from Jerusalem, had grown so powerful as to openly assail both the

Apostle’s authority and his character, charging him with selfish

motives, with fickleness, timidity, and self-distrust, and disparaging

his inartificial speech, and the insignificance of his _bodily

presence_ (2 Cor. x. 10).

The news that the Corinthians had generally submitted to his

injunctions, removed a load from the Apostle’s mind, and filled

him with overwhelming thankfulness, but the insinuations of his

adversaries roused in him the utmost indignation. Titus was, therefore,

immediately directed to return to Corinth with instructions to continue

the collection, and bearing a second Epistle, in which the Apostle

expressed his heartfelt satisfaction at the tidings brought by Titus

(2 Cor. i.‒vii.), urged the speedy completion of the contributions

(2 Cor. viii. ix.), and vindicated his Apostolical character against

the assertions of his Judaizing opponents (2 Cor. x.‒xiii.).

With this Epistle, then, Titus accompanied by Luke (2 Cor. viii. 18)

and Trophimus, set out for Corinth, while St Paul, as yet unwilling to

revisit that city, continued to prosecute his labours in the northern

regions of Greece, and to accomplish those plans which he had been

unable to complete during his previous visit to Macedonia. But not

satisfied with preaching the word in the towns of that province

bordering on the Ægean, he appears now to have penetrated into the

interior, and even beyond them, to the shores of the Adriatic, _fully

preaching the Gospel round about unto Illyricum_[1048] (Rom. xv. 19).

This tour probably occupied the summer and autumn of A.D. 57, and then

_having no more place in those parts_ (Rom. xv. 23), he removed with

the approach of winter to Achaia, and took up his abode at Corinth

(Acts xx. 2). But while here in the house of Gaius he could enjoy the

society of Erastus and Stephanas, of Fortunatus, Achaicus, and others

of the brethren, his heart was saddened[1049] by painful intelligence

concerning the state of the Galatian Churches. The circumstances under

which these churches[1050] were founded have been already noticed, as

also the peculiar affection with which the Apostle had been received

there. Now however he learned that his restless enemies the Judaizers,

who had been thwarting him at Corinth, were busy also in Galatia,

insisting on the necessity of circumcision (Gal. v. 2, 11, vi. 12, 13),

inculcating nothing less than submission to the whole ceremonial law

(Gal. iii. 2, iv. 21, v. 4, 18), impugning his own credit, representing

him as no true Apostle, as having derived his knowledge of the Gospel

at second hand, and as nothing in comparison with James, Peter, and

John, the Pillars of the Church at Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 2, 9, &c.).

Their teaching he heard with the deepest sadness, had completely

_fascinated_[1051] (Gal. iii. 1) the easily impressible Galatians,

and already many had embraced their doctrines with the same alacrity

that they had welcomed himself when he proclaimed Christ crucified

amongst them. On receiving this intelligence, the Apostle deemed it

right to take instant measures for checking the evil before it became

incurable, and accordingly addressed them in an Epistle[1052], in

which he strenuously defended his own independent Apostolic authority

(Gal. i. 11, ii. 21), showed that the doctrine of these Judaizers was

calculated to destroy the very essence of Christianity, “to reduce it

from an inward and spiritual life to an outward and ceremonial system”

(Gal. iii. iv.), and exhorted them once more to walk in a manner worthy

of that state of freedom and not of bondage, into which they had been

called (Gal. v. vi.).

The Apostle’s present stay at Corinth continued upwards of three months

(Acts xx. 3), and he probably employed himself not only in convincing

and silencing the gainsayers who opposed him, as he had declared

he would (2 Cor. xiii. 1–6), and in visiting other churches in the

province of Achaia, but also in superintending the great collection for

the poorer Christians at Jerusalem, about which he felt so solicitous.

This collection was now completed, and certain treasurers were

nominated by the whole Church, with whom the Apostle was to carry it

on his contemplated journey to Jerusalem (1 Cor. xvi. 3).

Meanwhile a Christian matron, named Phœbe[1053], of the port of

Cenchreæ, was about to sail in an opposite direction to Rome upon some

private business. St Paul therefore availed himself of the opportunity

thus afforded of addressing an Epistle to the Church in that city,

which he already intended to visit speedily, and with the members

of which, though they had not _seen his face in the flesh_, he yet

appears, from the numerous salutations at the close of the Epistle, to

have been well acquainted. When this Church was founded is uncertain.

Christianity may have been planted in Rome by some of the strangers

from that city present on the day of Pentecost (Acts ii. 10), or by

believing Jews attracted thither in the early days of Christianity,

and who had been converted by St Paul’s own preaching. Whichever is the

correct opinion, the Church there appears to have been numerous, and

though in the first instance its members were probably Jews, who had

been converted in the eastern parts of the Empire, they had received

large accessions from the Gentiles (Rom. i. 13). Between these two

parties disputes had arisen respecting the obligation of the Mosaic

law, and while the one could not bring themselves to acknowledge their

Gentile brethren as their equals in Christian privileges (Rom. iii.

9–29, xv. 7–11), the other could not make sufficient allowance for

Jewish prejudices respecting the observation of days and the eating

of meats (Rom. xiv.). Long desirous of visiting the Church at Rome,

and probably informed of its condition by Aquila and Priscilla,

now resident there[1054] (Rom. xvi. 3), he deemed it his duty, as

the Apostle of the Gentiles, to compose the differences between the

two sections of the Roman Church, to lay down, in opposition to the

Judaizers[1055], the great doctrine of justification by faith only

(Rom. i.‒viii.), to explain the mystery of the rejection of the Jews

and the admission of the Gentiles into the Christian covenant (Rom.

ix.‒xi.), and to inculcate on all the duty of mutual forbearance

respecting the matters in dispute, and the need of a holy and a

Christian life (Rom. xii.‒xv. 13).

Anxious to visit Jerusalem before his projected journey to Rome, the

Apostle at the close of his three months’ stay in Corinth intended to

go by sea to Syria and probably from the port of Cenchreæ (Acts xx. 3).

Though, however, his intended visit to the Holy City had for its object

the supplying of the wants of the poorer Christians there by the great

collection, which had been so long in progress, he could not look

forward to it without grave misgiving, knowing as he did the inveterate

hostility of the Judaizers towards himself (Rom. xv. 30–32). But even

before he could set sail the enmity of the Jews at Corinth ripened into

a plot against his life (Acts xx. 3). He resolved, therefore, to make a

change in the proposed route, and instead of going to proconsular Asia

by sea, he went by land through Macedonia, Berœa, Thessalonica, and

Philippi, towards the spot where he had first landed on the shores of

Europe. His companions on this occasion were Sopater, a native of Berœa,

Aristarchus and Secundus of Thessalonica, Gaius of Derbe, and Timotheus,

and two Christians from proconsular Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus (Acts

xx. 4). The whole of this company did not at once cross over to Asia

with St Paul, but while he and Luke remained at Philippi, preceded the

rest to Troas. It was now the season of the Passover, and the Apostle

and his companion remained at Philippi till the feast was ended, and

then sailed from Neapolis, and after a voyage, which, probably from

unfavourable weather, occupied upwards of five days[1056] (Acts xx. 6),

reached Troas, and there joined the other disciples and abode seven

days. We have no details respecting the Apostle’s labours during the

early part of this week, but on the evening of the Sabbath preceding

the day appointed for the ship to sail, the Christians were assembled

in an upper-room, lighted up by many lamps, celebrating that Breaking

of the Bread which now formed so essential a part of their religious

services (Acts xx. 7). Impressed with the feeling that the morrow was

appointed for his departure, and that the present opportunity might not

again recur, St Paul was prolonging his discourse till midnight, when

overcome by weariness and the heat of the room, a young listener, named

Eutychus, sank into a slumber, and suddenly falling from the balcony

where he sat was dashed upon the floor below and taken up dead. Much

confusion thereupon ensued and no little lamentation (Acts xx. 10),

but St Paul went down and embracing the body said to the bystanders,

_Trouble not yourselves, for his life is in him_. Thereupon he was

taken up alive, and amidst joy and thankfulness the Eucharistic feast,

combined then, as was usual, with a common meal, was resumed, and the

Apostle continued his discourse till the dawn of day.

The ship was now ready to sail, and the Apostle’s companions went

on board. It was arranged, however, that he himself should join the

vessel at Assos, a little more than 20 miles distant, and thus secure

a few more hours with the disciples at Troas. To Assos, therefore, he

proceeded by land, and there embarking, sailed with the rest of his

companions to Mitylene, the chief city of Lesbos, and separated from

Assos by a narrow channel. Another day’s sail brought them to Chios,

whence having put in at Samos they lay to for the night at Trogyllium,

a cape and town on the Ionian coast. The following morning they got as

far as Miletus, the ancient capital of Ionia, about 50 miles south of

Ephesus. Here they landed, and St Paul, who was hastening forward to

reach Jerusalem, if possible, by Pentecost, sent a messenger to Ephesus

to request the elders of the Church to meet him there. They quickly

obeyed his summons, and the Apostle took leave of them in an affecting

and impressive address, in which he reminded them of his past labours

amongst them (Acts xx. 18–21), expressed his conviction that bonds and

imprisonment awaited him at Jerusalem (Acts xx. 22–24), and in the most

solemn manner warned them to tend the flock over which the Holy Spirit

had made them overseers, and to defend the Church of God, which He had

purchased with His own blood, against _grievous wolves_, which he too

surely foreboded would enter in among them (Acts xx. 25–31).

Having given them these warnings, and finally commended them _to God

and the word of His grace_, he knelt down on the shore and prayed with

them, and then with an outburst of natural grief they fell upon his

neck and kissed him again and again[1057], _sorrowing most of all for

the words which he spake, that they should see his face no more_ (Acts

xx. 38).

CHAPTER IV.

_THE RETURN TO JERUSALEM――THE TUMULT IN THE TEMPLE._

A.D. 58.

DEEP as was the grief of the brethren at the departure of the

Apostle, no long time could be devoted to its indulgence. The wind

blew fair[1058], and the vessel was ready to depart. With sorrowing

hearts, therefore, they accompanied him to the water’s edge, and there

tore[1059] themselves away from him and his companions. The voyage

was now resumed, and running before the wind the vessel soon reached

Cos[1060], off the coast of Caria, and on the following day the island

of Rhodes. Thence they proceeded to Patara[1061] in Lycia, where the

vessel in which St Paul had been hitherto sailing apparently finished

its voyage, or was bound for some place further east along the coast of

Asia Minor.

In the harbour, however, there lay a vessel just about to sail across

the open sea to Phœnicia (Acts xxi. 2), and without a moment’s delay

they went on board, and made sail. After sighting[1062] Cyprus and

leaving it on the left hand they made straight for the port of Tyre,

and reached it probably in two days. Here their vessel was bound to

unlade her cargo, and the anxiety of the Apostle as to reaching

Jerusalem in time for the Pentecostal festival being removed, he

resolved to remain at Tyre a few days (Acts xxi. 4).

A church had been probably founded at Tyre soon after the death

of Stephen[1063], and may have been already visited by St Paul

during one of his missionary journeys in the region of Syria and

Cilicia[1064]. However this may have been, the Apostle now enjoyed

a week of refreshing intercourse with the Tyrian disciples, and so

won their affections that on the day fixed for his departure, they all,

with their wives and children, accompanied him outside the city-gate

to the sea-shore. There the scene at Miletus was repeated, and after

prayer and mutual embraces the travellers proceeded on board, while

the brethren of Tyre returned to their homes, their hearts filled with

many forebodings, for prophets amongst them had intimated that danger

awaited their beloved teacher at Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 4).

Before evening the Apostle and his companions had reached

Ptolemais[1065]. Here the sea-voyage terminated, and the little company

spent a day with the disciples in the place, and then set out on foot

for Cæsarea. At Cæesarea Philip[1066] the Evangelist had taken up his

residence, and in his house St Paul found a welcome shelter. The family

of the Evangelist consisted of four virgin daughters, who all possessed

the gift of prophecy. Whether they gave the Apostle any intimations

of coming danger is not recorded, but he was not destined to remain

at Cæsarea long without receiving even more explicit warnings than he

had listened to at Tyre. At the time when news reached Jerusalem of

the Apostle’s arrival at Cæsarea, the prophet Agabus[1067], who had

predicted the famine during the reign of Claudius, was in the city.

Thereupon he straightway hastened to the coast and entering Philip’s

house, took St Paul’s girdle, and binding[1068] with it his own hands

and feet, declared in the name of the Holy Spirit that so the Jews at

Jerusalem should bind the owner of that girdle, and deliver him into

the hands of the Gentiles (Acts xxi. 11).

This explicit intimation of coming trials made a deep impression on all

present, and Luke, Trophimus, and Aristarchus, the Apostle’s companions,

with the Christians of Cæsarea, burst into tears (Acts xxi. 13) and

implored him not to go up to Jerusalem. Though deeply affected by

their grief on his behalf, the Apostle was not to be moved from his

deliberate purpose. He was ready, he declared, not only _to be bound,

but to die at Jerusalem for the Name of the Lord Jesus_, and finding

his resolution not to be shaken, they desisted from all further

intreaties, saying, _The will of the Lord be done_ (Acts xxi. 14).

The Festival was now close at hand. The Holy City was already

crowded[1069] with multitudes of pilgrims, and it was an important

matter to obtain a lodging. This an early convert, Mnason of

Cyprus[1070], whose residence was at Jerusalem, undertook to supply;

and with him the Apostle, his companions, and certain of the brethren

at Cæsarea, having made arrangements respecting their baggage[1071],

proceeded to Jerusalem.

On their arrival they were gladly welcomed by the brethren, and St

Paul could not but have rejoiced in their sympathy. The day following

they repaired to the abode of James, _the Lord’s brother_[1072], and

president of the church at Jerusalem, and there found all the Elders

assembled to receive them (Acts xxi. 18). Mutual salutation followed,

and then the Apostle recounted in a lengthened narrative all _that

God had wrought by his ministration among the Gentiles_, and doubtless

pointed with pride and joy to the contributions which the delegates

from the various churches he had planted had brought for the relief

of the poorer Christians at Jerusalem. The narrative made a deep

impression, and in united thanksgiving his hearers glorified God

(Acts xxi. 20).

In recounting, however, the progress of the churches in Galatia and

Achaia it would be scarcely possible for St Paul to fail touching

on subjects which would excite painful feelings, and rouse bitter

prejudice in many of his hearers[1073], and the peculiar dangers he was

liable to encounter in the Holy City soon became apparent. The assembly,

which had just glorified God for his success in heathen lands, began

to call his attention to the strength of the Judaizing faction in the

city[1074]. They told him it was generally reported and believed in

Jerusalem, among the thousands of converted Jews who still remained

zealous for the Law, that he forbade their brethren in foreign lands

to circumcise their children or observe the Mosaic customs (Acts xxi.

20, 21). This being so, it was advisable to do something that might

correct these erroneous ideas. It was impossible that the arrival of

one so well known could be concealed, and his public appearance might

lead to scenes of violence. They suggested, therefore, that he should

adopt the following course.

There were four disciples, who had taken a Nazarite vow, of which seven

days remained unexpired, who would at the close of this period present

the usual offerings[1075] in the Temple. Let the Apostle, then, join

himself to them, and defray the necessary expenses of the whole party.

This would prove in the most public manner his observance of Mosaic

ceremonies, and contradict the calumnies of his enemies (Acts xxi.

21–25). This advice, in which James the Just apparently acquiesced, the

Apostle wishing, if possible, to conciliate the church of Palestine,

was not unwilling to adopt. Accordingly on the following day, after

first performing the necessary purifications, he proceeded with the

Christian Nazarites to the Temple, and announced to the priests in

the name of his friends, their intention of fulfilling their time, and

awaiting the moment of the proper offering.

But the Apostle’s object was frustrated by circumstances that took

place on the very eve of the completion of the period of their

vow. Amongst the thousands present in Jerusalem were many Jews from

proconsular Asia, who recognised the able disputant, whom they had

so often been unable to confute in their synagogues, walking in the

streets with Trophimus the Ephesian (Acts xxi. 29). On one occasion

they saw him in the Temple-courts, and rushing to the conclusion that

he had taken his companion also thither, instantly sprang upon him,

shouting, _Men of Israel, help. This is the man that teacheth all men

everywhere against the People, the Law, and this place, yea, who hath

also brought Gentiles into the Temple, and profaned this Holy Place_

(Acts xxi. 28).

Roused to fury a mob quickly rushed towards the spot, and St Paul

would probably have been instantly put to death, had it not been for

the unwillingness of his foes to pollute the Temple with blood. They

therefore dragged him down the steps from the Court of the Women[1076]

into the Outer Court, and had no sooner passed, than the Levitical

guard closed behind them the Corinthian gates[1077] (Acts xxi. 30).

Once in the Outer Court they began beating the Apostle violently,

being clearly bent on putting him to death, and would have succeeded,

had it not been for a providential intervention. The commotion in

the Temple-courts had not failed to attract the notice of the Roman

sentries in the tower[1078] of Antonia, and they instantly informed

Claudius Lysias, the commandant of the garrison, that _all Jerusalem

was in an uproar_ (Acts xxi. 31).

Thereupon, without a moment’s delay, Lysias rushed down attended by

some centurions and a strong body of troops. The sight of the dreaded

arms of the Imperial forces brought the multitude to their senses,

and they left off _beating Paul_. The commandant then approached, and

apprehending the Apostle, ordered him to be chained by each hand to a

soldier[1079], suspecting that he was an Egyptian pretender[1080], who

had lately caused a revolt, and had hitherto baffled the pursuit of

the soldiers of Felix the governor (Acts xxi. 38). He then endeavoured

to ascertain from the bystanders who his prisoner was and what he

had done, but _some cried one thing, and some another_; and finding

it impossible to gain any information amidst the tumult, he ordered

him to be conveyed into the barracks within the fortress. Accordingly

the soldiers proceeded to remove the Apostle, but so furious was the

crowd pressing behind them with yells and execrations, that they had

to bear him up in their arms up the staircase. Just as they reached

the barracks, St Paul, addressing the commandant in Greek, enquired

respectfully whether he might speak to him. Startled at being addressed

in the Grecian tongue, Lysias in his turn enquired whether he was

mistaken in supposing him to be the Egyptian rebel. St Paul replied

that he was no Egyptian, but a Jew, a native of Tarsus in Cilicia,

_a citizen of no mean city_, and requested permission to address the

people. On which the commandant, influenced it may be by the aspect

and manner of his prisoner, at once gave his consent (Acts xxi. 40).

CHAPTER V.

_THE IMPRISONMENT AT CÆSAREA._

A.D. 58.

STANDING then on the stairs, and beckoning to the crowd with his

chained hands to invite their attention, the Apostle began to address

them in the Hebrew language. Charmed by the accents of their own

beloved tongue, the multitude listened with the deepest silence while

he tried to dispel their prejudices against himself. Beginning with

the well-known circumstances of his birth and education at Tarsus

and Jerusalem, he declared that he was a Jew like themselves, that

he had been brought up according to the strictest requirements of the

Law, and had hated, persecuted, and endeavoured to extinguish the sect

of the Christians (Acts xxii. 3–5). He then proceeded to recount the

wonderful circumstances of his conversion on the way to Damascus[1081],

of his blindness, cure, and baptism (Acts xxii. 6–16), and how on his

return to Jerusalem, as he was praying in the Temple, he fell into a

trance[1082], saw that Saviour who had appeared to him on his memorable

journey, and was commanded by Him to leave Jerusalem, and preach the

Gospel to the Gentiles (Acts xxii. 17–21).

Up to this point the multitude listened to the Apostle with the deepest

attention, but no sooner had he spoken of his mission to the Gentiles,

than they broke out into such furious cries of rage and indignation

that the previous clamour appeared as nothing in comparison. The

thought of uncircumcised heathen being placed on an equality with the

children of Abraham was unbearable. _Away_, they cried, _with such a

fellow from the earth, it is not fit that he should live_, and while

some flung dust into the air, others cast off their clothes, as if they

would stone him on the spot (comp. Acts vii. 58). This fresh outbreak

of frantic violence filled the commandant with still greater perplexity.

Unable to understand the language in which the Apostle spake, he could

only infer from the results it produced that his prisoner had been

guilty of some enormous offence. He therefore gave orders that he

should be conveyed into the castle, and, since other means had failed,

that the secret of his guilt should be ascertained by torture. As in

the case of the Saviour’s crucifixion[1083], a centurion was deputed

to superintend the scourging, and like a common malefactor the Apostle

was on the point of being stretched or fastened to the post to receive

the lashes, when he turned to the centurion and enquired whether it

was lawful to scourge one who was a Roman citizen and uncondemned (Acts

xxii. 25)? Astonished at such a question, the centurion ordered the

scourging to be suspended, and hurrying to the commandant, bade him

take heed what he was doing, for the prisoner was a Roman citizen. Upon

this Lysias himself hastened to the spot and enquired whether the news

was true, and on his replying in the affirmative, remarked that he had

purchased this privilege for a large sum, on which St Paul informed

him that he was free-born (Acts xxii. 28). Thus assured of the true

position of his prisoner, the commandant ordered the instruments of

torture to be instantly removed, and was in no little alarm at the turn

affairs had taken.

For the present, indeed, he was obliged to keep him in the Tower, but

on the morrow he determined to make a second effort to ascertain the

nature of his prisoner’s offence, and therefore summoned a meeting

of the Sanhedrin, and bringing down the Apostle from the Tower to

the hall Gazith[1084] placed him before them. Casting a steadfast and

scrutinizing glance (Acts xxiii. 1) on the faces of those assembled,

many of whom must have been familiar to him, St Paul began by proving

that he had lived a conscientious[1085] life before God up to that

very day. This assertion so offended the high-priest that he commanded

those standing near to strike him on the mouth, whereupon the Apostle,

filled with indignation at so brutal an insult, replied, _God shall

smite thee[1086], thou whited wall[1087]. For sittest thou to judge

me according to the law, and commandest me to be smitten contrary

to the law?_ To this the bystanders rejoined, _Revilest thou God’s

high-priest?_ and St Paul, recovering himself, answered that he did not

know or consider that Ananias was high-priest, otherwise he would not

so have spoken, for it was written in the Law, _Thou shalt not revile

the ruler of thy people_ (Ex. xxii. 28).

By this time, however, the Apostle had seen only too clearly that

there was little prospect of his obtaining an equitable decision from

his judges. Knowing, therefore, that there were both Pharisees and

Sadducees among them, and that however much they might be united in

persecuting him, they were sundered from one another by a deep gulf on

one important article of faith, he exclaimed, as indeed he could say

with truth, that he was brought to trial, because he had testified

of the hope of Israel, and of the resurrection of the dead (Acts

xxiii. 6). He had scarcely pronounced these words, when there was an

instant division in the Council. The Pharisees present were united

in his favour, and a hot debate ensued between them and the Sadducaic

faction, who denied any Resurrection and the existence alike of angels

and spirits[1088]. While the latter party were furious against him, the

former declared they could find no fault in him, and if, as he had said

in his speech on the stairs, an angel or a spirit had indeed spoken to

him[1089], they would not criminate him on this account.

A scene of great confusion now ensued (Acts xxiii. 10), in the midst

of which Claudius Lysias being afraid lest the Roman citizen should be

torn in pieces by them, ordered a detachment to go down instantly, and

bring him into the barracks. Thus the Apostle was delivered from the

most imminent danger, and in the evening his anxieties were relieved by

the appearance of his Divine Master in a vision of the night, bidding

him be of good cheer, and declaring that, as he had _testified unto Him

in Jerusalem, so he must testify also at Rome_ (Acts xxiii. 11).

The following morning however had hardly dawned, before a fresh danger

revealed itself. Disappointed on the previous day in their malicious

designs, more than forty of the Jews bound themselves by a solemn vow

that they would neither eat nor drink till they had put the Apostle

to death. Accordingly they went to the chief members of the Sanhedrin,

and proposed that they should present themselves before the commandant

and request him to allow St Paul to be brought down and placed a

second time before them, in order that they might resume the enquiry

so tumultuously interrupted, and they, on their part, undertook that he

should not reach the council-chamber alive, for they would murder him

on his way down from the fortress.

But their design in some way reached the ears of the Apostle’s

nephew[1090], who was now present in Jerusalem, and he no sooner heard

of the danger which threatened his uncle, than he obtained admittance

into the barracks, and imparted to him the intelligence. Thereupon St

Paul called one of the centurions, and requested him to take the young

man to Claudius Lysias, for he had something to tell him. The officer

complied, and conducting him to the commandant told him of St Paul’s

message. Claudius Lysias received the young man kindly, and leading him

cautiously aside enquired what he wished to say. The other thereupon

acquainted him with the plot that had been laid, and was dismissed

with strict injunctions not to divulge the fact that he had given this

information.

Thus assured of the danger that threatened his prisoner, and knowing

that he was responsible for his safety as a Roman citizen, Lysias

resolved to send him away that very night under a strong escort to

Cæsarea, and there leave him in the hands of the governor Felix.

Summoning therefore two of the centurions, he gave orders that 200 of

the legionary soldiers, with 70 cavalry and 200 spearmen[1091], should

be in readiness to proceed thither by nine[1092] in the evening. In the

meantime he wrote to the governor a dispatch, giving a fair and clear

account of the case, save in the statement that he had rescued St Paul

in the first instance because he had discovered he was a Roman citizen,

and in the suppression of all allusion to his intention to scourge him

(Acts xxiii. 26–30).

At the time appointed the escort was ready, and mounted on

horseback[1093] between the two Roman soldiers, to whom he was chained,

the Apostle was conducted from Jerusalem to Antipatris[1094]. Here the

soldiers halted after their long night-march, and while the cavalry

proceeded to Cæsarea, the legionary troops, no longer necessary to

the Apostle’s safety[1095], returned to the fortress of Antonia.

It was probably during the afternoon of the day succeeding[1096]

their departure that the cavalry reached Cæsarea, and the officer in

charge immediately delivered up his prisoner to the governor, with the

dispatch from Claudius Lysias. Felix[1097] read it, and enquired to

what province the prisoner belonged[1098], and having ascertained that

he was a native of Cilicia, replied that he would hear and decide his

case as soon as his accusers had arrived, and ordered that for the

present he should be kept in _Herod’s prætorium_[1099] (Acts xxiii. 35).

CHAPTER VI.

_PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS._

A.D. 58–60.

FIVE days after the Apostle’s arrival at Cæsarea his accusers made

their appearance, headed by the high-priest Ananias, certain of the

elders, and an orator named Tertullus[1100], whose services had been

engaged for this occasion. Accordingly, Felix took his seat on the

tribunal[1101], and Paul having been sent for, Tertullus formally

opened the case. After paying an adroit compliment to the procurator

on the comparative quiet which the land enjoyed owing to his vigilance

and energy[1102], he brought three charges against the prisoner:

First, that he was a pestilent mover of sedition among all the Jews

throughout the world, which amounted to a charge of treason[1103]

against the emperor; secondly, that he was a ringleader of the sect

of the Nazarenes; and thirdly, that he had made an attempt to profane

the Temple at Jerusalem. On these charges he declared the Jews had been

about to judge him before their own tribunal, when Lysias forcibly took

him away, and referred his accusers to the judgment-seat of Felix.

To these allegations the Jews present expressed their consent, hoping

doubtless that the procurator would hand over the prisoner to their

courts, where his fate would be soon decided. But Felix made a sign to

the Apostle to proceed with his defence, and he, after expressing his

satisfaction in pleading before one who had been so long familiar with

the nation, commenced replying to the charges that had been brought

against him. A disturber of the nation, he said, he was not, for on his

recent visit to the Holy City but twelve days before, he had neither

caused a disturbance, or even disputed in the temple, the synagogue, or

the streets. As to his being a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes,

he had never swerved from his belief in the Law and the Prophets; like

his accusers, he believed the doctrine of a resurrection, and strove to

keep a conscience void of offence towards God and man. As to profaning

the Temple, he had lately visited it as the bearer of offerings for

his nation, and to observe some of the strictest ceremonies of the Law,

not to gather together a multitude or cause a tumult. Certain Jews of

Asia, indeed, had brought an accusation against him, but they ought now

to have been present as witnesses, ready to bring forward a specific

charge, if they had any (Acts xxiv. 10–21).

Felix, who had listened attentively to the Apostle’s address, was well

acquainted with the character of the Christian religion, which had

not only penetrated into Cæsarea, but also numbered disciples even

among the troops[1104]. He was, therefore, in a position fully to

appreciate the weakness of the allegations against the prisoner, and

the misrepresentations of his accusers, and must have felt that the

only proper course was to pronounce his acquittal and set him free.

But this he could not make up his mind to do, and chose to reserve his

final[1105] decision till Lysias should arrive, and in the meantime

committed the Apostle to the charge of the centurion[1106] who had

brought him to Cæsarea, with instructions to keep him safely, but at

the same time to allow his friends[1107] to have free access to his

apartments.

A few days afterwards Felix entered the audience chamber with his wife

Drusilla[1108], daughter of the late king Herod Agrippa. Her beauty

is spoken of as something marvellous, and she had been induced by the

procurator to leave her first husband, Azizus king of Emessa, to become

his paramour. The two now sent for St Paul, and desired to have the

Christian doctrines explained to them. Accordingly before the Roman

libertine and the profligate Jewish princess, the Apostle preached

with his wonted faithfulness, and while he discoursed concerning

_righteousness, and temperance, and judgment to come_, Felix trembled.

But though he trembled, the profligate governor would not release his

prisoner from confinement. _Go thy way_, said he, _for this time; when

I have a convenient season I will send for thee_. He knew that the

Apostle’s relatives moved in a respectable sphere, and he had heard

him speak of sums of money[1109] intrusted to his care, and he wished

it to be understood that his liberation was not hopeless, if bought

with a suitable sum[1110]. Hence he frequently sent for the Apostle,

and conversed with him. But St Paul was not one to stoop to such

dishonourable means. He preferred to remain in confinement rather than

purchase his freedom with a bribe, and at Cæsarea he continued upwards

of two years, or from A.D. 58 to A.D. 60.

During this long period of suspense from active labour, it is not

improbable that the Gospel of St Luke was composed under the Apostle’s

eye, and it is possible that “many messages, and even letters, of

which we know nothing, may have been sent from Cæsarea to brethren

at a distance[1111].” Meanwhile the government of Felix became more

and more unpopular, and the disaffection of his subjects was increased

by a serious quarrel between the Jewish and heathen population at

Cæsarea, in which the troops sided with the latter, and committed gross

acts of butchery and plunder[1112]. This led to the recall of Felix,

A.D. 60; and anxious to conciliate the Jews, who had complained of his

administration at Rome, he left Paul in bonds (Acts xxiv. 27).

His successor was Porcius Festus, who like himself had probably been

a slave, and was one of the emperor’s freedmen. Three days after his

landing at Cæsarea he repaired to Jerusalem, and there was introduced

to the high-priest[1113] and leading members of the nation. They

instantly embraced the opportunity of renewing their machinations

against the Apostle, and requested the new governor to allow him to be

removed to Jerusalem, intending to assassinate him on the road (Acts

xxv. 3). Festus replied that St Paul was in custody at Cæsarea, whither

he himself was on the point of returning: the Roman Law did not allow

an uncondemned person to be given up as a mere favour: he must have his

accusers face to face, and be enabled to make his defence; if therefore

they wished to bring any charges against him, they must come down to

Cæsarea and there prefer them (Acts xxv. 4, 5, 16).

After a stay, therefore, of 8 or 10 days in Jerusalem, he returned

to Cæsarea, and the accusers apparently went down the same day. No

time was lost in putting the Apostle on his trial. The very next day

Festus took his seat on the tribunal, and ordered St Paul to be put

forward. Then the delegates from the Sanhedrin urged their accusations,

which appear to have been much the same as those brought forward at

the previous trial. But they were utterly unable to support their

statements, and the Apostle contented himself with a brief but emphatic

denial that he had done anything against the Law, the Temple, or Cæsar

(Acts xxv. 8).

The sincerity of his bearing appears to have told favourably with

the procurator, and he quickly perceived that he was involved in no

political movements (Acts xxv. 18, 19), that he had done nothing worthy

of death (Acts xxv. 25), and that the charges against him related only

to religious questions between him and his nation. Unwilling, however,

to allow a matter immediately to drop, in which the Jews evidently took

so deep an interest, he proposed that he should go up to Jerusalem, and

there submit to a formal trial in the presence of himself (Acts xxv. 9).

But the Apostle knew full well the danger involved in such a journey.

He replied, therefore, that he had done no wrong, as Festus himself

knew well, and that if he was guilty he was willing to die, but that

since the accusations preferred against him were really groundless,

rather than go up to Jerusalem, he would avail himself of his privilege

as a Roman citizen; _he appealed unto Cæsar_[1114] (Acts xxv. 11).

According to the Roman law, it was sufficient that a Roman citizen

should merely utter the words _I appeal_, and his case was instantly

removed to the supreme tribunal of the Emperor. After a brief

conversation, therefore, with his assessors, Festus merely enquired

whether he adhered to his determination, and then made answer, _Thou

hast appealed unto Cæsar; to Cæsar thou shalt go_ (Acts xxv. 12).

Though, however, the appeal had been allowed, Festus was in much

perplexity to decide how he might describe the charge against the

Apostle to the Emperor. It seemed to him a foolish thing to send a

prisoner to Rome, without at the same time specifying the charges

against him, but how to do this after the vague and unsatisfactory

information elicited at the trial appeared extremely difficult. It

happened, however, at this time that Herod Agrippa II.[1115], king

of Chalcis, with his sister Bernice[1116], arrived on a complimentary

visit[1117] to the procurator, and stayed some time at Cæsarea. Agrippa

had long been acquainted with all that related to Jewish customs, and

had, as we have seen, been invested by the Emperor with the power of

nominating the high-priest. Festus, therefore, gladly embraced this

opportunity of consulting one so much better informed than himself on

the points in dispute, and related all the particulars concerning the

Apostle so far as he was acquainted with them (Acts xxv. 14–21), and

more especially his reiterated assertion concerning one Jesus _who had

died and was alive again_. Agrippa, who could not have heard now for

the first time of the great doctrine of the Christian faith expressed a

desire to see the prisoner. To this Festus readily assented, and fixed

the following day for the interview.

Accordingly at the time appointed Agrippa and Bernice with much pomp

entered the audience-chamber, accompanied by their suite and the

chief men of Cæsarea, and at the command of Festus, Paul was brought

before them. As soon as the Apostle appeared, Festus in a set speech

detailed the circumstances under which he had become acquainted with

the prisoner, his appeal to Cæsar, and his own anxiety to obtain some

definite information which he might lay before his lord[1118] the

emperor concerning him (Acts xxv. 24–27).

Upon this Agrippa signified to the Apostle that he was permitted to

speak for himself, and St Paul stretching forth his manacled hands

proceeded to address his numerous and influential hearers. After

expressing his satisfaction at the opportunity thus afforded him of

speaking before one so well versed as Agrippa _in all customs and

questions amongst the Jews_, he went on, much as he had done on the

stairs leading up to the Castle of Antonia, to speak of his education

according to the strictest requirements of the Jewish law (Acts xxvi.

4–8); of the zeal with which he formerly persecuted the believers

in Christ; of the vision vouchsafed to him on the road to Damascus,

and the commission he had received to preach the Gospel amongst the

Gentiles (Acts xxvi. 9–18); and lastly of his unceasing endeavours to

carry out this commission, which had brought upon him the enmity of

the Jews, though his teaching was in strict accordance with the Jewish

Scriptures, and their predictions of the coming of a Messiah who should

suffer and rise from the dead (Acts xxvi. 19–23).

This address made no impression upon Festus. Regarding the idea of a

resurrection as foolishness, he ascribed the zeal of the Apostle to an

excited imagination, or the effect of over-study[1119]. Interrupting

him, therefore, he cried out in a loud voice (Acts xxvi. 24), _Paul,

thou art mad; much learning doth make thee mad_. _I am not mad, most

noble Festus_, replied the Apostle with dignified courtesy, _but speak

forth the words of truth and soberness_; and turning to Agrippa, who

had knowledge of these matters, and before whom he could speak freely,

he solemnly enquired whether he did not believe the prophets. But the

persuasive appeal glanced off from the heart of the profligate prince

to whom it was addressed. In playful banter or scornful sarcasm he

replied, _Lightly[1120] thou persuadest me to become a Christian_.

On which the Apostle, lifting up his chained hands, made answer, _I

would to God that, whether lightly or with difficulty[1121], not only

thou, but also all that hear me this day, might become such as I am,

except these bonds_ (Acts xxvi. 29). With these words this memorable

conference ended. Agrippa had no wish to hear more. He rose up with

Festus, Bernice, and their suite, and retired from the audience-chamber.

The case of the prisoner was then discussed, and it was agreed that he

was guilty of nothing deserving of death or even of imprisonment, and

Agrippa remarked that he might have been released had he not appealed

to Cæsar. But the appeal had been made, and to the imperial tribunal

the Apostle must go.

SECTION IV.

_St Paul’s Imprisonment at Rome._

CHAPTER I.

_THE VOYAGE FROM CÆSAREA._

A.D. 60.

AS soon, then, as it was actually decided that St Paul should be

sent to Rome, he was delivered over with certain other prisoners to

a centurion, named Julius, belonging to the “Augustan cohort,” or the

bodyguard of the Emperor, who always treated the Apostle with kindness

and consideration.

The ship selected was a vessel of Adramyttium, a sea-port of Mysia,

opposite Lesbos, which had probably touched at Cæsarea on a return

voyage from Egypt, and was now bound for her own port. In her the

Apostle embarked with Aristarchus of Thessalonica, the Evangelist

St Luke, the prisoners, and their guard. The wind was fair[1122],

and on the next day they put into Sidon, probably for the purposes of

trade, and here the centurion allowed the Apostle to go on shore and

receive the kind attentions of his friends[1123].

Loosing from Sidon they were constrained, by reason of adverse winds,

to run under the lee of Cyprus, that is, probably, along the north side

of the island, and thence, keeping nearer the main-land than the isle,

to catch the favouring land-breezes[1124], sailed through the open

sea of Cilicia and Pamphylia to Myra of Lycia, now a desolate waste,

but then a flourishing sea-port. Here the centurion found a ship of

Alexandria laden with wheat, which though bound for Italy had been

carried to Myra by the same westerly winds which had forced the vessel

of Adramyttium to keep to the east of Cyprus. To her, therefore, he

transferred his charge, and she set sail, laden with a heavy cargo and

upwards of 276 passengers (Acts xxvii. 37).

After loading at Myra, their progress was extremely slow, and in

consequence of unfavourable winds it was _many days_ (Acts xxvii. 7)

before they came over against Cnidus[1125], at the extreme S. W. of

the peninsula of Asia Minor. From this point their natural course

would have been by the north side of Crete and westward through the

Archipelago. But with a north-west wind blowing, it was deemed most

prudent to run down to the southward, and after rounding Cape Salmone

to pursue their voyage under the lee of Crete. Accordingly having

worked up with difficulty along the southern coast, they reached the

harbour of Fair Havens[1126], about 5 miles to the east of which was

the town of Lasæa.

Here they were detained a considerable time waiting for a

favourable change of the wind. But none occurred, and the Fast of the

Atonement[1127], which took place about the period of the autumnal

equinox, having passed, the navigation had become very dangerous. It

now became a grave question whether they should remain at Fair Havens

for the winter, or seek some other anchorage. St Paul advised that they

should remain where they were, and declared his conviction that any

attempt to pursue the voyage would be attended with loss, not only

of the ship and cargo, but also of the lives of those on board. But

the owner and master of the ship were of a different opinion, and the

harbour of Fair Havens being incommodious for wintering in[1128], the

majority decided for leaving at the first opportunity, and, if possible,

making for a harbour called Phœnix, on the south coast of the island,

and somewhat further to the west[1129]. Influenced by the words of the

mariners the centurion resolved to adopt this course, and all waited

anxiously for a change of the wind (Acts xxvii. 9–12).

At length the long-looked for change took place. A light breeze sprang

up from the south, and the mariners thought their purpose was already

accomplished. Weighing anchor, therefore, they set sail, hoping to

reach Phœnix in a few hours. Keeping close to the coast they doubled

Cape Matala, and were proceeding “with the boat towing astern (Acts

xxvii. 16), forgetful of past difficulties, and blind to impending

dangers[1130],” when suddenly a violent wind, called Euroclydon[1131],

came down from the heights of Ida[1132] on the Cretan shores,

and striking the ship whirled her round with such force that it

was impossible for the helmsman to make her keep her course (Acts

xxvii. 15). Consequently they were obliged to scud before the wind to

the south-west about 28 miles, when they neared the little island of

Clauda, and running under the lee of it, with much difficulty succeeded

in hoisting the boat on board, which was probably full of water. They

then proceeded to undergird[1133] the vessel, that is, passed strong

cables several times round her hull to prevent the starting of her

planks and timbers, and being afraid lest they should drift in to the

Syrtis[1134] on the African coast, lowered the gear, either reefing the

mainsail or lowering the great yard upon deck.

Having taken these precautions they proceeded, steering as close to the

wind as the gale would permit, and on the following day lightened the

ship by flinging overboard all that could be most easily spared. This,

however, relieved but little the strain upon her, and on the third

day both passengers and crew assisted in throwing out her tackling,

including probably the mainyards. Several days of the utmost anxiety

and incessant labour then ensued, during which neither sun nor stars

appeared in the sky, and the mariners having lost their reckoning, knew

neither where they were nor in what direction to steer, and gave up all

hopes of safety. But besides being wearied and dispirited, they were

suffering also from hunger, owing to the loss of provisions, and the

impossibility of preparing any food. On the 14th day, therefore, of

the voyage, the Apostle deemed it right to stand forward in their midst

(Acts xxvii. 21) with words of encouragement and hope. After gently

reminding them that all this harm and loss might have been avoided had

they taken his advice, he bade them be of good cheer, for though the

vessel could not be saved, not one of their lives should be lost. Of

this he was fully assured, for an Angel of that God, whose he was and

whom he served, had appeared to him in the night, and told him that he

should appear before Cæsar, and that God had given him the lives of all

on board; he, for his part, had no doubt that this would prove true,

and added that they must be cast upon a certain island.

What effect these words had upon the hungry and exhausted mariners

is not recorded, but we cannot doubt that it contributed not a little

to nerve them with fresh courage to meet the difficulties before them.

The storm, indeed, still continued with unabated fury, but on the

midnight of the fourteenth day as they were drifting through the sea of

Adria[1135], the sailors suspected from the roar of the breakers that

they were nearing land. On this they sounded, and found the depth of

water to be 20 fathoms. After a brief interval they sounded again, and

found it was 15 fathoms. Filled with fear lest the ship should strike

and break up, they thereupon let go four anchors[1136] by the stern,

and waited anxiously for the day (Acts xxvii. 29). During these weary

hours, the sailors, aware that the vessel might founder before dawn,

lowered the boat under pretence of laying out anchors from the bow

for the purpose of steadying the ship, but really to effect their

own escape, and leave the passengers to their fate. But the Apostle

penetrated their design, and addressing himself to the centurion and

the soldiers, declared that unless these remained on board they could

not hope to be saved. Thereupon the soldiers, with characteristic

decision, cut the ropes, and the boat fell off (Acts xxvii. 32).

Another proof of the ♦ascendancy which St Paul had acquired over all on

board was soon afforded. But a short space now remained before daylight,

and then fresh exertions would be needed. He advised, therefore, that

during the interval they should recruit their exhausted energies by

partaking of food. Then setting an example himself, he took bread,

gave thanks to God before them all, and began to eat. Encouraged by his

calmness, the rest did the same, and, strengthened by the meal, made a

final effort to lighten the ship by flinging overboard the cargo, which

by this time must have been spoilt by the salt water. While they were

thus employed, the long-looked for day at length dawned, and revealed

to the sailors a coast, which, however, they did not recognise. But the

sight of a small bay, with a sandy or pebbly beach[1137], revived their

determination, if possible, to run the vessel aground. Every precaution

was therefore taken. The cables were cut and the anchors cast adrift;

the lashings of the rudders[1138] were unloosed; the foresail[1139]

hoisted (Acts xxvii. 40), and the vessel was run on shore at a spot

_between two seas_ (Acts xxvii. 41). Here the bow stuck fast on a

bank of tenacious clay, while the stern began to break up under the

violence of the waves. Certain that the ship must very speedily go

to pieces, the soldiers, who were responsible with their lives for

the safe custody of their prisoners, afraid that some might swim off

and so escape, formed the cruel design of putting them all to death.

This, however, the centurion, resolved at all risks to save St Paul,

resolutely forbade, and ordered such as were able to swim to cast

themselves into the sea first, while the rest, some on spars, and some

on broken pieces of the ship, made their way to land; and thus, as the

Apostle had said, the whole company escaped safely (Acts xxvii. 44).

CHAPTER II.

_THE RECEPTION AT MALTA, AND ARRIVAL AT ROME._

A.D. 60, 61.

THUS flung upon the shore, the exhausted voyagers ascertained that the

island was none other than Melita[1140], at that time much uncultivated

and overrun with wood, and inhabited by a population of Phœnician

origin, who not being of Greek or Roman descent were designated

_barbarians_ (Acts xxviii. 2). But the reception they gave to the

shipwrecked crew proved that they were no savages, for hurrying down

to the beach, they eagerly afforded all possible relief to their wants.

The rain was falling in torrents, and the weather was extremely cold.

Lighting a fire therefore on the shore, they welcomed them all to its

genial warmth. Foremost amongst those gathering the sticks to increase

the much-needed blaze was the Apostle himself, and as he did so, a

viper came out of the heat and fastened on his hand. The incident did

not escape the notice of the islanders. _This man_, said they, _must

be a murderer: he has escaped from the sea, but vengeance suffereth

him not to live_. But the Apostle no sooner flung off the creature

without suffering any injury, than their feelings underwent an instant

change[1141], and they said that he was a god. Near the place where the

vessel had been lost, Publius, the Roman governor[1142] of the island,

had some possessions. For three days he entertained the shipwrecked

strangers with much hospitality, and the Apostle was enabled to requite

his attentions by miraculously healing his father, who lay afflicted

with fever and dysentery (Acts xxviii. 8). The fame of this cure

soon spread abroad, and others afflicted with disease repaired to the

Apostle and experienced similar healing effects.

After a stay of three months on the island, the time when the ancients

deemed navigation practicable again came round, and Julius secured a

passage for himself and his charge in another corn-ship of Alexandria,

which had wintered in the island, and was called the Castor and Pollux.

Laden with many presents from the grateful islanders the Apostle

and his party went on board, and setting sail put into the harbour

of Syracuse, where they remained three days. Thence they shaped a

course northwards towards the straits of Messina. But the wind was

not favourable, and they were constrained, after beating about (Acts

xxviii. 13), to put into Rhegium at the entrance of the straits, where

they remained one day. On the following morning a south wind sprang

up, and they were enabled to reach Puteoli[1143], the most sheltered

part of the bay of Naples, and the great emporium for the Alexandrian

corn-ships[1144], and here they were rejoiced to find certain of the

brethren, and abode with them seven days (Acts xxviii. 14).

At the end of this period the party commenced their journey towards

Rome, distant 150 miles. The first part of their route was probably

from Puteoli by a cross-road to Capua, thence along the Via Appia by

Sinuessa on the sea, Minturnæ, and Formiæ to Terracina[1145]. The next

stage brought them to Appii Forum[1146], whither the Christians from

Rome who had heard of the Apostle’s arrival at Puteoli, had come forth

a distance of 43 miles to meet him. Deeply moved by this proof of their

affectionate zeal, he thanked _God and took courage_ (Acts xxviii. 15).

Ten miles further on, at a place called the “Three Taverns,” a second

company was waiting to greet him, and thus in the society of numerous

friends whom he had probably known during his labours in the East,

the Apostle proceeded through the town of Aricia to the imperial city.

There Julius the centurion delivered up his prisoners to the prefect

of the prætorian guard[1147], an office held at this time by Burrhus,

one of the chief advisers of Nero (Acts xxviii. 16). Either influenced

by the favourable report of the centurion, or the tone of the letter

from Festus, the prefect allowed the Apostle to be kept separate from

the rest of the prisoners, and to take up his abode in a hired house

(Acts xxviii. 30), with the soldier to whom he was chained[1148].

Three days after his arrival the Apostle sent for the leading men

among the Jews, and sought to remove any prejudices they might have

formed against him from the circumstances under which he had entered

the capital of the West. Though, he said, he had committed no offence

against his nation or the customs of his fathers, he had yet been

delivered a prisoner into the hands of the Romans. They had examined

him, but could discover nothing he had done that was worthy of death,

and would have liberated him, had it not been for the opposition of his

Jewish enemies. Under these circumstances, not with any intention of

accusing his nation before the emperor, he had appealed to Cæsar. His

only crime had been his firm conviction of the reality of the promise

of the Messiah, and _for the hope of Israel_ he was bound with the

chains he then wore (Acts xxviii. 17–20).

In reply to this address the Jews assured him that they had received

no information[1149] to his disadvantage from Judæa, and none of the

brethren had arrived alleging anything against him. The Christian sect

they knew well was everywhere spoken against, and they would be glad to

hear from him any statement concerning its doctrines which he might be

willing to make. A day was accordingly fixed for the desired hearing,

and a considerable number repaired to the Apostle’s own private lodging

(Acts xxviii. 23), and from morning till evening he continued to plead

with them, delivering his testimony concerning the kingdom of God, and

opening up, both from the Law and the Prophets, the things relating

to Jesus Christ. The result was a division amongst his hearers.

_Some believed the things which were spoken, and some believed not_

(Acts xxviii. 24), and after much discussion the unbelieving portion

departed, but not before they had been warned by St Paul that they were

incurring the penalty of that judicial blindness of which the prophet

Isaiah[1150] had spoken (Is. vi. 9, 10), and that the inheritance they

renounced would be bestowed upon the Gentiles (Acts xxviii. 28).

After this address the Jews departed. The ways of the great Apostle

were not their ways, neither were his thoughts their thoughts. While

they retired to dispute concerning the Christian sect, he remained

in his own hired house, and there resided upwards of two years, still

indeed a prisoner under military custody, but permitted to receive all

who came to him, and to preach boldly the kingdom of God, and _those

things which concerned the Lord Jesus Christ_ (Acts xxviii. 30, 31).

CHAPTER III.

_THE FIRST IMPRISONMENT AT ROME._

A.D. 61–63.

BEYOND the point where the last Chapter ends, the sacred narrative,

contained in the Acts of the Apostles, does not conduct us. The

incidents connected with St Paul’s imprisonment at Rome, and his

subsequent history, must be gathered from various allusions in several

letters he wrote during this period.

His trial it would seem, then, was for a considerable time postponed.

His accusers, whose arrival was not even expected by the Roman Jews

(Acts xxviii. 21), do not appear to have reached Rome before the summer

or autumn of the year[1151] A.D. 61, and the necessity of obtaining

evidence as to the charges against him from Judæa, Syria, Cilicia,

Pisidia, and Macedonia, added to the fact that according to the Roman

law the witnesses both of the prosecutors and the accused must be

examined on each of the charges separately[1152], would necessitate an

adjournment of the case from time to time to suit the convenience of

the Emperor.

During, however, this long period of delay the Apostle was not

obliged to remain inactive. Allowed to live in a house by himself,

and to receive any who wished to visit him, he had many opportunities

of preaching the word, and the glad tidings of the Kingdom (Acts

xxviii. 31). Nor were his efforts fruitless. To use his own language,

he _begat_ many children even _in his bonds_ (Philem. 10), and through

the numerous and deeply attached friends, by whom he was surrounded,

he was enabled to communicate with many of the Churches which he had

planted. Thus there were with him at this time Luke, the beloved

physician, and his old companion (Col. iv. 14; Philem. 24); Timothy his

favourite disciple (Philem. 1; Col. i. 1; Phil. i. 1). Tychicus[1153]

(Col. iv. 7; Eph. vi. 21); John Mark, whom he had once[1154] been

obliged to reject as having abandoned the ministry, but who, he now

allowed, was _profitable to him_ (comp. Col. iv. 10, 2 Tim. iv. 11);

Demas, now, indeed, _a faithful fellow-labourer_ (Philem. 24); Col.

iv. 14), though soon, alas, to be drawn away by love of _this present

world_ (2 Tim. iv. 10); Aristarchus of Macedonia (Col. iv. 10); and

Epaphras[1155] of Colossæ (Col. i. 7).

But amongst these, thus ministering unto him, was one in whom he felt

a peculiar interest. This was a slave, named Onesimus, who had run

away from his master Philemon[1156], a Christian[1157] of Colossæ, and

had fled to Rome, where, amidst the vast population of the metropolis,

he probably hoped to escape the notice of his pursuers. Through

circumstances which have not been recorded, the fugitive slave became

acquainted with the imprisoned Apostle, and was converted to the faith

of Christ. There appears to have been something peculiarly attractive

in his character, and so useful did he prove in various private ways,

that St Paul would have kept him at Rome and employed him in the

service of the Gospel (Philem. 13), but, with his habitual regard

for the rights of others, he decided that he must first return and

be reconciled to his master; and to make this duty less painful, he

sent with him a letter[1158] to Philemon, in which he requested his

master to forgive him, and offered to reimburse any loss he might

have sustained by his running away (Philem. 19), and at the same time

expressed his thankfulness to God for the account which he had heard of

Philemon’s faith and love (Philem. 4–7).

But Onesimus was not to return to the East alone. Tychicus was on the

point of setting out thither also, and it was the Apostle’s wish that

he should be the bearer of a letter to the church of Colossæ[1159]. Of

the condition of this church he had heard through Epaphras, now present

in Rome, and who is regarded by some as its probable founder[1160] (Col.

i. 7), and the news was such as to give him serious concern. Through

the coming of some teacher, probably from Alexandria, the Colossians

had become imbued with a spirit of a half-Jewish and half-Oriental

philosophy, tending to corrupt the simplicity of their faith, and to

obscure the dignity of Christ by a spurious union of Jewish observances

with a worshipping of angels, and an extravagant asceticism. These

growing evils St Paul deemed his duty to counteract, and in the Epistle,

of which Epaphras was the bearer, set forth with special prominence the

eternal glory and inherent dignity of Christ (Col. i. 15–23), and after

cautioning the Colossians against false philosophy, legal observances,

angel-worship, and asceticism (Col. ii.), exhorted them to various

Christian virtues (Col. iii.‒iv. 6), referred them to Tychicus and

Onesimus for information respecting his condition (Col. iv. 7–9), and

requested them to forward the Epistle to Laodicea, and to read that

from the same place (Col. iv. 16).

As bearers of these letters Tychicus and Onesimus set out for Asia

Minor. But Tychicus was charged with another letter, the Epistle to

the Ephesians, either addressed to the Christians in the capital of

proconsular Asia, or intended as a circular letter for the use of

the various churches in that province[1161]. In this Epistle, the

thoughts and language of which betray a very considerable resemblance

to those employed in that to the Colossians, the Apostle, after

a summary (chiefly in the form of thanksgiving) of the Christian

doctrines (Eph. i.‒iii. 19), exhorted the Ephesians to unity (Eph.

iv. 1–16), the abstinence from heathen vices (Eph. iv. 17‒v. 21),

the faithful discharge of their domestic duties as wives and husbands,

children and parents, servants and masters (Eph. v. 22‒vi. 9), and

urged them, amidst surrounding dangers and temptations, to be vigilant,

and to array themselves in the whole panoply[1162] of God (Eph. vi.

10–20).

After the dispatch of these three letters in the spring of A.D. 62,

the Apostle’s heart was cheered by the arrival of a contribution from

the Philippians, brought by Epaphroditus, a leading presbyter in that

church. Though apparently in ill-health when he set out, he had, in the

face of some unusual danger, persevered in his journey (Phil. ii. 30),

in order that he might present to the Apostle this fresh proof of the

noble liberality of the church over which he presided.

Till the close of the year A.D. 62, or the commencement of A.D. 63,

Epaphroditus continued at Rome, and while tendering his services to

the Apostle fell dangerously ill. Subsequently, however, he fully

recovered, and was filled with anxiety to return to his friends at

Philippi, who he learnt were in much distress on receiving intelligence

of his sickness (Phil. ii. 26). St Paul was also himself anxious that

he should return (Phil. ii. 25, 28), and resolved to make him the

bearer of a letter to the Philippian church in acknowledgment of the

kindness he had experienced from its members. His own circumstances

were somewhat changed since he wrote to the Colossians and Ephesians.

Though what had befallen him had tended rather to the furtherance

than hindrance of the message he proclaimed, and his chains had become

_well-known throughout the whole prætorium_[1163] (Phil. i. 12, 13);

though also by the energy of the Apostle himself and of many of the

brethren no little impression had been made on the masses of heathendom

in the city (Phil. i. 14–18); yet the course of political events was

sufficient to excite considerable apprehension. The virtuous Burrhus

was dead[1164], and had been succeeded in the command of the prætorian

guards by Fenius Rufus and Sofonius Tigellinus, the former a man of

no capacity, the latter notorious for determined wickedness. About

the same time also Nero contracted an alliance with the infamous

Poppæa[1165], a Jewish proselytess, whose influence over the emperor

was strongly exerted in favour of the Jews, and in furtherance of their

cause.

The horizon, therefore, of the Apostle was dark and lowering, and he

could not look forward with the same confidence as before to his speedy

release (comp. Philem. 22 with Phil. ii. 17, iii. 11), but he could

write to the church he had planted at Philippi, and though the time

might be at hand for his blood to be poured forth as a libation (Phil.

ii. 17) over the sacrifice of his continued zeal in his Master’s cause,

he could rejoice in their progress and the tidings he had received

of their welfare (Phil. i. 3–5). In the Epistle, therefore, of which

Epaphroditus was the bearer, he expressed his heartfelt thankfulness

for all he had heard of their constancy under persecution (Phil. i. 29,

30), and liberality, which distinguished them above all other churches

(Phil. iv. 15); exhorted them to continued unity and fortitude, to

humility and earnestness (Phil. ii. 1–16); expressed his intention of

shortly sending Timothy to them (Phil. ii. 17–24); warned them against

Judaizing teachers (Phil. iii. 1–8), and urged two female converts of

distinction, Euodias and Syntyche, who had been guilty of strife and

altercation, to love and reconciliation (Phil. iv. 2, 3), and all to

a holy and a Christian life (Phil. iv. 4–9). With this Epistle, which

concludes with a significant salutation from the Christians in Cæsar’s

household (Phil. iv. 22), and points to the progress of the Gospel

there, even amidst the scenes of terrible wickedness[1166] now enacted

in the imperial household, Epaphroditus set out for Macedonia.

CHAPTER IV.

_ST PAUL’S SECOND IMPRISONMENT AND DEATH._

A.D. 63–68.

THE Apostle’s trial, as we have seen in the preceding Chapter, was long

delayed. At length, however, a time was fixed for hearing his case,

and after a trial in all probability before the Emperor Nero himself,

he was, according to the universal testimony[1167] of the ancient

Church, acquitted of the charges that had been brought against him.

Thus liberated he would be naturally anxious to fulfil the intentions

he had expressed in his Epistles to Philemon and the Philippians[1168]

of revisiting the Churches he had planted in Macedonia and Asia Minor,

and others, which had not as yet _seen his face in the flesh_.

Setting out, therefore, from Rome to Brundusium, it is probable that

he crossed thence to Dyrrachium or Apollonia, and so travelled by the

great Egnatian road to Philippi. We cannot doubt that the joy of the

Christians there would be great at being thus able to welcome once

more their revered teacher, but his stay there was not likely to have

been protracted; and proceeding to Asia, in accordance with his former

designs and intentions, he most probably fixed his head-quarters at

Ephesus, and thence visited Colossæ, Laodicea, Hierapolis and other

Churches[1169].

What time he now spent amongst the brethren of proconsular Asia is not

known, but it is not altogether improbable that in the year A.D. 64

he carried out his long-intended visit to Spain (Rom. xv. 24, 28),

and spent two years in planting churches amongst the numerous Jewish

proselytes in all the towns along the Spanish coast from Gades to

Tarraco[1170]. Thence we may believe he returned about A.D. 66 to

Ephesus, and found to his great sorrow that what he had long ago

predicted to the presbyters of that city, when they bade him farewell

on the sea-shore of Miletus (Acts xx. 28–31), had been too truly

fulfilled. Grievous wolves had indeed entered in amongst them, not

sparing the flock; nay, from the very bosom of the Church itself men

had arisen, _speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after

them_ (Acts xx. 30). Leaders of rival sects, Hymenæeus, Philetus,

Alexander (1 Tim. i. 20; 2 Tim. ii. 17, iv. 14, 15), had appeared,

perverting the minds of the disciples from the simplicity of the

faith, and blending with it the subtilties of Greek philosophy, Jewish

superstition, and wild Oriental speculation. Other duties, indeed,

prevented the continuance of the Apostle’s personal supervision of

the Asiatic churches, and leaving Timothy at Ephesus, he returned to

Macedonia (1 Tim. i. 3). There, however, he appears to have feared he

might be detained longer than he had anticipated (1 Tim. iii. 14, 15),

and, well acquainted with the peculiar difficulties connected with the

position of his beloved disciple, he addressed to him what is known as

“the first Epistle to Timothy.”

The main objects of this Epistle were two-fold, first, to encourage him

in the superintendence of the Ephesian church, and to aid him in his

struggle with the heretical teachers spoken of above (1 Tim. i. 3–20).

The second was to give him various personal directions respecting

the government of the Church itself, such as the manner of conducting

public worship (1 Tim. ii. 1–8); the dress and behaviour of women

(1 Tim. ii. 9–15); the qualifications of bishops and deacons (1 Tim.

iii.); the selection of widows to receive the charity of the Church

(1 Tim. v. 3–16); the punishment of offenders (1 Tim. v. 20, 21); and

his own life and conversation (1 Tim. vi. 11–19).

In this letter he also expressed his design of shortly returning to

Ephesus (1 Tim. iii. 14), and this intention he appears to have carried

out. Repairing from Macedonia to the capital of proconsular Asia, he

made an expedition thence to the island of Crete, accompanied by Titus

(Tit. i. 5). The churches there do not seem to have been now for the

first time founded, but to have already been some considerable period

in existence. Like those, however, in proconsular Asia, they were

“troubled by false teachers, and probably had never yet been properly

organised, having originated, perhaps, in the private efforts of

individual Christians, who would have been supplied with a centre of

operations and nucleus of churches by the numerous colonies of Jews

established in the island[1171].”

Unable, however, himself to remain long, the Apostle left Titus there,

as he had left Timothy at Ephesus, to complete what he had been obliged

to leave unfinished, and to organise the Church by the appointment of

presbyters in every city (Tit. i. 5). But shortly after his return to

Asia Minor, he deemed that a letter from himself might encourage him

to confront the opposition he was likely to encounter in carrying

out his wishes, and with this he resolved to send general directions

respecting the organisation of the Church. From Ephesus, therefore,

he dispatched an Epistle to Titus, in which he laid down certain

instructions concerning the ordination of elders (Tit. i. 5–9);

cautioned him against false teachers (Tit. i. 9–16); described the

sound and practical Christianity which he was to inculcate on old and

young, on masters and slaves, and to exemplify in his own life (Tit.

ii. 1–15); and enjoined obedience to rulers, gentleness and forbearance

towards all men, and an avoidance of all idle speculations (Tit. iii.

1–11).

At the time of writing this Epistle it was not St Paul’s intention

that Titus should remain long in Crete. He himself was on the point

of leaving Asia for Nicopolis[1172], intending to winter there (Tit.

iii. 12). On the arrival, therefore of Artemas or Tychicus, whom

he intended to send to him, Titus was to endeavour to join him.

Accordingly setting out from Ephesus the Apostle repaired to Miletus

(2 Tim. iv. 20), and there left his old companion Trophimus[1173],

who was overtaken with sickness. Thence he sailed to Corinth, and

leaving there Erastus, the former chamberlain of that city, passed on

to Nicopolis[1174], where he would seem to have laboured for a space

during the winter.

At this time however the Christians had become distinguished from the

Jews, and the objects of suspicion and hostility, and the Apostle’s

labours at Nicopolis were brought to an abrupt conclusion. Arrested it

is not improbable, before the middle of the winter[1175], through the

restless activity of some of his many enemies, he was sent to Rome to

be tried a second time for his life. The terror of his arrest scattered

many of his friends. Demas from love of _this present world_ forsook

him and departed to Thessalonica, Crescens to Galatia, and Titus

himself, who had joined his master at Nicopolis, possibly by his desire,

repaired to the neighbouring Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 10). Luke alone

remained in constant attendance on the Apostle, and shared with him the

perils of his second imprisonment at Rome. This was evidently far more

severe than the previous one. Not only was he chained to a soldier, but

he was treated as a malefactor (2 Tim. ii. 9), and so perilous was it

to visit him that few were willing to seek out his dungeon or to stand

by him (2 Tim. i. 16, iv. 16), while he himself could look forward to

nothing but certain martyrdom (2 Tim. iv. 6–8).

The course of political events sufficiently accounts for the change in

the Apostle’s circumstances. Anxious to avert from himself the charge

of having set the capital on fire, Nero had let loose the rage of the

populace upon the Christians, now very numerous and objects of intense

hatred. A familiar passage in the writings of Tacitus[1176] tells us

how some of them were crucified, some hunted to death with dogs, some

wrapped in robes smeared with pitch and set on fire at night before

the eyes of the Emperor, who watched their dying agonies arrayed in the

costume of a charioteer. Since then the fury of the first excitement

had passed away, but so prominent a ringleader of a hated sect as the

Apostle would be certain to be treated with much severity.

On the evidence therefore of certain informers, of whom _Alexander the

coppersmith_ apparently was one (2 Tim. iv. 14), he was put upon his

trial, probably before the city prefect[1177], in one of the numerous

basilicas that stood in the Forum. No friend, no adviser, stood by him

(2 Tim. iv. 16), to cheer or to encourage. Alone and unaided, save by

an Almighty though Invisible Friend (2 Tim. iv. 17), he pleaded the

cause of the Gospel before a numerous audience, and _all the Gentiles_

heard his testimony, and the result was that of the first of the

charges brought against him he was acquitted, and _was delivered out

of the mouth of the lion_ (2 Tim. iv. 17).

Remanded back to his dungeon to await the second hearing of his case,

and not anticipating anything but an ultimate conviction, _ready to

be offered_ and convinced that _the time of his departure was at hand_

(2 Tim. iv. 6), the Apostle, though cheered by the society of Luke

and Onesiphorus (2 Tim. i. 16, 17), yearned towards the friend of his

earlier days, his own son Timothy. He longed to see him once more,

and though he was far away in Ephesus, discharging the duties of his

difficult position, he resolved to dictate an Epistle to him, bidding

him come with all speed to Rome, and receive his parting injunctions.

Accordingly, it was now that the “Second Epistle to Timothy” was

written, in which the aged Apostle, with the utmost tenderness and

solemnity exhorted his own son to diligence and stedfastness, to

patience under persecution (2 Tim. i. 6–15), and a willingness to share

in the sufferings of saints (2 Tim. ii. 1–16). In the event moreover

of his not arriving in time to receive his last injunction, he charged

him, with all the solemnity of one about to appear before the Judge of

quick and dead, to be faithful in all the duties of his office (2 Tim.

iv. 1–5), and cautioned him against the false teaching which now

threatened the very foundation of the Faith (2 Tim. iii.).

Whether Timothy did rejoin the Apostle, as he so earnestly requested,

and bring _the cloak_ for which with touching simplicity he made

request amid the rigours of the winter (2 Tim. iv. 13), is not recorded.

Some are willing to hazard the conjecture that he did[1178]; but

however it was, the Apostle’s second trial and condemnation were not

long delayed. As a Roman citizen, he could not be compelled to endure

the lingering tortures, which so many who shared with him the name of

“Christians” had lately undergone. But beyond the city-walls, along

the road to Ostia, the port of Rome, he was led forth under military

escort, to the place of execution; there the sword of the headsman fell

flashing down, and he obtained that Crown, which HE, whose faithful

witness he was, had promised to _all them that love Him_ (2 Tim. iv. 8).

NOTE.

Beside the Apostle, whose glorious career was thus closed by the

sword of the executioner, three and three only of the immediate

followers of our Lord hold a prominent place in the Apostolic

records――James _the Lord’s brother_, Peter and John[1179].

1. The main facts in the history of James, who was surnamed _the

Just_, have been already related, and we have seen how prominent

was the part he took at the Council held at Jerusalem[1180],

A.D. 50. He[1181] was the author of the first of the Seven

so-called “Catholic or General Epistles,” which he addressed,

apparently from Jerusalem, to the Jewish Christians residing in

Palestine, or scattered among the Gentiles, according to some as

early as A.D. 45, according to others as late as A.D. 62.

2. Our last notice of St Peter referred to the time when St Paul

_withstood him to the face_ at Antioch, because he _was to be

blamed_[1182]. Subsequently to this date we have no notices in

Scripture of his place of abode or of his work. It is probable,

however, that after completing the organisation of the Churches

in Palestine, and some parts of Asia Minor (1 Pet. i. 1, 2),

he resided for some time at Babylon (1 Pet. v. 13), where had

been settled from very early times an important community of

Jews[1183]. Hence, at some period between the years A.D. 63 and

67[1184], he addressed his first Epistle to the Jewish converts

scattered throughout Asia Minor, for the purpose of confirming

them in the Christian faith, encouraging them to endure the

persecutions to which they were exposed, and exhorting them to

refute the calumnies of their enemies by leading a holy life.

The time and place of the composition of his Second Epistle

are alike surrounded with difficulties. The most reasonable

conjecture appears to be that the Apostle wrote it in his old

age, about the year A.D. 68, either from Rome, where he is said

to have suffered martyrdom[1185], or somewhere on the journey

thither from the East.

3. St John, we saw, was at Jerusalem, when St Paul paid his

third visit to that city[1186], and was then regarded as one of

the Chief “Pillars” of the Church. His movements after this date

are shrouded in much obscurity. It seems most probable, however,

that after remaining for a season in Palestine, he repaired to

Ephesus, and laboured amongst the seven Churches of Asia Minor.

Thence on the authority of Irenæus and Eusebius we gather that

he wrote his three Epistles, according to some as early as

A.D. 68, according to others as late as the close of the first

century. During the reign of Domitian, A.D. 94 or 95, he was

banished to the isle of Patmos, and there wrote his Apocalypse,

and afterwards returned to Ephesus, where he died.

4. The writer of one other “Catholic” Epistle remains to

be noticed――Jude, called also Lebbæus and Thaddæus[1187],

the brother of James the Less, and most probably one of the

so-called _brethren of our Lord_. We find his name in the lists

of the Apostles (Lk. vi. Acts i.), but the only incident relating

to him recorded in the Gospel narrative is the question he put

to the Saviour on the eve of his crucifixion, _Lord, how is it

that thou wilt manifest thyself to us, and not unto the world?_

(Jn. xiv. 22). The place where the Epistle was written is not

known. Various dates have been assigned to it, some referring

it to A.D. 64 or 65, others to A.D. 75 or even later. The

readers are nowhere expressly defined; but the reference to

Jewish traditions (Jude 9–14) seems to hint that the Christians

of Palestine were the objects of his warnings against false

teachers, and of his exhortations to steadfastness in the faith.

APPENDIX.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.

I. THE JEWS UNDER THE PERSIANS.

PALESTINE. │ B.C.│ PERSIA.

────────────────────┼─────┼──────────────────────────────────────

Death of Nehemiah. │ 413 │

Jaddua, high-priest.│ 341 │

│ 334 │ Victory of Alexander on the Granicus.

│ 333 │ Battle of Issus.

Alexander visits │ 332 │

Jerusalem. │ │

│ 331 │ Battle of Arbela.

│ 323 │ Death of Alexander.

II. THE ERA OF THE PTOLEMIES AND SELEUCIDÆ.

PALESTINE. │ B.C.│ EGYPT. │ B.C.│ SYRIA.

────────────────────┼─────┼────────────────┼─────┼─────────────────

│ │Ptolemy Soter. │ 323 │

Ptolemy Soter │ │ │ │

captures │ │ │ │

Jerusalem, plants │ │ │ │

colonies in │ │ │ │

Alexandria & │ │ │ │

Cyrene. │ 320 │ │ │

│ │ │ 312 │Seleucus Nicator.

Simon the Just, │ │ │ │

high-priest. │ 300 │ │ │

Eleazar, │ │ │ │

high-priest. │ 291 │ │ │

│ │P. Philadelphus.│ 283 │

│ │ │ 280 │Antiochus Soter.

│ │ │ 261 │Antiochus Theos.

Onias II. │ │ │ │

high-priest. │ 250 │ │ │

│ │P. Euergetes I. │ 247 │

│ │ │ 246 │Seleucus Callinicus.

│ │ │ 226 │Seleucus Ceraunus.

│ │ │ 223 │Antiochus Magnus.

│ │P. Philopator. │ 222 │

Ptolemy Philopator, │ │ │ │

prevented from │ │ │ │

entering the │ │ │ │

Holy of Holies, │ │ │ │

attempts to │ │ │ │

destroy the Jews │ │ │ │

in Alexandria. │ 216 │ │ │

│ │P. Epiphanes. │ 205 │

Antiochus Magnus │ │ │ │

obtains Palestine.│ 203 │ │ │

Scopas recovers │ │ │ │

Judæa. │ 199 │ │ │

Antiochus regains │ │ │ │

Judæa. │ 198 │ │ │

Onias III. │ │ │ │

high-priest. │ 195 │ │ │

│ │ │ 187 │Seleucus Philopator.

│ │P. Philometor. │ 181 │

│ │ │ 175 │Antiochus Epiphanes.

Antiochus Epiphanes │ │ │ │

takes Jerusalem. │ 170 │ │ │

Persecution of the │ │ │ │

Jews. │ 167 │ │ │

Rise of the │ │ │ │

_Maccabees_. │ 167 │ │ │

Battle of Emmaus, │ │ │ │

re-dedication of │ │ │ │

the Temple. │ 165 │ │ │

│ │ │ 164 │Antiochus Eupator.

│ │ │ 162 │Demetrius Soter.

Death of Judas │ │ │ │

Maccabæus. │ 161 │ │ │

│ │ │ 150 │Alexander Balas.

│ │P. Physcon. │ 146 │Demetrius Nicator

│ │ │ │ (1st reign).

Jonathan Maccabæus │ │ │ │

murdered by │ │ │ │

Tryphon, and │ │ │ │

Accession of Simon│ 144 │ │ │

First Year of │ │ │ │

the _Freedom of │ │ │ │

Jerusalem_. │ 143 │ │ │

Murder of Simon: │ │ │ │

John Hyrcanus │ │ │ │

succeeds him. │ 137 │ │ 137 │Antiochus Sidetes.

John Hyrcanus throws│ │ │ │

off the Syrian │ │ │ │

yoke, and destroys│ │ │ │

the Temple on │ │ │ │

Gerizim. │ 130 │ │ │

│ │ │ 128 │Demetrius Nicator

│ │ │ │ (2nd reign).

│ │ │ 125 │Antiochus Grypus.

│ │P. Lathyrus. │ 116 │

│ │ │ 113 │Antiochus Cyzicenus.

│ │P. Alexander │ │

│ │ and Cleopatra │ │

│ │ joint rulers. │ 107 │

Accession of │ │ │ │

Aristobulus. │ 106 │ │ │

Accession of │ │ │ │

Alexander Jannæus.│ 106 │ │ │

│ │ │ 95 │Antiochus Eusebes

│ │ │ │ and Philippus.

│ │ │ 83 │Tigranes.

│ │P. Auletes. │ 80 │

Death of Jannæus; │ │ │ │

accession of his │ │ │ │

wife Alexandra. │ 79 │ │ │

Death of Alexandra, │ │ │ │

accession of │ │ │ │

Hyrcanus. │ 70 │ │ │

│ │ │ 69 │Antiochus Asiaticus.

│ │ │ 65 │Pompeius makes

│ │ │ │ Syria a Roman

│ │ │ │ province.

│ │P. Auletes │ │

│ │ driven from │ │

│ │ Egypt. │ 58 │

│ │Restored by │ │

│ │ Gabinius. │ 55 │

│ │Accession of P. │ │

│ │ Dionysus and │ │

│ │ Cleopatra. │ 51 │

III. RISE OF THE HERODIAN FAMILY.

JUDÆA. B.C. ROME.

───────────────────────────────┼────┼───────────────────────────────

Conflict between Hyrcanus and │ │

Aristobulus――Pompeius takes │ 63 │ Catiline’s conspiracy.

Jerusalem. │ │

│ 60 │ First Triumvirate: Pompey,

│ │ Cæsar, and Crassus.

Gabinius remodels the │ │

government. │ 57 │

Crassus plunders the Temple. │ 54 │ The Parthian War.

│ 53 │ Death of Crassus at the battle

│ │ of Carrhæ.

│ 48 │ Battle of Pharsalia; death of

│ │ Pompey.

Julius Cæsar appoints Antipater│ │

procurator of Judæa. │ 47 │ Julius Cæsar in Egypt.

│ 44 │ Death of Cæsar, March 15.

Death of Antipater. │ 43 │ Second Triumvirate――Octavius,

│ │ Antonius, and Lepidus; death

│ │ of Cicero.

Herod marries Mariamne. │ 42 │ Battle of Philippi.

The Parthians take Jerusalem: │ │

Herod flies to Rome. │ 40 │

Herod takes Jerusalem, and │ │ Antonius captivated with

becomes king of Judæa. │ 37 │ Cleopatra.

Murder of Aristobulus. │ 35 │

Herod summoned before Antonius.│ 34 │

│ 33 │ War between Antonius and

│ │ Octavius.

│ 31 │ Battle of Actium.

His kingdom increased by │ │ Death of Antony and Cleopatra;

Octavius. │ 30 │ Egypt becomes a Roman

│ │ province.

Murder of Mariamne. │ 29 │ Temple of Janus shut.

│ 27 │ Octavius assumes the title of

│ │ _Augustus_; division of the

│ │ provinces (see p. 147, n.).

Plot to assassinate Herod――He │ │

rebuilds Samaria. │ 25 │

Foundations laid of Cæsarea. │ 21 │

Herod proposes to rebuild the │ │ The standards taken from

Temple. │ 20 │ Crassus restored.

Erection begun. │ 18 │

Herod goes to Rome to bring │ │

back Alexander and │ 15 │

Aristobulus. │ │

Salome’s schemes against them. │ 14 │

Completion of Cæsarea. │ 10 │

Execution of Alexander and │ │

Aristobulus. │ 6 │ Tiberius retires to Rhodes.

IV. THE GOSPEL HISTORY.

PALESTINE. B.C. ROME. B.C. PREFECTS OF SYRIA.

─────────────────────┼────┼─────────────────┼────┼─────────────────

Birth of John the │ │ │ │

Baptist. │ 5 │ │ │

The NATIVITY OF │ │ │ │Pub. Sulp.

CHRIST――Death of │ 4 │ │ 4 │ Quirinus 1st

Herod. │ │ │ │ time (Lk. ii. 1).

Reign of Archelaus, │ │ │ │

Herod Antipas, and │ 4 │ │ │

Herod Philip (see │ │ │ │

pp. 144–146). │ │ │ │

Disturbances at │ │ │ │

Jerusalem. │ 3 │ │ │

│A.D.│ │A.D.│

│ │Tiberius adopted │ │

│ │ by Augustus as │ 4 │

│ │ his son. │ │

│ │ │ │Pub. Sulp.

│ │ │ 5 │ Quirinus (2nd

│ │ │ │ time).

Archelaus banished │ │ │ │

to Vienne in Gaul. │ │ │ │

Judæa becomes a │ │ │ │

Roman province │ │ │ │

and is annexed to │ 6 │ │ │

the prefecture of │ │ │ │

Syria. _Coponius_ │ │ │ │

the first │ │ │ │

procurator. │ │ │ │

The Census actually │ │ │ │

carried out (see │ │ │ │

above, p. 148). │ │ │ │

Rising of Judas the│ 7 │ │ │

Gaulonite. Quirinus│ │ │ │

appoints Annas │ │ │ │

high-priest. │ │ │ │

Visit of the Saviour │ │ │ │

to the Temple. │ 8 │ │ │

_Marcus Ambivius_, │ │ │ │

2nd procurator. │ 10 │ │ │

_Annius Rufus_, 3rd │ │ │ │

procurator. │ 13 │ │ │

_Valerius Gratus_, │ │Augustus dies at │ │

4th procurator. │ 14 │ Nola. Accession │ 14 │

│ │ of Tiberius. │ │

Joseph Caiaphas │ │ │ │

appointed │ 17 │Death of Ovid. │ 17 │M. Calpurnius Piso.

high-priest (see │ │ │ │

above, p. 149). │ │ │ │

│ │Jews expelled │ 19 │Cn. Sentius

│ │ from Italy. │ │ Saturninus.

│ │Influence of │ 22 │L. Pomponius

│ │ Sejanus. │ │ Flaccus.

_Pontius Pilate_, │ │Tiberius retires │ │

5th procurator. │ 26 │ to Capreæ. │ 26 │

Riots at Jerusalem │ │Herod Antipas. │ │

(see pp. 150, 151).│ │ in Italy, and │ │

The Preaching of │ 27 │ there becomes │ 27 │

John, and Baptism │ │ acquainted │ │

of Christ. │ │ with Herodias │ │

│ │ (see p. 168). │ │

Herod Antipas marries│ │ │ │

Herodias. War │ │ │ │

breaks out with │ │ │ │

Aretas. │ 28 │ │ │

Imprisonment of │ │ │ │

John the Baptist. │ │ │ │

Death of the Baptist.│ 29 │ │ │

The Crucifixion of │ │ │ │

Christ. │ 30 │Era of Seneca. │ │

V. THE APOSTOLIC HISTORY.

PALESTINE. A.D. ROME.

───────────────────────────────────┼─────┼─────────────────────────

The Pentecostal Effusion (May). │ 30│Banishment of Agrippina.

│ 31│Death of Sejanus.

Martyrdom of Stephen, Pilate │ │

deposed by Vitellius. │ 36│

Dispersion of the Christians. │ │Death of Tiberius,

Conversion of Saul, who spends │ 37│ March 16, accession

3 years in Damascus and Arabia. │ │ of CALIGULA.

Herod Agrippa appointed king of │ │Birth of Nero. Caligula

Trachonitis. │ 38│ orders his Statue to be

│ │ set up at Jerusalem.

Great disturbances at Jerusalem │ │

owing to Caligula’s order │ │

respecting his statue │ 39│

(see p. 393). │ │

Herod Antipas banished with │ │

Herodias to Lyons in Gaul. │ 38│

St Peter’s visitation of the │ │

Churches (see pp. 395, 396). │ 38│

Conversion of Cornelius. │ 41│Death of Caligula, Jan. 24,

│ │ accession of CLAUDIUS.

Spread of the Gospel to Antioch. │ 42│

Herod Agrippa I. receives Judæa │ │

and Samaria in addition to │ │

the tetrarchies of Philip and │ │

Antipas, and the title of ‘king.’│ │

Martyrdom of James. │ 44│Return of Claudius from

│ │ Britain.

Death of Herod Agrippa at Cæsarea. │ 44│

_Cuspius Fadus_ appointed │ │

procurator of Judæa. │ 44│

Saul and Barnabas sent to Jerusalem│ │

with contributions from Antioch. │ 44│

Return to, and sojourn at, Antioch.│45–48│

(i) _First Missionary Journey of │ │

Saul and Barnabas_ to Cyprus, │48,49│

Perga, Antioch in Pisidia, │ │

Iconium, Lystra, Derbe. │ │

_Cumanus_ procurator of Judæa. │ 49│

The Council at Jerusalem. │ 50│Birth of Domitian.

(ii) _St Paul’s Second Missionary │ │

Journey: he visits │ │

Lycaonia, Galatia, Troas. │ 51│Caractacus brought before

│ │ Claudius.

Philippi, Thessalonica, Berœa, │ │

Athens, Corinth. │ 52│

FIRST EPISTLE TO THE │ │

THESSALONIANS. │ 52│

At Corinth. │ 53│

SECOND EPISTLE TO THE │ │

THESSALONIANS. │ 53│

_Felix_ procurator of Judæa. │ │

St Paul sails from Corinth. │ 54│Death of Claudius,

Fourth visit to Jerusalem. │ │ accession of NERO.

(iii) _St Paul’s Third Missionary │ │

Journey_: │ │

Second circuit of Galatia. │ │

Reaches Ephesus. │ 55│Britannicus poisoned.

At Ephesus. │ 56│

FIRST EPISTLE TO THE CORINTHIANS │ │

(Spring). │ 57│

Leaves Ephesus for Macedonia. │ │

SECOND EPISTLE TO THE │ 57│

CORINTHIANS (Autumn). │ │

At Corinth. EPISTLE TO THE │ │

GALATIANS. EPISTLE TO THE │ 58│

ROMANS. Return to Jerusalem. │ │

(iv) _St Paul arrested, and sent to│ │

Cæsarea._ │ 59│Nero murders Agrippina.

Felix succeeded by Festus. │ 60│

St Paul sent to Rome by Festus. │ │

Shipwrecked at Malta (Winter). │ 60│Agricola in Britain.

Reaches Rome. │ 61│Tacitus born.

EPISTLE TO PHILEMON (Spring) │ │

EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. │ │

EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. │ 62│Death of Burrhus. Nero

EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS │ │ marries Poppæa.

(Autumn). │ │

Albinus succeeds Festus. │ 63│Tigellinus, prætorian

│ │ prefect.

EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. (?) │ │

(v) _St Paul’s acquittal_; journey │ │

to Philippi and Asia Minor. │ 63│

Journey to Spain (?) │ 64│Great Fire at Rome.

│ │ Persecution of the

│ │ Christians.

Returns to Asia Minor (?) │ 66│Vespasian commands in

│ │ Judæa.

Journey to Macedonia. │ │

FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. │ 67│

Voyage to Crete with Titus. │ │

EPISTLE TO TITUS from Asia Minor │ │

(Autumn). │ │

At Nicopolis (Winter). │ │

Second Imprisonment at Rome. │ │

SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. │ 68│

Martyrdom (May or June). │ 68│Death of Nero,

│ │ June 9 or 11.

VI. THE HERODIAN FAMILY.

HEROD THE GREAT,

SON OF ANTIPATER, PROCURATOR OF JUDÆA,

married │ │ │

successively │ │ │

ten wives, │ │ grand │ great grand

of whom were │ children │ children │ children

─────────────┼─────────────────┴─────────────────┴─────────────────

Doris │Antipater

─────────────┼─────────────────────────────────────────────────────

│Alexander.

├─────────────────┬─────────────────┬─────────────────

│ │ │Herod Agrippa II.

│ │ │ Acts xxv. 13.

│ │ ├─────────────────

│ │Herod Agrippa I. │Bernice.

│ │ Acts xii. 1. │ Acts xxv. 13.

│ │ ├─────────────────

Mariamne I. │ │ │Drusilla.

│Aristobulus. │ │ Acts xxiv. 24.

│ ├─────────────────┴─────────────────

│ │Herod, king of

│ │ Chalcis.

│ ├───────────────────────────────────

│ │Herodias.

│ │ Mark vi. 17.

─────────────┼─────────────────┴───────────────────────────────────

│Herod Philip,

│ disinherited

│ by Herod; first

Mariamne II. │ husband of

│ Herodias.

│ Mark vi. 17.

─────────────┼─────────────────────────────────────────────────────

│Archelaus,

│ Ethnarch of

│ Judæa, Samaria,

│ and Ituræa.

│Matt. ii. 22.

├─────────────────────────────────────────────────────

Malthace. │Herod Antipas,

│ Tetrarch of

│ Galilee and

│ Peræa; second

│ husband of

│ Herodias. Luke

│ iii. Mark vi.

─────────────┼─────────────────────────────────────────────────────

│Philip, Tetrarch

Cleopatra. │ of Trachonitis

│ and Idumæa.

INDEX.

A.

Aceldama,

conjectures upon, 297

Acra,

fortress in Jerusalem, 21, 36, 37, 42;

besieged by Jonathan Maccabæus, 47;

demolished by Simon Maccabæus, 53

Adida,

position of, 51

Æneas,

healed by St Peter, 394

Ænon,

St John Baptist at, 167

Agabus,

famine prophesied by, 403;

his interview with St Paul at Cæsarea, 482

Agony,

of Christ, the, 286

Agrippa.

See Herod

Alcimus,

the High-priest, 39;

opposes Judas Maccabæus, 40;

flies to Antioch, 40;

his reinstatement and death, 42

Alexander Jannæus,

succeeds Aristobulus, 62;

defeated by Lathyrus, 62;

opposed by the Pharisees, 63;

civil war under, 64;

his cruelties and death, 64

Alexander the coppersmith,

conjectures concerning, 470, 526

Alexander the Great,

his victories over the Persians, 5;

visit to Jerusalem, 6;

historic grounds for this, 7;

grants privileges to the Jews, 7;

division of his empire at his death, 8

Alexandra,

succeeds Alexander Jannæus, 64;

her death, 65

Alexandra,

mother-in-law of Mariamne, 83;

imprisoned by Herod the Great, 85;

put to death, 90

Alexandria,

Jews established at, 7, 8;

besieged by Antiochus Epiphanes, 23

Alexandria Troas,

account of, 438;

St Paul there, 472

Amphipolis,

situation of, 445

Ananias,

death of, 357

Ananias,

of Damascus, 385;

his mission to St Paul, 386

Andrew, St,

call of, 159, 177, 187;

with Christ on Mount Olivet, 276

Andronicus, deputy of Syria,

kills Onias III., 22;

his execution, 22

Angel,

releases the Twelve from prison, 359;

delivers St Peter, 406

Angels,

at the sepulchre, 321, 322, 324

Anna,

her testimony concerning Christ, 138

Annas,

appointed High-priest and Sagan, 149;

Christ at his house, 289;

his hostility to the Christians, 353, 359

Antigonus,

defeated by Ptolemy Soter, 9

Antigonus,

son of Aristobulus, 73;

attempts to gain the throne, 78;

his success, 79;

overcome by Herod the Great, 81;

his death, 82

Antigonus,

son of Hyrcanus, 59;

his assassination, 61

Antioch,

founded by Seleucus, 10;

settlement of Jews at, 10, 107;

early Christian church at, 401;

teaching of St Paul and Barnabas at, 402, 422, 429;

the term Christians first applied there, 403;

disputes at, 423, 430

Antioch in Pisidia,

St Paul’s sermon at, 414;

the Apostles expelled from, 416

Antiochus Epiphanes,

accession of, 3, 19;

reduces Egypt, 22;

takes Jerusalem, 22;

profanes and plunders the Temple, 23;

his attacks on Alexandria, 23, 24;

his character, 25;

his persecution of the Jews, 26;

his death, 37

Antiochus Eupator,

38

Antiochus Sidetes,

King of Syria, 55;

besieges Jerusalem, 58;

his death, 59

Antiochus the Great,

defeated at Raphia, 13;

captures Jerusalem, 14;

the Jews submit to him, 15;

his reverses, 17;

and death, 18

Antiochus Theos,

king of Syria, 48;

murdered by Tryphon, 52

Antipater,

governor of Idumæa, 66, 70, 71;

his exertions for Julius Cæsar, 73;

appointed procurator of Judæa, 74;

poisoned, 76

Antipater,

son of Herod the Great, 98, 100;

plots against his father, 102;

his condemnation 103;

and death, 105

Antipatris,

situation of, 99

Antonia, the Temple fortress,

erected by Herod the Great, 91;

St Paul’s address from the steps of, 487

Apollonia,

account of, 446

Apollonius, Syrian general,

his cruelties at Jerusalem, 26;

his defeat and death, 31

Apollos,

at Ephesus and Corinth, 460

Apostles,

call of the first four, 177;

the Twelve selected, 187;

powers conferred upon them, 202;

committed to prison, and released by an angel, 359;

tried before the Sanhedrin, 360;

their dismissal 362

Apostolic history, the,

chronological table of, 533

Aquila,

St Paul’s friend, at Corinth 454;

accompanies him to Ephesus, 459;

her connection with St Paul, 461, 469, 471;

residence at Rome, 476

Arabia,

conjectures on St Paul’s visit to, 387

Aramæan Jews,

origin of, 109

Archelaus,

accession and character of, 142;

his dominions, 144;

his cruelty and banishment, 146

Aretas, king of Arabia,

besieges Jerusalem, 66;

his hostilities with Herod Antipas, 388

Arimathæa,

conjectures upon, 318

Aristobulus,

son of Alexander Jannæus, 65;

usurps the throne, 66;

besieged in Jerusalem, 66, 69;

taken captive to Rome, 69, 71;

his death, 72

Aristobulus,

son of Hyrcanus, 59;

seizes the supreme power, 61;

his tragical death, 62

Aristobulus, brother-in-law of Herod the Great,

made High-priest by him, 83;

who causes his death, 84

Artemis.

See Diana

Ascension,

the, site of, 338

Ashdod or Azotus,

34;

Philip the deacon at, 378

Asia,

Roman province of, 344

Asiarchs,

the officers so called, 460

Asmonæan dynasty,

commencement of, 45;

its decline, 61;

its extinction, 82

Assideans, the,

30, 116

Athens,

settlement of Jews there, 108;

St Paul at, 449

Attaleia,

position of, 413

Augustus,

emperor of Rome, 90;

his decree of taxation, 134;

his death, 149

Auranitis,

situation of, 145

Azotus.

See Ashdod

B.

Bacchides,

Syrian general, 35, 40, 42, 43

Bagoses, Persian general,

advances on Jerusalem, 4

Balas,

opposes Demetrius, 44;

his success, 45;

confers the High-priesthood on Jonathan Maccabæus, 45;

his defeat and death, 47

Barabbas,

the robber, 303

Baris,

the Temple fortress, 53, 61, 65, 91

Barnabas, St,

his liberality, 356;

first recognises St Paul, 389;

his mission to Antioch, 402;

accompanies St Paul, 411;

with him at Cyprus, 411;

Pamphylia, 413;

Pisidian Antioch, 414;

Iconium, 417;

Lystra, 418;

at the disputes at Antioch, 422;

attends the Council at Jerusalem, 425;

separates from St Paul, 432

Barsabas, Joseph,

nominated for the Apostleship, 342

Barsabas, Judas,

at Antioch, 429

Bartholomew, or Nathanael,

call of, 159, 187

Bartimæus,

the healing of, 258

Batanæa,

situation of, 145

Batlanim,

their duties, 111

Beautiful Gate, the,

of the Temple, 96;

the cripple healed there, 350

Berœa,

settlement of Jews there, 108;

its position, 448

Bethabara.

See Bethany

Bethany,

St John Baptist at, 153;

sojourn of Christ at, 239;

its situation, 239;

death and raising of Lazarus at, 248;

Christ’s last Sabbath at, 259;

His anointment there by Mary, 260;

the Ascension near, 337

Bethesda,

pool of, 172;

the paralytic healed there, 172

Beth-horon,

defeat of the Syrians at, 32

Bethlehem,

Christ born there, 136;

the shepherds at, 137;

the declared birthplace of the Messiah, 140;

murder of children there, 141

Bethphage,

supposed position of, 261

Bethsaida-Julias,

situation of, 204;

the blind man restored at, 218

Bethsaida, Western,

situation of, 208

Beth-sura or Beth-zur,

fortress of, 36;

besieged by Lysias, 38

Betrayal, the,

of Christ, 287

Brethren, the,

of the Lord, names of, 228

C.